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The cultural context in India undeniably aggravates women’s mental health concerns, emphasizing the need for gender-specific mental healthcare.

There’s no doubt about the fact that the world has witnessed significant advancements in healthcare and societal norms over the past century. However, hushed conversations around mental health persist, especially when it comes to women. It was not very long ago that women in the Western world were put through procedures as invasive and barbaric as lobotomies under the guise of mental health treatment. While methods have definitely evolved, the stigma surrounding women’s mental health and the lack of adequate care are problems that still very much endure.

It is widely accepted in medicine that gender is a key determinant of mental health, as there are differences in the needs and experiences of people of different genders. Biological differences (in addition to social factors) keep women more vulnerable than men to mental health disorders. Estrogen and progesterone make women more susceptible to developing fear and anxiety as they regulate mood and cognition. Reproductive health and pregnancy-related mental illnesses also contribute to the disproportion. However, in India specifically, another reason for the need for gender-specific care is realized when we look at the intensity of how social factors determine women’s mental health in India.

The patriarchy is not unique to our country, but the ways in which it is upheld today are strikingly more severe than most. The preference for the male child and subsequent lower educational status of women, stricter standards for behaviour, early marriage, and the subservient role in the marriage household are all common parts of the lifestyle of an average Indian woman. These factors, coupled with the alarming rates of domestic violence, contribute to the occurrence and treatment of mental health disorders among Indian women.

As of October 2021, the majority of those facing mental health issues in India were women, but the obstacles associated with seeking assistance deterred them from doing so. Women in Indian society are expected to be the sole caretakers of not just the children in the family but also the adults. Even in ‘modern’ households where they might not exactly be expected to do so, women tend to assume responsibility for the same because such are the effects of deeply ingrained patriarchy. When women barely give up on such ‘duties’ while physically sick, it’s easy to understand why a study mentioned that they are apprehensive to seek mental health care in fear of being rendered useless and becoming a burden to their families. In fact, that is exactly how society perceives women with serious mental health struggles, as a study showed that such women are twice as likely to experience physical and sexual abuse as the general female population in India.

It is thus very evident that gender-specific mental health care is an imperative in India, and although we’ve seen notable progress in the past decade, it unfortunately remains accessible primarily to a privileged demographic within the metropolitan cities. The path towards extending this care to all of India will require elevating societal awareness, encouraging open dialogue, and advocating for reforms in healthcare policy. It is a long road, but one that needs to commence because women’s mental health is not some marginal concern but an integral component of society’s well-being.

Read also: Who Protects Our ‘Safe’ Spaces?

Featured image credits: ABP Live

Arshiya Pathania

[email protected]

The following piece seeks to present yet another easily dismissive view (read rant) of a Muslim in India. All names, people and incidents mentioned are NOT fictitious. Resemblance to any past event of dictatorship and fascism is NOT AT ALL coincidental. Any attempt to debase the piece as “anti-national” comes from a shrouded majoritarian privilege.

Few days back while I was flipping through the memories laden pages of my eleventh standard Political Science NCERT textbook revelling on the old nostalgia, I chanced upon Faiz Ahmed Faiz lines in one of the cartoons.

Hum to thahre ajnabi kitni mulakato ke baad

Khoon ke dhabbe dhulenge kitni barsaaton ke baad

(We remain strangers even after so many meetings

Blood stains remain even after so many rains.)

Indeed, the ongoing insurgency of our once dear democracy in the hands of the incumbent government gave new meanings to these lines. It is a known fact that the constant othering of the Muslims and other minorities has been normalised and conveniently subsumed in the state apparatus in the recent years. This manufacturing of hatred by the ruling party is certainly not a new phenomenon, but the extent to which it is practiced is certainly something that cannot be easily dismissed. The dehumanisation and humiliation experienced by certain sections of the people, especially religious minorities, cannot be easily language-d.

An imam stabbed and shot to death in a mosque that was burnt to the ground. A young doctor, walking home, set upon by an armed mob who thrashed and molested her. A teacher asked a kid to slap his classmate. An MP ridiculing another MP “terrorist” and hurling dehumanising slurs in the Indian Parliament. The incidents which took place in India over the last few months (and are increasingly a common sight), are seemingly unconnected, yet the victims were united by a common factor: they are all Muslims.

“In the early days of my college, in a class of 80+ students, my friend who was sitting beside me and I were made to stand up, our identities assumed because we were wearing hijab and asked by one of our senior professor, in a very condescending tone, if we ever faced discrimination in India,”

-a second year student of Delhi University.

A socially identifiable Muslim that fits in the perfect imagination of a stereotypical archetype is often seen at odds with the usual surroundings–worthy of suspicion, stares and second looks. In times of blatant and unapologetic Hindutva outfit of the government, practicing religion in public has become an increasingly dangerous exercise. A burkha donned lady is more carefully and suspiciously frisked at the metro station so does a cap wearing long bearded Muslim is exoticised and immediately seen as out of the place. Last month, when the violence against Muslims broke down in several parts of the country, I remember my father telling me that he has removed the hanging from his car’s rear-view mirror that had the verses of Qur’an written on it, as a step towards “precaution”. Muslim families are increasingly moving towards, what they consider, “religious neutral” names like Alia, Amir, Ayesha etc. to avoid being outrightly identified as Muslims. People avoid putting nameplates on their front doors for the fear of becoming targets of Hindutva outfits in the next communal violence. In such a political environment of Right-wing extremism, the public practice of religion for the minorities is becoming difficult day by day.

Another second year student who wishes to remain anonymous expressed her grief,

“I see way too many people than I’d like, defending violence against Muslims by turning the table and just blaming the Muslims for committing the violence themselves. Most of the times it’s my acquaintances or even friends; it makes me wonder how they actually perceive me.”

Being an ordinary Muslim in India involves waking up to at least one Islamophobic news and then for the rest of the day dissimulating your own identity for the fear of being identified. After a point our identities are just subsumed in the mere everydayness of these stories of discrimination and violence. The identity of a Muslim is battered against the social realities of the present systemic state oppression and is mutilated every single day–the vilified hypersexual outlook of Muslims that feed into the insecurity of the hyper-masculine Hindutva narrative of the nationalist discourse. The ritualistic nature of endless and unresponsive humiliation has led to conscious effort to not socially “appear as Muslims”; running away from our own identities. Will an ‘Indian Muslim’ continue to be an oxymoron? How long will our words of endearment—ammi, abbu, bhaijan, aapa will be misappropriated to give perverse connotations? How long our citizenship questioned, our identities thwarted, our cultures denigrated and our existence diminished? Maybe in the end of the day, what remains is the tiredness and a helpless resignation when we are questioned and made to question ourselves—who are we?

Read Also: Islamophobia in Delhi University’s Student Community: A myth or Reality?

Image credit: The Indian Express 

Samra Iqbal

[email protected]

Against the background of an ongoing onslaught on the University’s gender-minority colleges, we seek to explore what it means to exist in DU’s so-called ‘safe spaces’ and why any threat to their sanctity must be dealt with the gravity of an ‘invasion’.

Introducing yourself as the student of a women’s college is an act that elicits a wide range of responses. From blatant objectification of yourself and your peers as ‘dream girlfriend material’ to feigned concerns about how the institutional absence of men is hindering your ‘holistic’ development, it is evident that gender-minority spaces are no safe haven from patriarchy. If anything, patriarchy operates in covert ways within and outside the walls of these institutions.

Beyond sexist stereotyping and disparaging remarks, it manifests as the very real and physical threat of gender-based violence, of which these students often become primary targets. As our campus witnesses a rise in public displays of male entitlement and territorial chauvinism, it is imperative that we learn to contextualise these incidents and understand that no violation of a safe space happens in isolation.

Before delving into the subject of gender-minority spaces and what threatens them, it is crucial to understand what these spaces symbolise for their students in the first place. The very need for exclusive spaces for women and gender minorities points to a history of sexual violence that has endangered these groups for simply existing in public. Delhi itself hosts the track record of being one of the most unsafe metropolitan cities for women in the country, with the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) recording 14,277 registered cases of crimes against women in the Union Territory in 2021 alone. The fear of violence is thus statistically backed up and deeply embedded in the collective psyche of gender-minority groups, who are forced to live much of their lives on ‘survival mode’.

In the midst of an overwhelming threat to life and autonomy, gender-minority spaces emerge as a cocoon of safety for historically marginalised groups. Hence, Priya Agrawal, a student of the Indraprastha College for Women (IPCW), Delhi University’s (DU) oldest women’s college established in 1924, comments,

There is a reason why our parents and relatives feel very comfortable with the fact that their daughter is in an all-girls’ college. They feel that she’ll be safe there.

In fact, this dichotomy between unsafe public spaces and the safe space of gender-minority colleges is epitomised by the daily experience of commuting to the latter. Any student of these institutions is all too familiar with the sense of relief that rushes over you as soon as you step inside your college gates and are no longer bound to check the length of your skirt or feel the gaze of a man staring down your chest. As Sobhana, a student of Miranda House, relates,

The journey from my house in Vijayanagar to the Miranda House campus, which is no longer than 3 minutes by rickshaw or 10 if you walk, gives me more trauma and catcalls than the entire day I spend on campus.

It is apparent why, despite the conflictual nature of the inner workings of these colleges, they hold sanctity as a form of ‘private space in public’ universities (to borrow author Shelly Tara’s idiom, who used it originally in the context of women-only coaches on the Delhi Metro).

All of this is not to paint gender-minority colleges as infallible institutions above any and all forms of discrimination. Caste, class, religion, queerness, and other social cleavages dictate the inner anatomy of these institutions, and indeed, the very notion of a ‘safe space’ comes to be contested in the face of social hierarchies and exclusionary cliques. Any sense of safety is accorded on the basis of privilege and it is crucial that we keep this intersectional standpoint at the back of our minds while examining the remainder of this issue.

So, it is not the case that DU’s gender-minority colleges represent some sort of progressive, feminist utopia, but more so that they unite students under the banner of shared experience and solidarity against patriarchal injustice. Payal Krishnan, an LSR alumna from the batch of 1996, says,

Even in a women’s institution, you would routinely face instances of internalised misogyny and homophobia, and it takes time and dedicated efforts to shatter. Just stepping inside a women’s institution doesn’t automatically make you a certain way. But luckily, we always had people come out in support of individuals and communities which were discriminated against, and that unwavering support and dedication towards creating a safe space is what mattered.

Despite the numerous problems that permeate such institutions, she speaks of a “culture of cooperation, respect, and holistic growth” and concludes, “There is power in the collective.” This power—this collective front put up against the omnipresent violence of gender norms—is what poses an existential threat to patriarchy. While it is not within the scope of this article to delve into the rich history of these colleges, it is true that dominant society has always felt a sense of unease in the presence of such highly-educated and liberated women. Whether it be the 1990s matrimonial ads declaring ‘Girls from JNU, LSR or Miranda House need not apply’ or the aforementioned judgemental remarks, the autonomy of gender-minority spaces has always existed as an open challenge to the hetero-patriarchal foundations of our society.

Perhaps it is this challenge, this daring not to conform, that has resulted in the repeated targeting of these spaces and attempts to infringe upon their boundaries. Case in point is that of the recent DUSU election campaigning rallies that have barged into women-only campuses, but also of much earlier incidents, such as the 2020 Gargi College fest, the 2022 Miranda House Diwali mela, and the 2023 IPCW fest. It is evident that these are not isolated incidents but rather a pattern of invasions that legitimises male entitlement to spaces clearly not meant for them. Even relatively normalised behaviours, such as men deliberately hanging around outside women’s college gates, are not to be dismissed either, since they form the root of this very patriarchal problem of ‘space and who occupies it’.

The cases of women’s college fests being invaded by men are some of the most publicized events within this scenario. These incidents, which become grounds for rampant sexual harassment in the form of catcalling, groping, and unwanted advances, and actively put the students’ safety at risk, have been meticulously covered by national media houses as well. What is often left out of the conversation, however, is the aftermath of such events. Sharing her traumatic experience during the IPCW fest invasion and how that permanently changed her perception of the college environment, one student relates,

The purity of the place was gone for me. I did not go to college for 1-2 weeks straight because there were many protests, but also because I didn’t feel like it. Many of my friends didn’t go either. Even months after, as soon as we’d enter, we’d get flashbacks from that night.

It should be made clear then that men climbing walls and trying to barge into gender-minority spaces are not a case of them doing just that. These are incidents that reinstate the fear of violence and re-establish the norm of male proprietorship over women and gender minorities. They serve as a painful reminder to the latter that no space that they construct with love and care for themselves is truly theirs forever. It is forever dangling under the threat of patriarchal violence and could be overcome, at any moment, by the ever-destructive male ego. As the above-quoted IPCW student went on to share,

Even after all this went down, people still don’t realise that this was not about a college having a concert, where people simply climbed the walls and chaos and stampede happened. No, it’s not about that. It’s about men trying to enter the space of women, trying to harass us in our own spaces, and telling us, ‘We can come here too; what will you do about it? Your administration is not going to help you out either.

Indeed, it is only within this context that one can begin to understand the visceral reaction of gender-minority students against their spaces being invaded. Recently, when the political rallies for the DUSU 2023 elections barged into Aditi Mahavidyalya and Miranda House, students of both colleges were quick to label these as ‘invasions’ and expressed dissent against them. Unfortunately, they were dismissed under the claim that such hooliganism is just ‘part and parcel’ of the DUSU election fever. Such statements, that ring too close to the common adage of ‘boys will be boys’, fundamentally fail to understand the sanctity that safe spaces hold for gender minorities and the reason why they might get so protective about them.

It is no far-fetched remark to also suggest that the way elections season has panned out over the past month in DU has been nothing but a display of power under patriarchy. Yes, money and muscle power reign supreme in this University’s (and by large, the country’s) electoral politics, but must we be so quick to accept that as the norm, as students and conscious voters? Must we allow our gender-minority spaces to be violated for the sake of more noise and pamphlet-litter? Of course, one also wonders why it is always the same political outfits, like ABVP and NSUI, that choose to engage in this chauvinist brand of student politics. Perhaps, someone will tell us to quietly accept that just as boys will be boys, ABVP and NSUI too will be ABVP and NSUI.

Ultimately, what matters, however, is the safety of our spaces. One of the most disheartening outcomes is always the immediate reaction of administrative authorities, who seem quicker to police the gender-minority students than take action against the perpetrators. Whether it be barbed wire being put up on college walls or student protestors being detained before the men who invaded IPCW, the question of who will protect our safe spaces remains unanswered.

Read also: The Invasion of IPCW – A Student’s Account

Featured Image Credits: Anshika for DU Beat

Sanika Singh
[email protected]

In a recent incident, students at Hindu College spotted a dead lizard in the food ordered from the college canteen, causing several to question the quality and standards of hygiene within the canteen space.

In a bizarre turn of events in the past few days, a group of students at Hindu College spotted a dead lizard in a plate of fried rice ordered from the college canteen by a lab assistant. The incident occurred on September 26, Tuesday, and students report that a similar incident occurred nearly six months ago when a dead cockroach was found in the fried rice again.

A few students from second-year BSc. Hons Physics were present at the scene when the dead creature was spotted in the lab assistant’s food. In conversation with the Hindustan Times, one of these students shared that:

“This is not an isolated incident since barely months ago I found a cockroach in my food bought from the old canteen. We were told this carelessness will not repeat, and now this…. That’s why I’ve decided to speak up now.”

While memes have been making rounds related to “Lizard got entry into Hindu College, yet students can’t”, several students are taking up this matter seriously to the college committee. Students say that last year a verbal complaint was filed by the student body to the college committee regarding the degrading hygiene standards of the college canteen, and there is a probability of filing a written complaint this time demanding a proper explanation about the incident.

Abhay Pratap Singh, a final-year student of BA Programme at Hindu College and the student-in-charge of the canteen until last year, mentions to Hindustan Times that:

 “This is the first incident of its kind in the college that has been reported to me. Due to the long weekend and the DUTA elections, we were unable to meet the students in college. But we will be meeting with the canteen committee soon to raise the issue about hygiene… The new canteen committee is yet to be formed, and at my end, we have been keeping a check on the food quality and hygiene standards and raised concerns whenever required in the past.”

The Vice-Principal of the college, Reena Jain, assures that the college administration has taken serious note of it and taken immediate action. The food contractor of the college canteen was summoned immediately, and in the distribution chain of eatables, the person accountable has been allegedly removed. Speaking to the Hindustan Times, she concludes by saying that:

“It will not be out of place to mention that our canteen has been very recently revamped, and we take all measures to keep it at the highest standards of hygiene and sanitation.”

Read Also: DU’s Trend of Collapsing Ceilings Follows St. Stephen’s

Featured Image Credits: Keshavi Sethi For DU Beat

Priyanka Mukherjee

[email protected]

From the recurrence of several ‘misogynistic incidents’ perpetrated by society members, negligence of supervision, to ‘targeted bullying’, we uncover the dark side of Sri Venkateshwara College’s Film-making Society, ‘Effulgence Films’.

Sri Venkateshwara College’s film-making society, ‘Effulgence Films’, is one of the reputed societies within the Delhi University circuit, with several productions across the year. However, beyond the disguise of ‘galaxies of creativity’ lies the truth about the ‘toxic and horrible’ working space that society provides, as several sources allege.

Flashing back to January of the present year, a student from Sri Venkateshwara College, in conversation with DU Beat, claims that a ‘highly problematic incident’ took place within the society circle, which was reported to the Internal Complaints Committee with the signatures of several students within the society. Following this, several members of the society who were ‘traumatised’ by the event left the society. The Internal Complaints Committee of the college, after conducting a six month-long sequence of hearings, removed the perpetrators from the society in June- two of them, who were also a part of the core within the FilmSoc.

Moreover, the other societies within the college had also released a Statement of Condemnation following the ‘horrible incident’. Some parts of it read as follows:

As of today, 11 members of Effulgence, The Filmmaking society of SVC have taken the decision to leave the society post after a series of events over the course of the past few months.

There has been a culture of toxicity pervasive in Filmsoc centred around misogyny. Female directors and writers were constantly spoken over and have had projects taken over by arrogant men whose memberships weren’t removed even after being given repeated warnings as they were considered “cherished assets”. The general nature with which women who spoke up were treated, how female members of the core were called “token women” and mocked behind their backs, called trash “to be cleaned out,” and how instances of objectification were treated as dismissible, is utterly appalling.

However, despite being legally removed from the society by the college ICC, the perpetrators continued to be a part of official FilmSoc events like the recent Indian Film Project (IFP), openly participating in film shootings and so on.

“The convenor of the society was also present throughout the ICC hearings. However, no action was taken against the perpetrators re-entering society-circles despite being banned by the ICC.”

A student at SVC.

Despite legal procedures kicking in and several call-outs, the society space still remains a home ground of toxicity, with rampant groupism, the core isolating other core members, targeted bullying, and the list goes on.

 “The new core has also been formed out of the friends of the previous perpetrators, who are extremely close with each other and sideline the work and opinions of other members. The society has two Presidents and one of them was removed by the core for speaking out against their sexist behaviour. It is a horrible space to work for women, and if anybody raises their voice, they condemn it with “Zyada woke mat bano!” (Don’t be too woke).”

Sources within SVC.

Students also claim that the Filmmaking society has been a trap for this cycle of toxicity for several years, but recent events show that ‘they can do anything and everything and get away with it’. Members are not given due credit for their ideas if they are not too close with the core, and the January incident is often shoved under the carpet with “Ek hi incident tha, forget about it!” (It was just one incident,;forget about it!).

“But that one incident left so many within and without the society traumatised.”

alleges a student at SVC.

Pin-pointing at this culture of toxicity, the statement of condemnation further elaborates that:

“The focus of the society has also severely detracted from filmmaking, with the creatives constantly undermined and put second to those with logistics prowess. Apart from this, the dirty politics of keeping friends of friends in power as well as recruiting and raising many inactive members within the society just for the “vibes” were unjust and demotivating.”

Hitherto, coming to the “vibes”, the society has also been proving to be an unfair space for the freshers and new-recruits who are unaware of the ongoing-climate of the FilmSoc.

“Considering how freshers are new to the college climate, all societies in the college must strive to create a safe atmosphere for them, as freshers are unaware of the power dynamics existing within societies and are desperate to do anything in order to join the society. However, in an ice-breaking event of the FilmSoc, freshers were asked to go down on their knees and propose to seniors and dance with them, which could be uncomfortable for any newbie in college.”

– a student at SVC.

Moreover, students also pin-point several ‘triggering instances’ taking place during the recruitment process of the FilmSoc as well:

“The core members were drunk during the recruitment process and were openly consuming alcohol. Also, the interview questions were nowhere related to FilmSoc, and they were like, “Are you into drugs?”, “Do you drink?” or “Do you have a flat where we can party?”. What sort of climate is this society going to provide to the new-comers?”

The Internal Complaints Committee of the college claims that no incidents were reported after the procedures of the January incident. However, students claim that they were too ‘traumatised and triggered’ to have the courage to talk about such incidents in fear of ‘targeted bullying’.

The Statement of Condemnation concludes by saying that:

“We have time and again tried our best to endure everything and work professionally with these people. However, we were disrespected amongst their circles and within the larger society. So, at the very least, we seek to make this public now, as it is only fair that in the future, people will be aware of the culture that permeates this society and cognizant of the environment they are interacting with.”

While societies form an integral part of the ‘DU culture’ and a beneficial part of the self-development and growth during college years, unhealthy spaces can leave a lasting impression on many. It is imperative to raise your voice against unjust practices and foster safe spaces within campus.

Read Also: North-Eastern Student of Hindu College Faces Racially-Motivated Attack

Featured Image Credits: Arush Gautam for DU Beat

Priyanka Mukherjee

[email protected]

TW// Misogyny, casteist slurs

You may have heard the line “Hamare ghar mai toh ye ladka-ladki ke beech bhedbhav or caste wagera ka kuch nahi hota,” in discussions based on gender and caste-based discrimination. Slowly, we all start labelling ourselves and our homes as “progressive”. So, let’s decode “our progressive homes.”

One of my favourite parts about Delhi University (DU) is the availability of safe (debatable) spaces for discussions or events based on the subject of gender and caste. Dialogues over gendered or caste-based division of employment, as well as discrimination in public settings, are held often. If you attend such gatherings, you may have heard comments like, “hamare ghar mai toh papa bhi help karte hai”, “Mere ghar mai toh caste wagera ki baat hi nahi hoti thi”, and so on. Soon, a large portion of the audience begins to agree with these views and begin to label their homes or families as forward thinking. But are our homes truly progressive?

One thing that I started to notice recently in these discussions is this distorted line of equality. 

“Mere ghar mai essa nahi hota, mummy khana banati, and papa hi sabzi wagera kaat dete.” Patriarchy is so deeply ingrained in our society, particularly in our homes, that even a slight shift in the notion of, “Aadmi kamaega and aurte ghar ka kaam karegi” (Men will earn and women will do household chores) makes us progressive and blocks us from challenging the ever persistent patriarchal roles in our homes. Does the gender-based division of labour vanish if men partake in household chores? Is this what we mean by an equal work division, at home? Will the men in one’s household perform all of those, “acts of help” in front of relatives or guests? One of the most important things to realise is that we are too quick to label ourselves as open-minded. Help is not the same as work. A working woman is expected to undertake household chores, but if men help even a little, it’s as though the foundations of patriarchy have shattered. Why are domestic tasks the responsibility of women if the house belongs to both?

To quickly understand gendered division of labour and how help is not the same as equal work division, here is a part of an extract from a document by the ILO International Training Centre, Module on Gender, Poverty and Employment– “The way work is divided between men and women according to their gender roles is usually referred to as the ‘gender division of labour’. This does not necessarily concern only paid employment, but more generally the work, tasks and responsibilities that are assigned to women and men in their daily lives, and which may, on their turn, also determine certain patterns in the labour market.”

A person, when asked about the division of labour in his house, told me that they have a maid in his house since both of his parents work. As a result, no such patriarchal standards exist. It’s amusing how people perceive gender issues as a separate entity while completely ignoring the caste and class aspect that intersect with the former. This gendered division of labour, in which women are often underpaid, is fueled by patriarchy. 

“3000 milte hai 1 ghar se. 2 ghar mai kaam karti hu 5-5 ghante”

A maid who works in the houses of Malka Ganj.

Liberation from patriarchy for the upper class involves exploitation of the lower class. 6,000 for a 30-day interval, 10 hours of work per day. Would you choose a job where your salary for a 10-hour shift is the same? The sad reality is that most of the so-called “safe and progressive spaces” in DU are dominated by upper-class and upper-caste individuals who typically describe themselves as centrist or apolitical. They fail to look outside of their own narrow bubble, which limits their knowledge on these issues. 

Another part from the extract from the ILO document reads- “In the context of gender, horizontal segregation refers to the extent to which men and women are located in different occupational sectors. Women are usually highly concentrated in the sectors that require lesser skills (e.g. agriculture), that promise little chance for career advancements (e.g. services) and that are related to care-giving (e.g.: nursing), which often coincide also with low wages. On the other hand, vertical segregation refers to the extent to which men and women occupy different hierarchical positions within the same occupational sector. Within the same sector, women tend to occupy the lower ranks of the hierarchical ladder (and consequently the lower salary ranges).”

While “help” is categorised as “progressive” in the case of patriarchy, “not talking about caste” is termed “progressive” in the case of casteism. You may have heard claims from critics of reservations that they were unaware of caste prior to their entrance exams. They think that casteism is a thing of the past while turning a blind eye to the way it prevails in everyday life. They fail to notice how their parents have domestic staff sit on the floor while they sit up and how they are made to  use different utensils to eat or drink tea. Beyond households too, the use of casteist slurs like chappri, bhangi, etc normalises them. Taking pride in one’s caste is also a way of propagating casteism in everyday life.

The majority of us, the so-called liberal progressive people who take part in these conversations, come from privileged backgrounds. The majority of our discussion on gender issues within the four walls of class comes from a second or third-person perspective. One wasn’t aware of caste since one didn’t have to regularly experience such discrimination as privilege always acted as a line of defence. In college, we slowly attempt to comprehend these problems, while remaining well within the boundaries of our privilege. We fail to cross those boundaries and understand these issues. 

We must not be blinded by our privilege and attempt to empathise with the lived experiences of other individuals, and consider how caste, class, and gender all interact with one another in various ways. The only way to truly understand these issues is to recognise intersectionality. Along with this, claiming to be “apolitical” or “centrist” will not be of any help, as politics is deeply rooted in society. 

Thus, the next time you describe yourself or your homes as “progressive”, stop and consider if this is actually the case or if structured patriarchy and casteism have masked the true meaning of the word.

Featured image credits: Hindustan Times

Read Also: Conditioned By Patriarchy 

Dhruv Bhati

[email protected]

 

While DU grants permanent positions to faculty members, numerous ad-hoc professors face dismal. A recent case of the same at Satyawati College (E) has caused commotion.

After a significant break, the University of Delhi is currently engaged in the process of granting permanent faculty positions at various colleges. As many professors transition from their temporary (ad-hoc) roles to permanent positions, this current recruitment drive has also resulted in the removal of existing faculty members to accommodate newly selected ones.

A notable case of the same was recently seen at Satyawati College (Evening), where mass displacement of teachers from the Department of Hindi occurred. Reportedly, out of the existing faculty of 11, only 5 were retained, despite there being 16 posts for which interviews took place. The displaced teachers had been working at the college for no less than a decade, with one having served for 23 years. This development has caused a major uproar among the many teachers’ associations of the university.

This concern was voiced in a letter addressed to the Vice-Chancellor of the university, signed by 15 eminent figures from said associations. It was expressed that these long-serving professors from the department were rejected despite having excellent academic credentials and high API scores. This cohort included teachers from ST, OBC, visually challenged categories, and other marginalized backgrounds. Attached were the credentials of the selected and rejected candidates, and a stark difference was indeed observable.

“The entire sequence of events, presided over by an OSD appointed by you in violation of the Act, Statutes, and Ordinances of Delhi University, have made a mockery of the recruitment process and a travesty of justice.” -Excerpt from the letter addressed to Professor Yogesh Singh, Vice-Chancellor

Accountability and transparency are being demanded from the OSD. In recent months, there have been similar instances at various colleges, and this large-scale dismal of ad-hoc professors is currently a major concern for the teacher associations. In view of the same, a candlelight vigil was conducted by the Democratic United Teachers Alliance on Thursday, September 21, near the Vivekananda Statue at the arts faculty.

Read also: Teachers’ Forum Condemns DU over Displacement of Ad Hoc Faculty

Featured image source: NewsClick

Arshiya Pathania

[email protected]

DU politics can be seldom described as “Chacha Vidhayak hain humare,” but no one is interested in addressing the people they are about to serve, or at least promise to serve.

Try describing Delhi University (DU), and you will realise that politics is inseparable from it. When we turn the pages of history, we see DU emerge as a political hub that we never knew existed. These pages of history stand as proof that the protest culture, which is still so ingrained in DU students, emerges from a time where all that mattered was the notion of freedom, and to live and breathe independently. However, in 2023, all of this can be described as “bigoted irony.”

And as we take a sip of tea, here we are, days away from experiencing the Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) elections, which are back after a hiatus of three years. While all the organisations are busy preparing for it, however nobody is actually dwelling on the reason behind these elections.

Being one of the greatest democracies in the world, “democratic politics” plays an instrumental role in shaping our nation. While mainstream politics may be at the core of this country, DUSU breathes at the core of this mainstream alignment. If we try to draw parallels between the two, the story may turn out to be much more similar than what we comprehend. The result of both political scenarios is the same: the common man and the common students are the ones who suffer.

Political campaigns and rallies are an important part of the “election culture,” but in a varsity that is as dynamic as DU, it becomes quintessential to address the solutions to the problems that are eroding its structure. When men climbed the walls of Indraprastha College for Women (IPCW) and Miranda House, or when a ceiling fan fell on a student of Lakshmibai College, the contesting student organisations did voice the students’ concerns, but only a few did, and those few completely took away the focus from the students to themselves.

Arguments may be presented that when any political outfit addresses a problem, it may get politicised, but when the parties and organisations clearly act in a way that adds to their advantage, I think we lose the main reason for even having elections and choosing the candidate that should have “represented students.”

So, when everyone around is so focused on the elections and the candidates, the question about the students is completely neglected. DU’s political atmosphere includes everything except for the concerns of the students. With or without the elections, most of the students of the varsity feel that it does not matter who comes to power, as they will be neglected either way.

Vijeyta Panjwani, a student of Miranda House, expressed that while organisations like the All India Students’ Association (AISA) and the Students’ Federation of India (SFI) pick up on student concerns, others like the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) or Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) tends to be missing in action. However, the entire matter often gets politicised, and the focus shifts away from the core problem and the students.

The ones who stood up for Students

When things did not go as planned at IPCW’s annual fest Shruti 2023, a few student organisations did take up the issue and protested for it. The students at the college went through a traumatic experience. When asked about the entire thing, they do recognise the efforts that were put in by the political outfits, but at the same time, they felt that soon the matter became something that was only concerned with the politics and not what the men did with the students of the college or how some students were locked up or were asked to leave their own college while outsiders were still in.

However, the contesting candidates have a different tale to tell. While the students may feel neglected, according to these candidates, that might not be accurate, and as one of them expressed, “We are humans too. We can’t take up each and every problem, but try to take up as many as possible,” for which I can give them a little credit. Nevertheless, when we take a look at the broader picture, not everything meets the eye.

Aditi Tyagi, a SFI state committee member who is contesting for the general secretary’s position, explained that each issue that emerges in the campus space is political. According to her, the organisations work as a bridge to get the media focused on student issues, and in the process, it might look like that issue has been politicised. She believes that without these outfits, student issues might never come up. Aditya, a member of AISA who is contesting for the secretary’s position, on the other hand, said, “Issues did not get politicised earlier. Now they get as a result of the idea to dominate each issue under the current organisation that is in power.”

One side of the politics is all up to take up the student concerns, and though it comes at the cost of politization, the other side dictates a tale that is no less than blatant hypocrisy.

Will they Stand with the Students?

One does not have to dig into the past to see what went wrong when we take a look at organisations like ABVP and NSUI. The campus space has been engulfed with sloganeering, pamphlet throwing, and, of course, the endless SUVs and huge banners, and “coincidentally,” they all belong to just two of the outfits: ABVP and NSUI.

NSUI is a name that does not resonate with a lot of students on campus since, according to the latter, they were nowhere to be seen over the months. However, the organisation has claimed that they have always stood up for the students, especially women-centric issues, though they could not point out any specific incident other than the gruesome act that took place in Manipur. The question about the students of DU still hangs dry for them.

Hitesh Gulia, a NSUI member who is contesting for the president’s position, has a vision to resolve the issues of fee hikes and women’s safety and wants to start a global youth festival. When asked about their absence in comparison to other organisations, Gulia pointed out that they are the first ones who pick up any issue that arises in the campus, but he could not particularly pin-point anything concrete except for the OBE protest, which happened earlier last year.

If we take a look at the campaigning of the ABVP, firecrackers were burned in Shayam Lal College and Deshbandhu College, fights broke out in Ram Lal Anand College, Ramunujan College’s gate was broken, and male candidates broke into Miranda House; this may not be too appealing to earn the votes of the students. However, the organisation claims to function in the most democratic way and has assured that they were always and would be with the students, though they have also claimed with sheer confidence that no matter what, they would again come back to power.

While other organisations did express their “concerns” about how the ones in power do not resonate with students, intimidate them, and do not look like one of them, the ones in power stood by their seemingly “strong moral grounds.” Speaking with Ankita Biswas, who is a part of ABVP but whose nomination did not get clearance, she stated that the organisation works for the students around the year, irrespective of the fact that the students may feel otherwise.

When asked about the recent incident in Miranda House where ABVP members scaled up the gates, including herself, she explained, “Our supporters get enthusiastic, and in that moment, they might do such things. As for Miranda House, the administration made us stand out for over 1.5 hours and did not allow us to carry out our campaign, which is a part of this democratic process.” Ashish Kumar Singh, another ABVP member, further explained that, as per the directions of the organisation, they are allowed to take just three cars for three candidates in colleges for campaigning. When asked about it, Biswas remarked, “What is wrong with it?” Well, it is safe to say that ABVP’s supporters are a little too zealous, which “might have” caused a little too much trouble for the common students.

No matter which ideology an organisation is inclined towards, all of them have one thing in common, and that is their assertion that they are with the students and they will be with the students, irrespective of these elections. Students have, however, lost their confidence in this democratic practice, and as for me, I still had a few questions left, but all I got from the karyakarta (s) was, “Muddhe muddhe pe depend karta hai, ab mai kya hi karu?

Read Also: Under the Shadow of DUSU Elections: A Stage for Sexual Harassment and Caste-based Politics

Featured Image Credits: Ankita Baidya for DU Beat

Ankita Baidya

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The popular Amrit Udyan or Mughal gardens has reopened for visitors, this time with a new selection of summer blooms. Here is a quick guide to planning a nice visit to the gardens and appreciating the flora and rich heritage of the Rashtrapati Bhavan complex.

Amrit Udyan, also known as the Mughal Gardens, is a renowned tourist destination in the complex of Rashtrapati Bhavan, the President’s residence. It is known as the heart and soul of the palace and is a lovely spot to visit that is only available for a short time each year from February to March during spring. It is so well-known that when I first arrived in Delhi as an outstation student, it was on my list of things to do. It was highly recommended to me by my relatives who had previously visited the location or by my Delhi peers.

I prepared an entire day with friends to visit these gardens in order to truly experience the buzz. It’s a great moment to share my thoughts from that getaway because, for the first time, the gardens will be open for a month from August 16th to September 17th, highlighting the summer blossoms. It’s a fantastic chance for tourists and students to spend time admiring the flora and fauna while also getting a sense of the ambiance surrounding the historical building of the Rashtrapati Bhavan.

To begin, all visitors should go to the official website rashtrapatisachivalaya.gov.in to book tickets to the garden according to their preferred time slot and gloss over any other information. The entry fee is absolutely free, however a digital pass is required to enter the premises.

Avoid booking tickets on busy days because the venue will be extremely crowded. The Central Secretariat Metro Station is the closest, from which you can take an auto to the Gardens. The Rashtrapati Bhavan’s Gate No. 35, along North Avenue, will be used for entry. Since the weather in the city may be fairly variable, I would advise you to wear comfortable shoes and clothing on the day of your visit.  Since you are visiting a high security zone, your baggage will be searched, so be aware of your possessions and try to bring as little as possible. The less you pack, the more enjoyable your outing will be.

Inside the premises, there is also a lovely white building complex known as the Rashtrapati Bhavan museum complex, which is another impressive symbol of legacy that you may visit to learn about the place’s history and heritage. One of a kind in the nation, it is a visitor-interactive storytelling museum.

Returning to Amrit Udyan, the enormous campus is home to a variety of beneficial herbal plants, which my friends from Botany field were thrilled to see. Each plant had a little tag with its common and scientific names on it. President Kalam created these herbal gardens, which comprise a wide range of therapeutic and fragrant plants. Beautiful fountains and flower species such as roses and tulips adorn the area. The scent of many plants and the soothing sound of bees is another feature of the place that you won’t find anywhere else in the busy city of Delhi.

While the Gardens is inspired by the famous Mughal gardens of Jammu and Kashmir, as well as those surrounding the Taj Mahal. It is influenced by both Indian and Persian architectural styles. Edwin Lutyens completed the designs for the Mughal Gardens in 1917. For the gardens, Lutyens combined two distinct horticultural traditions: Mughal design and English flower garden. The gardens were developed over time by many presidents who resided in the complex, and presently the complex includes the East Lawn, Central Lawn, Long Garden, and Circular Garden, Herbal-I, Herbal-II, Tactile Garden, Bonsai Garden, and Arogya Vanam.

One of the key sites is in the backdrop of Rashtrapati Bhavan, where tourists can observe the rear of the gorgeous monument, which is covered with numerous lines of flowers. The rectangular gardens are the most well-known places that showcase the Bhavan’s complex. However, professional cameras and drones are not permitted onto the site. Photographs can be taken with cell phones. For individuals who are interested in nature photography, their mobile camera can be used to capture the lovely blooms and the surrounding scenery. Personally, I liked the spot of Circular lawns the most because it included a fountain and a pond in the centre, as well as an amphitheatre-like structure with flower beds surrounding it.  It is worth noting that there is also distillation equipment  for the extraction of essential oils from the Rashtrapati Bhavan Gardens’ aromatic and herbal plants.

One can end their evening after a thorough tour of the facility by either purchasing refreshments from the complex or visiting several nearby cafés, like in Connaught Place. The outing to Amrit Udyan was quiet and serene despite the fact that it was expected to be crowded. It’s a moment to look at nature’s beauty and the marvel of life and evolution. It’s also crucial to grasp the gardens’ historical significance and the memories of those who have lived and nurtured the landscape for years. It’s possibly the most well-known gardens in India because of its connection to the country’s heritage.

It’s a low-key, low-cost option to spend time in nature away from the rush and commotion of the city.

Read Also – https://dubeat.com/2023/02/11/dubtravels-silent-nights-in-sunder-nursery/

Image Credits – Writer’s collection

Priya Agrawal

The last two batches have faced unique hurdles from CUET that are unfamiliar to everyone else. So, here is a letter full of warmth written by a senior to a junior that will help the freshmen to overcome their anxiety. We got you!

Since the results of the CUET 2023 exam were released a month ago, there has been a tinge of nostalgia in the air for the Pilot Batch of CUET students. Only 8-9 months ago, we experienced the same emotions as our juniors. The paradox I experienced on the day of orientation was looking at the strange faces of juniors and finding myself there.

As a new semester began, a fresh batch of students, full of energy and excitement, toured the campus that would be their home for the next four years. They look out the creamy white corridors of my college at the high ceiling classrooms and lush green lawns. They are witnessing their seniors’ soft, welcoming smiles and the worried expressions on the faces of their classmates.

I can still feel the overwhelming emotions, anxiety, and excitement that coming in as a fresher brought about. Even while you may be eager for the future as a freshmen, there is a hidden despair. That could be the sadness of leaving your home or the stress of not knowing what lies ahead.

I’ve been in your shoes, so I understand this struggle to choose between happiness and confusion. So, before I take the role of a senior who advises juniors on these life’s curiosities, let me give you a warm hug and assure you that what you are feeling is valid. Feeling overwhelmed and exhausted is reasonable given the obstacles we had to overcome on the way.

The recent batches have faced some uncommon difficulties, including fighting the pandemic and learning online away from the comfort of a school and its warm memories. None of the previous batches had ever gone through this. In a same manner, my class of 2022 was juggling double exams and online classes. As our teachers struggled with these new adjustments, I recall how my other peers and I felt utterly unprepared to handle them. We all worked to achieve the best grades in the face of huge competition to get into this prestigious 100-year-old university.

The atmosphere around us, which is preoccupied with the idea of an ideal education and career, compels us to think about whether the suffering we are presently going through is worthy. However, the introduction of CUET was what really put our determination to the test.

Its sudden advent changed this belief system of getting good grades in the 12th system. We had no experience with competitive tests, in contrast to our peers in the Science and Math fields who had been preparing for their entrance tests for the previous two years. In our field, we are the first two batches to face this new task, which made us more anxious due to the limited resources and lack of experience from our teachers and seniors. Life taught us patience in the midst of this uncertainty and confusion.

As I followed this year’s exam as well, it felt like déjà vu to see the same things happening again, this time with juniors. The social media overloading students with information, while coaching offered a wide range of courses. The rank predictors were constantly evaluating grades and worth, and NTA’s websites crashed frequently, adding to our anxiety.

This time, I was delighted and grateful that I could help my juniors with this procedure, but at the same time, I was thinking immediately of the conversations I had with my seniors and how they told me that this system was completely foreign to them. They exclaimed, “Thank God! This didn’t occur with our batch” it matched with my exclamations of “Why our batch?” Our paths and experiences just diverged so much within a year that they were no longer related. Despite their best efforts to assist us, we were aware that we needed to prepare for the difficulties ahead. This year, a special senior-junior relationship was developing as we introduced our juniors to the idea of preference lists, informed them of the realities of college, and provided them with advice on how to ace the entrance exam.

As a new batch embarks on a new journey, I understand the plethora of emotions and doubts you are confronted with.  Believe me when I say that your Batch 2022 seniors are the best people to talk to about this. I can relate to you even more when you ask naïve questions and show your apprehension because I did the same things just a few months ago. What I can tell you is that you must allow yourself to experience each of these emotions and allow the reality to sink in. Yet don’t sit around lamenting about these issues. This is the stage when anything is possible if you just take more risks and learn from your mistakes.

I also want you to know that taking competitive tests will teach you a lot of things, but the most essential lesson is learning to believe in yourself despite the little voice in your head that tells you differently.

Please remember that you can’t plan everything. It’s okay to take a step back, choose the second-best option, or modify your plans if that’s what you want to do. I want you to remember that not everyone gets into the colleges of their dreams, and that worrying about it is futile. Some of us will also be accepted to our preferred colleges, which may be disappointing if your expectations and the reality fail to match.

It can take you months to adjust to the new circumstances, and you don’t have to necessarily love all of it. What you can do is just identify things that make you happy and make good use of the resources you have.

You should also be aware that your interactions with your classmates and teachers won’t be determined by your CUET score or percentage of the 12th board. People will evaluate you and determine whether they want to be your friends based on who you are and how you treat them, regardless of how well you performed. Be honest to yourself and your goals.

And every time you think you can’t manage something or that it’s too much, go to the classrooms on the floor above you. There will be a group of students, your seniors from Batch 2022, who can identify with your problems and hear about your experiences. They will guide you and assist you as you go. By taking a look at them, you’ll be able to see how they overcame these obstacles and how you can too. They will admire your courage and patience. Then, perhaps, a senior CUET student and a fresher CUET student will walk to the canteen and talk over hot momos and coke.

Perhaps maintaining the warmth between senior and junior relationships is something that CUET couldn’t change.

And if you ever get in touch with me, I’ll give you the same advice my senior gave me: “Time flies fast; instead of overthinking, enjoy your life as a fresher; it is temporary.”

I’m hoping you’ll stick to it.

With love,

Your senior

CUET Batch 2022

 

Read Also :  https://dubeat.com/2019/07/28/dear-freshers-welcome-to-the-real-world/

Image Credits : New Indian Express

-Priya Agrawal