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Unveiling the ‘Culture of Toxicity’ in SVC’s FilmSoc

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From the recurrence of several ‘misogynistic incidents’ perpetrated by society members, negligence of supervision, to ‘targeted bullying’, we uncover the dark side of Sri Venkateshwara College’s Film-making Society, ‘Effulgence Films’.

Sri Venkateshwara College’s film-making society, ‘Effulgence Films’, is one of the reputed societies within the Delhi University circuit, with several productions across the year. However, beyond the disguise of ‘galaxies of creativity’ lies the truth about the ‘toxic and horrible’ working space that society provides, as several sources allege.

Flashing back to January of the present year, a student from Sri Venkateshwara College, in conversation with DU Beat, claims that a ‘highly problematic incident’ took place within the society circle, which was reported to the Internal Complaints Committee with the signatures of several students within the society. Following this, several members of the society who were ‘traumatised’ by the event left the society. The Internal Complaints Committee of the college, after conducting a six month-long sequence of hearings, removed the perpetrators from the society in June- two of them, who were also a part of the core within the FilmSoc.

Moreover, the other societies within the college had also released a Statement of Condemnation following the ‘horrible incident’. Some parts of it read as follows:

As of today, 11 members of Effulgence, The Filmmaking society of SVC have taken the decision to leave the society post after a series of events over the course of the past few months.

There has been a culture of toxicity pervasive in Filmsoc centred around misogyny. Female directors and writers were constantly spoken over and have had projects taken over by arrogant men whose memberships weren’t removed even after being given repeated warnings as they were considered “cherished assets”. The general nature with which women who spoke up were treated, how female members of the core were called “token women” and mocked behind their backs, called trash “to be cleaned out,” and how instances of objectification were treated as dismissible, is utterly appalling.

However, despite being legally removed from the society by the college ICC, the perpetrators continued to be a part of official FilmSoc events like the recent Indian Film Project (IFP), openly participating in film shootings and so on.

“The convenor of the society was also present throughout the ICC hearings. However, no action was taken against the perpetrators re-entering society-circles despite being banned by the ICC.”

A student at SVC.

Despite legal procedures kicking in and several call-outs, the society space still remains a home ground of toxicity, with rampant groupism, the core isolating other core members, targeted bullying, and the list goes on.

 “The new core has also been formed out of the friends of the previous perpetrators, who are extremely close with each other and sideline the work and opinions of other members. The society has two Presidents and one of them was removed by the core for speaking out against their sexist behaviour. It is a horrible space to work for women, and if anybody raises their voice, they condemn it with “Zyada woke mat bano!” (Don’t be too woke).”

Sources within SVC.

Students also claim that the Filmmaking society has been a trap for this cycle of toxicity for several years, but recent events show that ‘they can do anything and everything and get away with it’. Members are not given due credit for their ideas if they are not too close with the core, and the January incident is often shoved under the carpet with “Ek hi incident tha, forget about it!” (It was just one incident,;forget about it!).

“But that one incident left so many within and without the society traumatised.”

alleges a student at SVC.

Pin-pointing at this culture of toxicity, the statement of condemnation further elaborates that:

“The focus of the society has also severely detracted from filmmaking, with the creatives constantly undermined and put second to those with logistics prowess. Apart from this, the dirty politics of keeping friends of friends in power as well as recruiting and raising many inactive members within the society just for the “vibes” were unjust and demotivating.”

Hitherto, coming to the “vibes”, the society has also been proving to be an unfair space for the freshers and new-recruits who are unaware of the ongoing-climate of the FilmSoc.

“Considering how freshers are new to the college climate, all societies in the college must strive to create a safe atmosphere for them, as freshers are unaware of the power dynamics existing within societies and are desperate to do anything in order to join the society. However, in an ice-breaking event of the FilmSoc, freshers were asked to go down on their knees and propose to seniors and dance with them, which could be uncomfortable for any newbie in college.”

– a student at SVC.

Moreover, students also pin-point several ‘triggering instances’ taking place during the recruitment process of the FilmSoc as well:

“The core members were drunk during the recruitment process and were openly consuming alcohol. Also, the interview questions were nowhere related to FilmSoc, and they were like, “Are you into drugs?”, “Do you drink?” or “Do you have a flat where we can party?”. What sort of climate is this society going to provide to the new-comers?”

The Internal Complaints Committee of the college claims that no incidents were reported after the procedures of the January incident. However, students claim that they were too ‘traumatised and triggered’ to have the courage to talk about such incidents in fear of ‘targeted bullying’.

The Statement of Condemnation concludes by saying that:

“We have time and again tried our best to endure everything and work professionally with these people. However, we were disrespected amongst their circles and within the larger society. So, at the very least, we seek to make this public now, as it is only fair that in the future, people will be aware of the culture that permeates this society and cognizant of the environment they are interacting with.”

While societies form an integral part of the ‘DU culture’ and a beneficial part of the self-development and growth during college years, unhealthy spaces can leave a lasting impression on many. It is imperative to raise your voice against unjust practices and foster safe spaces within campus.

Read Also: North-Eastern Student of Hindu College Faces Racially-Motivated Attack

Featured Image Credits: Arush Gautam for DU Beat

Priyanka Mukherjee

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Hamare Ghar mai toh yeh sab Nahi Hota

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TW// Misogyny, casteist slurs

You may have heard the line “Hamare ghar mai toh ye ladka-ladki ke beech bhedbhav or caste wagera ka kuch nahi hota,” in discussions based on gender and caste-based discrimination. Slowly, we all start labelling ourselves and our homes as “progressive”. So, let’s decode “our progressive homes.”

One of my favourite parts about Delhi University (DU) is the availability of safe (debatable) spaces for discussions or events based on the subject of gender and caste. Dialogues over gendered or caste-based division of employment, as well as discrimination in public settings, are held often. If you attend such gatherings, you may have heard comments like, “hamare ghar mai toh papa bhi help karte hai”, “Mere ghar mai toh caste wagera ki baat hi nahi hoti thi”, and so on. Soon, a large portion of the audience begins to agree with these views and begin to label their homes or families as forward thinking. But are our homes truly progressive?

One thing that I started to notice recently in these discussions is this distorted line of equality. 

“Mere ghar mai essa nahi hota, mummy khana banati, and papa hi sabzi wagera kaat dete.” Patriarchy is so deeply ingrained in our society, particularly in our homes, that even a slight shift in the notion of, “Aadmi kamaega and aurte ghar ka kaam karegi” (Men will earn and women will do household chores) makes us progressive and blocks us from challenging the ever persistent patriarchal roles in our homes. Does the gender-based division of labour vanish if men partake in household chores? Is this what we mean by an equal work division, at home? Will the men in one’s household perform all of those, “acts of help” in front of relatives or guests? One of the most important things to realise is that we are too quick to label ourselves as open-minded. Help is not the same as work. A working woman is expected to undertake household chores, but if men help even a little, it’s as though the foundations of patriarchy have shattered. Why are domestic tasks the responsibility of women if the house belongs to both?

To quickly understand gendered division of labour and how help is not the same as equal work division, here is a part of an extract from a document by the ILO International Training Centre, Module on Gender, Poverty and Employment– “The way work is divided between men and women according to their gender roles is usually referred to as the ‘gender division of labour’. This does not necessarily concern only paid employment, but more generally the work, tasks and responsibilities that are assigned to women and men in their daily lives, and which may, on their turn, also determine certain patterns in the labour market.”

A person, when asked about the division of labour in his house, told me that they have a maid in his house since both of his parents work. As a result, no such patriarchal standards exist. It’s amusing how people perceive gender issues as a separate entity while completely ignoring the caste and class aspect that intersect with the former. This gendered division of labour, in which women are often underpaid, is fueled by patriarchy. 

“3000 milte hai 1 ghar se. 2 ghar mai kaam karti hu 5-5 ghante”

– A maid who works in the houses of Malka Ganj.

Liberation from patriarchy for the upper class involves exploitation of the lower class. 6,000 for a 30-day interval, 10 hours of work per day. Would you choose a job where your salary for a 10-hour shift is the same? The sad reality is that most of the so-called “safe and progressive spaces” in DU are dominated by upper-class and upper-caste individuals who typically describe themselves as centrist or apolitical. They fail to look outside of their own narrow bubble, which limits their knowledge on these issues. 

Another part from the extract from the ILO document reads- “In the context of gender, horizontal segregation refers to the extent to which men and women are located in different occupational sectors. Women are usually highly concentrated in the sectors that require lesser skills (e.g. agriculture), that promise little chance for career advancements (e.g. services) and that are related to care-giving (e.g.: nursing), which often coincide also with low wages. On the other hand, vertical segregation refers to the extent to which men and women occupy different hierarchical positions within the same occupational sector. Within the same sector, women tend to occupy the lower ranks of the hierarchical ladder (and consequently the lower salary ranges).”

While “help” is categorised as “progressive” in the case of patriarchy, “not talking about caste” is termed “progressive” in the case of casteism. You may have heard claims from critics of reservations that they were unaware of caste prior to their entrance exams. They think that casteism is a thing of the past while turning a blind eye to the way it prevails in everyday life. They fail to notice how their parents have domestic staff sit on the floor while they sit up and how they are made to  use different utensils to eat or drink tea. Beyond households too, the use of casteist slurs like chappri, bhangi, etc normalises them. Taking pride in one’s caste is also a way of propagating casteism in everyday life.

The majority of us, the so-called liberal progressive people who take part in these conversations, come from privileged backgrounds. The majority of our discussion on gender issues within the four walls of class comes from a second or third-person perspective. One wasn’t aware of caste since one didn’t have to regularly experience such discrimination as privilege always acted as a line of defence. In college, we slowly attempt to comprehend these problems, while remaining well within the boundaries of our privilege. We fail to cross those boundaries and understand these issues. 

We must not be blinded by our privilege and attempt to empathise with the lived experiences of other individuals, and consider how caste, class, and gender all interact with one another in various ways. The only way to truly understand these issues is to recognise intersectionality. Along with this, claiming to be “apolitical” or “centrist” will not be of any help, as politics is deeply rooted in society. 

Thus, the next time you describe yourself or your homes as “progressive”, stop and consider if this is actually the case or if structured patriarchy and casteism have masked the true meaning of the word.

Featured image credits: Hindustan Times

Read Also: Conditioned By Patriarchy 

Dhruv Bhati

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Alarming Faculty Displacement at Satyawati College (E): The DU Ad-Hoc Crisis

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While DU grants permanent positions to faculty members, numerous ad-hoc professors face dismal. A recent case of the same at Satyawati College (E) has caused commotion.

After a significant break, the University of Delhi is currently engaged in the process of granting permanent faculty positions at various colleges. As many professors transition from their temporary (ad-hoc) roles to permanent positions, this current recruitment drive has also resulted in the removal of existing faculty members to accommodate newly selected ones.

A notable case of the same was recently seen at Satyawati College (Evening), where mass displacement of teachers from the Department of Hindi occurred. Reportedly, out of the existing faculty of 11, only 5 were retained, despite there being 16 posts for which interviews took place. The displaced teachers had been working at the college for no less than a decade, with one having served for 23 years. This development has caused a major uproar among the many teachers’ associations of the university.

This concern was voiced in a letter addressed to the Vice-Chancellor of the university, signed by 15 eminent figures from said associations. It was expressed that these long-serving professors from the department were rejected despite having excellent academic credentials and high API scores. This cohort included teachers from ST, OBC, visually challenged categories, and other marginalized backgrounds. Attached were the credentials of the selected and rejected candidates, and a stark difference was indeed observable.

“The entire sequence of events, presided over by an OSD appointed by you in violation of the Act, Statutes, and Ordinances of Delhi University, have made a mockery of the recruitment process and a travesty of justice.” -Excerpt from the letter addressed to Professor Yogesh Singh, Vice-Chancellor

Accountability and transparency are being demanded from the OSD. In recent months, there have been similar instances at various colleges, and this large-scale dismal of ad-hoc professors is currently a major concern for the teacher associations. In view of the same, a candlelight vigil was conducted by the Democratic United Teachers Alliance on Thursday, September 21, near the Vivekananda Statue at the arts faculty.

Read also: Teachers’ Forum Condemns DU over Displacement of Ad Hoc Faculty

Featured image source: NewsClick

Arshiya Pathania

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The Politicised “Pareshani” of DUSU 2023

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DU politics can be seldom described as “Chacha Vidhayak hain humare,” but no one is interested in addressing the people they are about to serve, or at least promise to serve.

Try describing Delhi University (DU), and you will realise that politics is inseparable from it. When we turn the pages of history, we see DU emerge as a political hub that we never knew existed. These pages of history stand as proof that the protest culture, which is still so ingrained in DU students, emerges from a time where all that mattered was the notion of freedom, and to live and breathe independently. However, in 2023, all of this can be described as “bigoted irony.”

And as we take a sip of tea, here we are, days away from experiencing the Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) elections, which are back after a hiatus of three years. While all the organisations are busy preparing for it, however nobody is actually dwelling on the reason behind these elections.

Being one of the greatest democracies in the world, “democratic politics” plays an instrumental role in shaping our nation. While mainstream politics may be at the core of this country, DUSU breathes at the core of this mainstream alignment. If we try to draw parallels between the two, the story may turn out to be much more similar than what we comprehend. The result of both political scenarios is the same: the common man and the common students are the ones who suffer.

Political campaigns and rallies are an important part of the “election culture,” but in a varsity that is as dynamic as DU, it becomes quintessential to address the solutions to the problems that are eroding its structure. When men climbed the walls of Indraprastha College for Women (IPCW) and Miranda House, or when a ceiling fan fell on a student of Lakshmibai College, the contesting student organisations did voice the students’ concerns, but only a few did, and those few completely took away the focus from the students to themselves.

Arguments may be presented that when any political outfit addresses a problem, it may get politicised, but when the parties and organisations clearly act in a way that adds to their advantage, I think we lose the main reason for even having elections and choosing the candidate that should have “represented students.”

So, when everyone around is so focused on the elections and the candidates, the question about the students is completely neglected. DU’s political atmosphere includes everything except for the concerns of the students. With or without the elections, most of the students of the varsity feel that it does not matter who comes to power, as they will be neglected either way.

Vijeyta Panjwani, a student of Miranda House, expressed that while organisations like the All India Students’ Association (AISA) and the Students’ Federation of India (SFI) pick up on student concerns, others like the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) or Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) tends to be missing in action. However, the entire matter often gets politicised, and the focus shifts away from the core problem and the students.

The ones who stood up for Students

When things did not go as planned at IPCW’s annual fest Shruti 2023, a few student organisations did take up the issue and protested for it. The students at the college went through a traumatic experience. When asked about the entire thing, they do recognise the efforts that were put in by the political outfits, but at the same time, they felt that soon the matter became something that was only concerned with the politics and not what the men did with the students of the college or how some students were locked up or were asked to leave their own college while outsiders were still in.

However, the contesting candidates have a different tale to tell. While the students may feel neglected, according to these candidates, that might not be accurate, and as one of them expressed, “We are humans too. We can’t take up each and every problem, but try to take up as many as possible,” for which I can give them a little credit. Nevertheless, when we take a look at the broader picture, not everything meets the eye.

Aditi Tyagi, a SFI state committee member who is contesting for the general secretary’s position, explained that each issue that emerges in the campus space is political. According to her, the organisations work as a bridge to get the media focused on student issues, and in the process, it might look like that issue has been politicised. She believes that without these outfits, student issues might never come up. Aditya, a member of AISA who is contesting for the secretary’s position, on the other hand, said, “Issues did not get politicised earlier. Now they get as a result of the idea to dominate each issue under the current organisation that is in power.”

One side of the politics is all up to take up the student concerns, and though it comes at the cost of politization, the other side dictates a tale that is no less than blatant hypocrisy.

Will they Stand with the Students?

One does not have to dig into the past to see what went wrong when we take a look at organisations like ABVP and NSUI. The campus space has been engulfed with sloganeering, pamphlet throwing, and, of course, the endless SUVs and huge banners, and “coincidentally,” they all belong to just two of the outfits: ABVP and NSUI.

NSUI is a name that does not resonate with a lot of students on campus since, according to the latter, they were nowhere to be seen over the months. However, the organisation has claimed that they have always stood up for the students, especially women-centric issues, though they could not point out any specific incident other than the gruesome act that took place in Manipur. The question about the students of DU still hangs dry for them.

Hitesh Gulia, a NSUI member who is contesting for the president’s position, has a vision to resolve the issues of fee hikes and women’s safety and wants to start a global youth festival. When asked about their absence in comparison to other organisations, Gulia pointed out that they are the first ones who pick up any issue that arises in the campus, but he could not particularly pin-point anything concrete except for the OBE protest, which happened earlier last year.

If we take a look at the campaigning of the ABVP, firecrackers were burned in Shayam Lal College and Deshbandhu College, fights broke out in Ram Lal Anand College, Ramunujan College’s gate was broken, and male candidates broke into Miranda House; this may not be too appealing to earn the votes of the students. However, the organisation claims to function in the most democratic way and has assured that they were always and would be with the students, though they have also claimed with sheer confidence that no matter what, they would again come back to power.

While other organisations did express their “concerns” about how the ones in power do not resonate with students, intimidate them, and do not look like one of them, the ones in power stood by their seemingly “strong moral grounds.” Speaking with Ankita Biswas, who is a part of ABVP but whose nomination did not get clearance, she stated that the organisation works for the students around the year, irrespective of the fact that the students may feel otherwise.

When asked about the recent incident in Miranda House where ABVP members scaled up the gates, including herself, she explained, “Our supporters get enthusiastic, and in that moment, they might do such things. As for Miranda House, the administration made us stand out for over 1.5 hours and did not allow us to carry out our campaign, which is a part of this democratic process.” Ashish Kumar Singh, another ABVP member, further explained that, as per the directions of the organisation, they are allowed to take just three cars for three candidates in colleges for campaigning. When asked about it, Biswas remarked, “What is wrong with it?” Well, it is safe to say that ABVP’s supporters are a little too zealous, which “might have” caused a little too much trouble for the common students.

No matter which ideology an organisation is inclined towards, all of them have one thing in common, and that is their assertion that they are with the students and they will be with the students, irrespective of these elections. Students have, however, lost their confidence in this democratic practice, and as for me, I still had a few questions left, but all I got from the karyakarta (s) was, “Muddhe muddhe pe depend karta hai, ab mai kya hi karu?”

Read Also: Under the Shadow of DUSU Elections: A Stage for Sexual Harassment and Caste-based Politics

Featured Image Credits: Ankita Baidya for DU Beat

Ankita Baidya

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DUB Travels – Amrit Udyan, Exploring a Blend of History and Beauty!

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The popular Amrit Udyan or Mughal gardens has reopened for visitors, this time with a new selection of summer blooms. Here is a quick guide to planning a nice visit to the gardens and appreciating the flora and rich heritage of the Rashtrapati Bhavan complex.

Amrit Udyan, also known as the Mughal Gardens, is a renowned tourist destination in the complex of Rashtrapati Bhavan, the President’s residence. It is known as the heart and soul of the palace and is a lovely spot to visit that is only available for a short time each year from February to March during spring. It is so well-known that when I first arrived in Delhi as an outstation student, it was on my list of things to do. It was highly recommended to me by my relatives who had previously visited the location or by my Delhi peers.

I prepared an entire day with friends to visit these gardens in order to truly experience the buzz. It’s a great moment to share my thoughts from that getaway because, for the first time, the gardens will be open for a month from August 16th to September 17th, highlighting the summer blossoms. It’s a fantastic chance for tourists and students to spend time admiring the flora and fauna while also getting a sense of the ambiance surrounding the historical building of the Rashtrapati Bhavan.

To begin, all visitors should go to the official website rashtrapatisachivalaya.gov.in to book tickets to the garden according to their preferred time slot and gloss over any other information. The entry fee is absolutely free, however a digital pass is required to enter the premises.

Avoid booking tickets on busy days because the venue will be extremely crowded. The Central Secretariat Metro Station is the closest, from which you can take an auto to the Gardens. The Rashtrapati Bhavan’s Gate No. 35, along North Avenue, will be used for entry. Since the weather in the city may be fairly variable, I would advise you to wear comfortable shoes and clothing on the day of your visit.  Since you are visiting a high security zone, your baggage will be searched, so be aware of your possessions and try to bring as little as possible. The less you pack, the more enjoyable your outing will be.

Inside the premises, there is also a lovely white building complex known as the Rashtrapati Bhavan museum complex, which is another impressive symbol of legacy that you may visit to learn about the place’s history and heritage. One of a kind in the nation, it is a visitor-interactive storytelling museum.

Returning to Amrit Udyan, the enormous campus is home to a variety of beneficial herbal plants, which my friends from Botany field were thrilled to see. Each plant had a little tag with its common and scientific names on it. President Kalam created these herbal gardens, which comprise a wide range of therapeutic and fragrant plants. Beautiful fountains and flower species such as roses and tulips adorn the area. The scent of many plants and the soothing sound of bees is another feature of the place that you won’t find anywhere else in the busy city of Delhi.

While the Gardens is inspired by the famous Mughal gardens of Jammu and Kashmir, as well as those surrounding the Taj Mahal. It is influenced by both Indian and Persian architectural styles. Edwin Lutyens completed the designs for the Mughal Gardens in 1917. For the gardens, Lutyens combined two distinct horticultural traditions: Mughal design and English flower garden. The gardens were developed over time by many presidents who resided in the complex, and presently the complex includes the East Lawn, Central Lawn, Long Garden, and Circular Garden, Herbal-I, Herbal-II, Tactile Garden, Bonsai Garden, and Arogya Vanam.

One of the key sites is in the backdrop of Rashtrapati Bhavan, where tourists can observe the rear of the gorgeous monument, which is covered with numerous lines of flowers. The rectangular gardens are the most well-known places that showcase the Bhavan’s complex. However, professional cameras and drones are not permitted onto the site. Photographs can be taken with cell phones. For individuals who are interested in nature photography, their mobile camera can be used to capture the lovely blooms and the surrounding scenery. Personally, I liked the spot of Circular lawns the most because it included a fountain and a pond in the centre, as well as an amphitheatre-like structure with flower beds surrounding it.  It is worth noting that there is also distillation equipment  for the extraction of essential oils from the Rashtrapati Bhavan Gardens’ aromatic and herbal plants.

One can end their evening after a thorough tour of the facility by either purchasing refreshments from the complex or visiting several nearby cafés, like in Connaught Place. The outing to Amrit Udyan was quiet and serene despite the fact that it was expected to be crowded. It’s a moment to look at nature’s beauty and the marvel of life and evolution. It’s also crucial to grasp the gardens’ historical significance and the memories of those who have lived and nurtured the landscape for years. It’s possibly the most well-known gardens in India because of its connection to the country’s heritage.

It’s a low-key, low-cost option to spend time in nature away from the rush and commotion of the city.

Read Also – https://dubeat.com/2023/02/11/dubtravels-silent-nights-in-sunder-nursery/

Image Credits – Writer’s collection

Priya Agrawal

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The Story of Two Exceptional CUET Batches: From a Senior to a Junior

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The last two batches have faced unique hurdles from CUET that are unfamiliar to everyone else. So, here is a letter full of warmth written by a senior to a junior that will help the freshmen to overcome their anxiety. We got you!

Since the results of the CUET 2023 exam were released a month ago, there has been a tinge of nostalgia in the air for the Pilot Batch of CUET students. Only 8-9 months ago, we experienced the same emotions as our juniors. The paradox I experienced on the day of orientation was looking at the strange faces of juniors and finding myself there.

As a new semester began, a fresh batch of students, full of energy and excitement, toured the campus that would be their home for the next four years. They look out the creamy white corridors of my college at the high ceiling classrooms and lush green lawns. They are witnessing their seniors’ soft, welcoming smiles and the worried expressions on the faces of their classmates.

I can still feel the overwhelming emotions, anxiety, and excitement that coming in as a fresher brought about. Even while you may be eager for the future as a freshmen, there is a hidden despair. That could be the sadness of leaving your home or the stress of not knowing what lies ahead.

I’ve been in your shoes, so I understand this struggle to choose between happiness and confusion. So, before I take the role of a senior who advises juniors on these life’s curiosities, let me give you a warm hug and assure you that what you are feeling is valid. Feeling overwhelmed and exhausted is reasonable given the obstacles we had to overcome on the way.

The recent batches have faced some uncommon difficulties, including fighting the pandemic and learning online away from the comfort of a school and its warm memories. None of the previous batches had ever gone through this. In a same manner, my class of 2022 was juggling double exams and online classes. As our teachers struggled with these new adjustments, I recall how my other peers and I felt utterly unprepared to handle them. We all worked to achieve the best grades in the face of huge competition to get into this prestigious 100-year-old university.

The atmosphere around us, which is preoccupied with the idea of an ideal education and career, compels us to think about whether the suffering we are presently going through is worthy. However, the introduction of CUET was what really put our determination to the test.

Its sudden advent changed this belief system of getting good grades in the 12th system. We had no experience with competitive tests, in contrast to our peers in the Science and Math fields who had been preparing for their entrance tests for the previous two years. In our field, we are the first two batches to face this new task, which made us more anxious due to the limited resources and lack of experience from our teachers and seniors. Life taught us patience in the midst of this uncertainty and confusion.

As I followed this year’s exam as well, it felt like déjà vu to see the same things happening again, this time with juniors. The social media overloading students with information, while coaching offered a wide range of courses. The rank predictors were constantly evaluating grades and worth, and NTA’s websites crashed frequently, adding to our anxiety.

This time, I was delighted and grateful that I could help my juniors with this procedure, but at the same time, I was thinking immediately of the conversations I had with my seniors and how they told me that this system was completely foreign to them. They exclaimed, “Thank God! This didn’t occur with our batch” it matched with my exclamations of “Why our batch?” Our paths and experiences just diverged so much within a year that they were no longer related. Despite their best efforts to assist us, we were aware that we needed to prepare for the difficulties ahead. This year, a special senior-junior relationship was developing as we introduced our juniors to the idea of preference lists, informed them of the realities of college, and provided them with advice on how to ace the entrance exam.

As a new batch embarks on a new journey, I understand the plethora of emotions and doubts you are confronted with.  Believe me when I say that your Batch 2022 seniors are the best people to talk to about this. I can relate to you even more when you ask naïve questions and show your apprehension because I did the same things just a few months ago. What I can tell you is that you must allow yourself to experience each of these emotions and allow the reality to sink in. Yet don’t sit around lamenting about these issues. This is the stage when anything is possible if you just take more risks and learn from your mistakes.

I also want you to know that taking competitive tests will teach you a lot of things, but the most essential lesson is learning to believe in yourself despite the little voice in your head that tells you differently.

Please remember that you can’t plan everything. It’s okay to take a step back, choose the second-best option, or modify your plans if that’s what you want to do. I want you to remember that not everyone gets into the colleges of their dreams, and that worrying about it is futile. Some of us will also be accepted to our preferred colleges, which may be disappointing if your expectations and the reality fail to match.

It can take you months to adjust to the new circumstances, and you don’t have to necessarily love all of it. What you can do is just identify things that make you happy and make good use of the resources you have.

You should also be aware that your interactions with your classmates and teachers won’t be determined by your CUET score or percentage of the 12th board. People will evaluate you and determine whether they want to be your friends based on who you are and how you treat them, regardless of how well you performed. Be honest to yourself and your goals.

And every time you think you can’t manage something or that it’s too much, go to the classrooms on the floor above you. There will be a group of students, your seniors from Batch 2022, who can identify with your problems and hear about your experiences. They will guide you and assist you as you go. By taking a look at them, you’ll be able to see how they overcame these obstacles and how you can too. They will admire your courage and patience. Then, perhaps, a senior CUET student and a fresher CUET student will walk to the canteen and talk over hot momos and coke.

Perhaps maintaining the warmth between senior and junior relationships is something that CUET couldn’t change.

And if you ever get in touch with me, I’ll give you the same advice my senior gave me: “Time flies fast; instead of overthinking, enjoy your life as a fresher; it is temporary.”

I’m hoping you’ll stick to it.

With love,

Your senior

CUET Batch 2022

 

Read Also :  https://dubeat.com/2019/07/28/dear-freshers-welcome-to-the-real-world/

Image Credits : New Indian Express

-Priya Agrawal

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DUB Speak

Reclaiming Jurisdiction or Reinventing Control

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Key bills were passed in the parliament and postponed to the winter session amid turmoil, disagreements, outrage regarding Manipur violence, walkouts, a failed no-confidence motion, and a flying kiss controversy. While numerous controversial bills have been approved or introduced under the banner of “decolonizing India’s judiciary,” many political analysts argue that these bills are nothing more than a means of gaining influence over the legislature and the law.

The Monsoon session of Parliament, which began on July 20, 2023, ended on August 11, 2023, amid chaos, debates, outrage over Manipur violence, and drama over a no-confidence motion. This monsoon session had the largest number of bills passed yet the lowest amount of productive hours. 14 of the 23 bills passed this session were approved in 22 hours of discussion. With certain bills adopted minutes into discussion, the legitimacy and democratic significance of the two houses come into doubt.

According to PRS Legislative Research, despite the fact that parliament only met for half of its designated period, this session had a high level of legislative activity. 56% of the bills introduced in the session were passed by both houses. During the session, the Lok Sabha functioned for 43% of its scheduled time, while the Rajya Sabha functioned for 55%. Here is a tabular representation of a few bills passed in the session as per the report by PRS Legislative Research:

Bills passed Lok Sabha Rajya Sabha
Time spent on discussion Members participated Time spent on discussion Members participated
The Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi(Amendment) Bill, 2023 4 hrs 54 mins 26 8 hrs 3 mins 32
The Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2023 56 mins 8 1 hr 9 mins 6
The Forest(Conservation) Amendment Bill, 2023 38 mins 4 1 hr 41 mins 11
The Mines and Minerals(Development and Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2023 19 mins 2 1 hr 34 mins 11
The Central Goods and Service Tax(Amendment) Bill, 2023 2 mins 0 3 mins 0
The Integrated Goods and Services Tax(Amendment) Bill, 2023 2 mins 0 3 mins 0

Here is a detailed analysis of some of the most controversial bills:

The Government of the National Capital Territory of Delhi (Amendment) Bill, 2023: On May 11, 2023, the Supreme Court ruled in favour of the Delhi government in Delhi Government vs. Centre, granting it power over most services in the capital city, excluding public order, land, and police problems. According to the Supreme Court, Article 239A establishes a legislative assembly for the National Capital Territory of Delhi. The Delhi electorate chooses the members of the legislative assembly. Art. 239A must be interpreted in order to further representative democracy.

If a democratically elected government is not given the power to control the officers, the principle of the triple chain of accountability will be redundant.”

– CJI DY Chandrachud

However, on May 19, the centre issued an ordinance to overturn the decision of the Supreme Court. To replace the ordinance, the Delhi Service Bill was introduced. The law gives the Central Government the authority to create regulations governing the affairs of the Delhi Government, including the functions, terms, and other conditions of service of officials and employees. The new measure also creates the National Capital Civil Services Authority (NCCSA), which would make recommendations to the LG on transfers, postings, and disciplinary issues. The bill also grants the LG (indirectly the central government) vast powers over the calling, promulgation, and dissolution of the Delhi Legislative Assembly, as well as the appointment of the Chief Minister and other ministries.  

The bill was approved by both houses of parliament. After the bill was passed in the Lok Sabha, the opposition walked out. The opposition questioned the prime minister’s vow to grant Delhi full autonomy. 

Repeatedly, the BJP has promised that it will give full statehood to Delhi. In 2014, Modi himself said that upon becoming Prime Minister, he would give full statehood to Delhi. But today, these people stabbed the people of Delhi in the back. Don’t believe anything about Modi ji from now on.” 

– Arvind Kejriwal tweeted

Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, and the Bharatiya Sakshya Bill, 2023: On August 11, the Home Minister, Amit Shah, proposed three bills to replace the Indian Penal Code (IPC), the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPc), and the Evidence Act. These bills were proposed as part of an effort to decolonize the Indian judiciary.

As many as 313 changes have been proposed in the three criminal laws, and the objective is to ensure that people who approach the courts get justice within three years. The laws that are being replaced were essentially aimed at safeguarding the continuation of the British administration, and their objective was to punish, not deliver justice. The new laws will safeguard constitutional rights and deliver justice. These laws will be imbibed with the Indian soul.”

– Amit Shah, Home Minister

The three bills were sent to the standing committee, which is instructed to deliver a report before the winter session begins. The administration intends to enact and execute these bills before the end of the year. The full evaluation of these three bills paints a quite different picture from the one painted by the home minister in the house. The Indian Express writes:

There is a disjunct between the manner in which these bills are being presented and their actual content. They are far from being an overhaul that will be the panacea for issues that plague India’s criminal justice system. Large parts of these three bills simply reproduce existing provisions of the Indian Penal Code, the Criminal Procedure Code, and the Indian Evidence Act.”

The lack of public participation, the complete repeal and revocation of certain sections, and the introduction of such comprehensive changes in a relatively short period of time are some of the major practical concerns about the sudden replacement of the legal system, which can lead to disruption in the legal system. According to political analysts, these bills represent an indirect legalisation of the regime’s violations of human rights. Here is a tabular depiction of some sections of the bills and their relationship to the ruling party’s current demonstration of human rights violations.

Extension of Detention Period Extension of the detention period without any charges from the current duration to 90 days Many news reports and declarations by human rights organisations expressed concern over the unlawful arrest and incarceration of many anti-CAA activists during the Delhi Riots of 2020. Various court statements addressed this serious issue. “These defenders, many of them students, appear to have been arrested simply because they exercised their right to denounce and protest against the CAA (Citizenship Amendment Act), and their arrest seems clearly designed to send a chilling message to India’s vibrant civil society that criticism of government policies will not be tolerated.” : UN Experts  
Discretionary Powers for Law Enforcement Discretionary powers, such as the ‘right to handcuff,’ to law enforcement officers raise ethical and practical concerns. According to The Swaddle’s 2022 report, at least 4484 people died in police custody in the last two years. From the attack on Jamia Millia Islamia students in Delhi to the use of pellet guns and smoke bombs on farmers, India has seen an increase in police violence. The new law gives police authority rather than control, raising fears about police violence and reducing the legal ability to demand accountability. 
Gendered Provisions New Rape law applies specifically to women This law not only advocates heteronormativity but also toxic masculinity and makes it more difficult for male victims of sexual assault to come forward and report their abuse. The transgender population is one of the most vulnerable to such laws. The government’s queerphobic behaviour and implementation of the trans bill in 2019, despite enormous community protests, raises a larger concern about governments’ stance on trans issues.
Impact on minority rights Provisions on “Love Jihad” Several international and national human rights organisations have questioned the Love Jihad law and how it is being used against Muslims. With examples of Hindu vigilantes collaborating with police and mob lynchings of Muslims under the name of love jihad on the rise. Providing full legal status raises serious concerns about the safety of minorities in the country.

Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service, and Term of Office) Bill, 2023: On August 10, 2023, the BJP government introduced this bill in the Rajya Sabha in an effort to alter the current method of appointment of election commission officers. This bill will take power away from the CJI and give the ruling party enormous influence in appointing the EC. The Wire reports:

Section 7 of this new Bill seeks to set up a selection committee headed by the prime minister, which will have one Union minister, nominated by the prime minister, and the Leader of the Opposition (LoP) as its members. Neither the Chief Justice of India nor any eminent jurist will find a place on this committee. This means that the chief election commissioner (CEC) and other election commissioners (ECs) would be selected by the political executive belonging to the ruling party, with the LoP either ignored or overruled. What kind of ‘neutrality and independence’ can be expected from such appointees?”

This bill will give the ruling party enormous authority over the Election Commission, raising concerns about the transparency and credibility of the world’s largest democratic elections.

Some of the other bills include:

  1. Forest Conservation(Amendment) Bill, 2023 which allows non-forest activities on forest lands and permits clearance of forest within 100kms of national border.
  2. Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2023 which will hold accountable private entities that are in the business of leveraging people’s data in order to further their agenda or make profit, though it also provides leeway for the government to work its way out despite large-scale surveillance.
  3. The Mines and Minerals(Development and Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2023 allows the private sector to mine 6 out of 12 atomic minerals. It also empowers the central government to exclusively auction mining leases and composite licences for certain critical minerals.

Many other bills were introduced and passed, including the Cinematography (Amendment) Bill, Pharmacy (Amendment) Bill, Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order (Amendment) Bill, and others. To read a detailed overview of all bills passed, here is the detailed article by IndiaToday.

Every year, multiple bills are passed, introduced, and rejected throughout the three sessions of parliament. The most crucial aspect, however, is the procedure through which bills are passed. With more bills approved in such a short period of time, without enough debate, question rounds, proper involvement of the opposition, or ignoring questions by taking advantage of other issues, the legitimacy of legislative or judicial reforms comes into doubt. With the declining state of democracy and the regime’s increasing attacks on minorities through a translucent lens, the introduction of new bills raises the question of whether these bills are introduced to bring reform or fill gaps in the existing system, or are simply a way to gain control over the major democratic bodies with power, a path towards fascism in India?

Feature Image Credits: Newslaundry

Read Also: Is the Judiciary Really Independent in India?

Dhruv Bhati

[email protected]

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Campus Central

Shockingly Low Admissions for New BTech. Courses at DU

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The newly introduced BTech courses at DU had few takers, leaving many seats vacant. The university decided to conduct spot admissions as a result.

Admission statistics recently rolled in for newly introduced BTech courses at the University of Delhi. These admissions under the Faculty of Technology are based on the JEE Mains score. There have been few takers, as many seats are vacant compared to the authorized capacity. For the computer science course, 20 seats were occupied, while only two seats were filled for electronics and communication, and just one seat was taken for the electrical engineering course. Following this, DU decided to conduct spot admissions.

The seat allotment result for the BTech programs was released on September 11, and colleges will verify applications by September 14. The last date for payment of the admission fee shall remain September 15, and there will be no option to upgrade or withdraw.

Many opinions have been expressed in trying to find an explanation for such low admission numbers. Some teachers have said that the programs aren’t affordable for many because they’re expensive by the standards of a central university. Others say that there is hesitation among students to opt for engineering courses at a university more known for its humanities and commerce departments.

“I was unaware of the BTech courses offered at DU. Nevertheless, I would have still given preference to private engineering colleges with well-established courses and faculty.”

-Vardaan, a first-year student at IIIT-Delhi

Thus, apprehension towards DU’s BTech courses does exist among students, especially since the department is fairly new and will take time to solidify.

A university official also said that BTech admissions for this year had already been completed at other universities while they started late at DU, which is why seats remained vacant. They hope to regularize admissions from next year onward. Perhaps the culmination of all the reasons mentioned is an explanation for the low statistics.

Another aspect of the situation that sparked discussion was the setting up of these courses in the first place. Many are of the opinion that if the administration does want to expand its science-based courses, it must first improve the existing infrastructure for BSc courses.

“When almost every college of the university has infrastructure complaints and science courses are lacking in lab equipment and research prospects, why not focus on investing in these areas?”

-Sanviti, a third-year BSc Microbiology student

Featured image credits: Hindustan Times

Read also: Under the Shadow of DUSU Elections

Arshiya Pathania

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Campus Central

Under the Shadow of DUSU Elections: A Stage for Sexual Harassment and Caste-based Politics

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TW// Sexual harassment & casteism

After a gap of three years, the Delhi University campuses have been covered in the hues of Student Union Elections. However, the true face of these elections may be found beneath the democratic facade. While money and power are the most addressed sides of this dark coin, there is another side that frequently gets overlooked: caste politics and gender-based violence.

 The Delhi University Student Union (DUSU) Elections are being held after a gap of three years because of the Covid-19 pandemic. Pamphlets, roads covered with paper cut-outs, banners, posters, fights, and long traffic jams marked the beginning of the campaign of various student union organisations across campuses at DU. From the north campus to the south campus and off-campus colleges, every college at the University of Delhi is draped in the colours of elections. However, what lurks behind these hues is a mix of democracy and oppression.

Hundreds of posters, thousands of paper cut-outs all over the streets, and rallies of black and white cars tossing the same paper cut-outs you’re walking on speak volumes about how democratic and accessible the DUSU elections are. However, beyond these money and power dynamics lies the worst face of the DUSU elections: an open breeding ground for sexual harassment and casteism.

It is difficult to distinguish the inappropriate advantage taken of such packed surroundings at large-scale rallies with hundreds of party workers yelling slogans and the names of their candidates. Whether it’s a kind but unwelcome handshake or being unexpectedly touched in a throng or a bunch of guys gazing at every woman moving by, footage of mobs of men forcibly entering women’s colleges appears all over the internet every year. The fact that there are no proper caps on crowd control or codes of conduct gives these people the pass to repeat it again and again.

I have witnessed sexual harassment take place during election events. As soon as it gets crowded and people start getting pushed around, they start touching you everywhere. The language they use makes us feel disgusted. Right now, a person approached us and said: ‘Kya laundiya khadi kar rakhi hain’ (What women have they made stand here). We are also students, so what is wrong with us supporting any party just because we are women? The opposition, especially, really tries to make us feel uncomfortable as a part of their own political agenda.

– Two female party supporters in an interview to Newslaundry

 Students find it difficult to speak out about sexual harassment on campus due to the rising degree of fear culture established by these mobs of men. This year, too, hordes of ABVP members forcibly entered Miranda House’s campus twice.

When any left-wing organisation stages a tiny protest, massive police forces are deployed. They are sometimes detained for “disturbing the peace on campus. However, in incidents like these, where ABVP men forcibly entered the campus of a women’s college twice, there will be no police deployment or action, even after complaints.

-A student from the women’s college of DU 

Apart from toxic masculinity and a free pass for sexual harassment, caste-based violence is also common during elections. These elections are dominated by Jats and Gujjars. Every DUSU president from 2011 to 2017 was either Jat or Gujjar. These two communities dominate not just the president but the whole panel. Voting in the name of caste is also very common.

TW// Casteism

I heard my classmates say, ‘Ye AISA waale SC/ST ke chapri logo ki toli hai, isko kon vote dega’ (AISA is a group of people from the SC/ST community, who’s going to vote for them).

– A third-year BSc. student

 Vote appeals based on caste are fairly prevalent. Even upper-caste voters say it would be a disgrace if a lower-caste person won the election. In 2018, the Delhi Police released an advisory urging students not to vote based on caste. They warned candidates who appealed for votes based on their caste.

The larger question is whether left-wing politics, which is more issue-centric and nuanced in its narrative, is putting pressure on bigger parties to reform themselves. The pinjra tod campaign that seeks to make hostel and paying guest accommodation regulations less regressive and restrictive for women students is refreshing to see. In the past year, we can see a change in the way the NSUI has conducted itself, and this could have been an influence of left-leaning groups like the All India Students’ Association (AISA).

-Apoorvanand, professor at the Department of Hindi, University of Delhi in an article by Firstpost (2018)

The present DUSU elections have their foundation on four pillars: money, muscle, masculinity, and caste. The lack of a strict code of conduct and the administration’s inability to maintain a check on hooliganism give these individuals a free pass to do such things again and again. Whether it’s blocking traffic for their campaign, forcibly entering women’s colleges, or instilling terror in caste and gender minorities.

A safe, free, and fair election is often demanded. While most students would want to remain bystanders to the drama of these elections, such a stage is unachievable. Unification is required to bring about a complete transformation in the electoral process. Until then, the DUSU elections will be viewed as a reflection of the greater electoral landscape rather than a democratic practice.

 

Featured Image Credits: The Hindu

Read Also: Power and Politics in the Delhi University Students’ Union

 

Dhruv Bhati

[email protected]

 

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Arts & Culture

Taali Review – An Exceptional Biopic Based on India’s Third Gender

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What distinguishes Taali is that it is one of the first biographical works that focuses on the challenges and life of a transgender person, therefore providing a glimpse into their tough lives from their own perspective.

Taali is a biographical drama series based on the life of Shree Gauri Sawant, a transgender activist played by Sushmita Sen. The series, directed by Ravi Jadhav, lasts for three hours and is broken into six thirty-minute parts. It is available on the Jio Cinema platform in India. I was thrilled to watch the show after watching the teaser for the first time and being aware of the real-life inspiration. While inclusion of the LGBTQA+ population in mainstream films and series has expanded recently, there are a few that highlight the realities of the transgender community, such as – Laxmii, Super Deluxe.

What distinguishes Taali is that it is one of the first biographical works that focuses on the challenges and life of a transgender person, therefore providing a glimpse into their tough lives from their own perspective. Many notable biopics based on the lives of athletes, freedom fighters, army officers have been produced by the film industry. Taali thus adds a feather to the cap because it is innovative in its approach to raising awareness and praising the efforts of many such activists who seek to improve the status of the Third gender in India. This is certainly one of the most compelling reasons to watch this series.

Before we go any further, here is a quick summary of the transgender activist as to why she is remarkable –

Shree Gauri Savant is a transgender activist from Mumbai who has been working diligently for the transgender community for many years. Gauri established the Sakhi Char Chowghi Trust in 2000. The NGO encourages safe sex and offers transsexual counselling. In 2014, she was the first transgender person to petition the Supreme Court of India for transgender adoption rights.  She was a petitioner in the case of the National Legal Services Authority (NALSA), in which the Supreme Court declared transgender as a third gender. She also starred in an affectionate Vicks commercial and in Kaun Banega Crorepati. In 2019, she was appointed as the Maharashtra Election Commission’s goodwill ambassador.

Taali, focusing on the Supreme Court’s watershed decision in 2014, which officially recognized the third gender, It flashes back and forth in time to Gauri Sawant’s life, from her days as a child battling with identity to her days as a mother advocating for equality. The show seeks to cover major events in her life, such as her childhood and troubles with her father, gender affirming surgery, adopting a child, and handling the atrocities of the society. In the first episode, named Teesri ladai, she explains how her battle is separated into three stages: struggle for identity, struggle for survival, and struggle for equality, with the final one referring to the Landmark Case.

Krutika Deo’s performance as Young Gauri, known as Ganesh, helped viewers connect to the character’s predicament of feeling unfit. Her desire to be a mother, which no one around her understands, her loneliness after her mother passed away and her father’s reluctance to accept her identity are all major points where the audience can relate to the helplessness faced by young Gauri trapped in the body of a boy, wishing to be a girl.

Sushmita Sen, who plays a grown-up Gauri, does a fantastic job in the part. Her performance was a combination of grace and aggression, accurately calibrated to the necessities of the scene. Sen is depicted in the story’s midsection, where Gauri works with an NGO and as a waiter to earn and teach at the same time. These were the rare sequences where Sen seemed out of place in huge Kurtas, shirt trousers and even a fake moustache.

The story progresses from her days of survival to finally founding her own non-profit organization, dealing with other transgender people. The affection and warmth between Gauri and her new family could be seen in these specific scenes. Sheetal Kale’s performance as Nargis, a fellow transgender, was another highlight for me. Her friendship with Gauri, from once saving her life to presenting her a neckless that Gauri tressures as a trophy, are heartwarming experiences that will also have an impact on Gauri’s life.

Aside from the impressive performances, the show had its own set of flaws. To begin, despite the fact that the show drew out Gauri’s life across six episodes, it failed to give greater space to crucial moments that required more creativity, more time for viewers to absorb it and appreciate the depth of it. Factors such as Gauri’s transformation as a mother and her struggle to gain support from her own community were mentioned but not adequately developed. There are several situations in which Gauri faces adversity and hatred from members of her own community who believe that her work is harming their daily lives, even to the point where a fellow transgender tries to poison Gauri. However, these scenes are addressed with dialogues such as Mere paas na dushmano ki directory nahi dictionary milegi (you won’t either the directory or the dictionary of enemies with me) or inhone mera makeup kiya hai mei inka pack up karwati hoon (they did my makeup, I will do their pack up).

What was missing was a genuine confrontation moment to really show why many transgender people believed Gauri’s work was harming them, and it could’ve led the viewers to the real issue of why many of them are resistant to these changes. This alternate perspective was not properly explored.

Another letdown was the addition of sequences that felt like an attempt to inject some drama into the show. Scene of Gauri celebrating the commencement of her womanhood while dressed as a bride, was paralleled by her father performing Ganesh’s final rites. This was done to symbolically represent Gauri’s father’s reluctance to embrace her new reality.  Instead of this addition, it would have been good to devote more screen time to Gauri’s metamorphosis.

Other attempts at eliciting emotions were made with background music and almost poetic dialogues. It seemed as though Gauri’s every response was designed to be an inspiring statement. Gauri’s more open exchanges with people, such as the flight attendant on a trip to the United States or the school principal, were much appreciated.

Taali provided to the audience something that they had already seen on the internet and in the news. There was a lack of artistically narrating the story so that viewers could better comprehend the perspectives of the third gender. Taali remains an amazing first-of-its-kind biopic packed with a number of profound performances, and we hope that mainstream cinema brings out more work of such activists while providing LGBTQ people the opportunity to play these parts.

 

Read Also : https://dubeat.com/2016/09/03/transgender-accepting-the-non-conformist/

Featured Image Credits: JioCinema

Priya Agrawal

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