Ramanujan College suspends a student over allegations of offering female students incentives to accompany men to a Diljit Dosanjh concert, triggering an ABVP-NSUI row over accountability and campus safety.
Delhi University’s Ramanujan College has suspended a third-year student until February 1, 2027, following allegations that he offered female students incentives to accompany men to singer Diljit Dosanjh’s upcoming concert in Ahmedabad.
Anas Khan, a fifth-semester BA (Hons) Hindi student, was suspended by an order dated November 6 after the college Proctorial Committee examined a complaint, his explanation, and the findings of a preliminary inquiry. The order bars him from participating in regular academic and extracurricular activities during the suspension period. However, he may appear for scheduled university examinations and visit the college for pending assessments or assignments with prior permission from the proctor. He has also been asked to submit a written undertaking assuring that such conduct will not be repeated.
As reported by The Times of India and Hindustan Times, the controversy gained traction after screenshots of purported WhatsApp conversations circulated online. The messages allegedly offered female students concert access, travel arrangements, gifts and monetary incentives. India TVreported that the alleged offers ranged from Rs 10,000 to Rs 30,000. However, the authenticity and context of these messages remain to be independently established.
The allegations have also triggered a political exchange between the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI). ABVP has demanded a fair, transparent, and time-bound investigation, along with strict legal action if the allegations are established. It also questioned NSUI’s accountability, citing Khan’s reported association with the college unit.
NSUI condemned any attempt to exploit or financially induce female students but maintained that Khan had already been suspended from the organisation during the Delhi University Students’ Union elections over alleged indiscipline and anti-organisational activities. The organisation stated that he had no association with it when the present controversy emerged and called for an impartial inquiry.
Careers360 also reported on the controversy, highlighting the competing claims made by the student organisations and their demands for accountability. The suspension notice further warns that any recurrence of such conduct or involvement in another serious disciplinary offence could invite stricter action, including termination, following due process.
The college’s action has brought renewed attention to questions of student safety, institutional accountability and the responsibilities of campus political organisations. While disciplinary action has been taken, the allegations against Khan remain unproven. The matter now rests on the outcome of the investigation, rather than claims circulating on social media.
Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI) shifts all academic classes to an online mode until further notice. This administrative decision comes as the protest reaches its fourteenth day.
Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI) in New Delhi has officially shifted all academic classes to an online only format until further notice. This administrative decision was triggered by rising tensions on campus, caused by the student-led protest and an indefinite hunger strike that had stretched into its thirteenth day.
The primary catalyst for the agitation is the students’ ongoing demand for the reinstatement of the university’s student union, a body that has remained inactive since being dissolved back in 2006. While the hunger strike continued to draw attention, the campus atmosphere turned volatile following physical confrontations between protesting students, university staff, and security personnel. Reports and footage from the grounds indicated attempts by authorities to dismantle portions of the protest site, which quickly drew sharp backlash from student organisations.
According to an official notice issued by Registrar Prof. Md. Mahtab Alam Rizvi on 24 October, “In view of the ongoing situation and to ensure the safety and security of bonafide students on the university campus, the competent authority, JMI, has decided to conduct classes of all courses of the university through online mode with immediate effect until further notice.” Moving classes online was deemed a necessary precautionary step to safeguard the safety and security of the student body. The administration highlighted concerns regarding campus stability, the preservation of institutional property, and the smooth continuity of the academic calendar.
Student groups like AISA have criticised these actions, especially after the blockage of an emergency gate on campus and the alleged detainment of multiple protestors and hunger strikers.
According to the Hindustan Times, a 22-year-old master’s student, who requested anonymity, alleged that the administration was attempting to divide the student community by using the term “bonafide students.”
The student further added,
The protest has been going on for around two weeks, and students have remained peaceful. People are joining the movement of their own free will. By claiming that the shift to online classes is aimed at ensuring the safety and security of bona fide students, the administration is only trying to divide students who have united to demand the restoration of the students’ union.”
At present, the physical campus remains heavily regulated, with regular teaching entirely moved to an online mode.
The NTA has announced its proposed examination calendar for December 2026 to March 2027, outlining key dates for JEE Main, CUET PG, UGC NET and other national-level examinations.
The National Testing Agency (NTA) has released its proposed examination calendar from December 2026 to March 2027, outlining dates for major national-level examinations, including UGC NET, JEE Main and CUET PG. The schedule gives students an early look at the upcoming examination season and helps them plan their preparation in advance.
The December cycle begins with the Rashtriya Indian Military College examination on December 6, followed by SWAYAM examinations from December 8 to 12 and Rashtriya Military Schools examinations on December 13. The UGC NET December cycle is scheduled for December 14–19, with December 20–21 reserved as buffer dates. The Joint CSIR UGC NET examination will take place on December 20–21.
January brings a packed schedule for aspirants. The Army Cadets College examination is proposed for January 4, while the NIFT Entrance Examination and SHRESHTA (NETS) are both scheduled for January 10. JEE Main Session 1 will be held on January 22–24 and January 28–30, with January 31 kept as a buffer date. The All India Sainik Schools Entrance Examination is also scheduled for January 31.
In February, the Common Management Admission Test (CMAT) is scheduled for February 7. The National Initiative for Technical Teachers Training (NITTT) Part 1 examination will follow on February 26–27.
March will see the CUET PG examination, proposed across March 1–5, 8, 12–20 and 24–25. The calendar lists a total duration of 17 days for the examination, with March 30–31 reserved as buffer dates. NITTT Part 2 is scheduled for March 5 and 7.
For students preparing for postgraduate admissions, engineering entrance tests and eligibility examinations, the calendar offers a useful starting point for organising revision schedules and balancing academic commitments. However, the NTA has clarified that the dates are tentative and may change due to administrative, academic, statutory, logistical or other unforeseen circumstances. Candidates are advised to check official NTA announcements regularly for updates and confirm the final dates before making examination-related plans.
DU Beat sits in conversation with Ms. Shreya Basu, Head of Partnerships and Growth at Safetipin, to discuss how the narrative around women’s safety has changed and the gaps that we are yet to overcome.
Rishika: When we talk about making spaces safer for women, there’s often a move towards more CCTVs and more police. How do we make sure that women’s safety doesn’t become synonymous with surveillance and restricting women’s behaviour?
Shreya: I think the first thing to understand is that safety and security are not the same thing. Safety is about feeling free from fear. Surveillance is a part of safety, so it doesn’t need to be completely taken away, but it has to be backed by trust and accountability. If you’re going to put up CCTV cameras, I have to feel safe, and I have to feel confident that there is someone who will help me out. The same goes for police personnel. It’s not just about putting up the infrastructure, but it also has to do with how you maintain it. It is crucial to ask who’s managing the space and how it impacts your day-to-day activity and movement in that space. It’s really important to find that balance. So, security is not bad, but security is not everything, and security without trust and accountability is only a curative measure if they care about it. We should look at safety as prevention because it’s a feeling of fear that we’re trying to eliminate.
Rishika: You spoke about the need to strike a balance between security and trust. In an ideal world, how do you think this balance should be achieved? While safety requires structural changes in how spaces are designed and managed, it also involves addressing societal attitudes and the patriarchal mindsets that shape how we perceive and approach women’s safety. What are your thoughts on this?
Shreya: First, there are two kinds of surveillance: actual surveillance and natural surveillance. In actual surveillance, in theory and in an ideal world, all the systems and institutions in a government work for the citizen. They’re supposed to be working for our welfare, but who is the citizen they’re realistically working for is the question. Because men are able to walk around. Women are not. So it’s also: who are you designing the system for? Who are you including at the table? Who are you actually asking these questions to? Because if a bunch of men sit around and discuss and design a public space, they’ll design it in a way that they understand. And that’s not their fault; that’s their reality. So, for it to be inclusive and responsive to the needs of other genders and other ages, you have to include those people in the conversation when designing. And I think the point of maintenance is very important. You can’t just do one thing and say, now it will be done. You have to continue it. It has to keep building.
Then there’s the concept of natural surveillance—activity on the streets, eyes on the streets—which changes the game. If you have space with vendors that women are actively using, as well as female vendors, you will feel more comfortable being out there. If you see more of you outside, you will feel comfortable being outside. I looked at the Safetipin data from 2023 to 2025, and what we found was that when there are no people around, both men and women feel unsafe. But as the number of people increases, the feeling of safety for men and women both increases. However, for men, the gender composition doesn’t matter. For women, the gender composition does matter. That’s why we have a gender parameter in our audit. And the feeling of safety differs for men and women when those are different, and that’s what matters.
So, activity on the street first: if you have a vendor, if you have shopkeepers, they add life to the street, and they take ownership of the street. Then you don’t feel alone. But what it also does is invite more women to use it.
What type of vendors do you have? What type of things are you selling? What type of seating is around it? Are you creating a public space where women feel comfortable to actually be? Because there’s very little room for women to be in public spaces just for leisure, for pleasure, for loitering. And it’s very important that we question why that is for all women, so that’s the conversation we need to change. Something like when Safetipin puts up their tea stall, wherein we tell women to come sit and have chai. You don’t need to be on the move all the time. Social norms won’t change quickly. They will not change in our lifetime, 100%. But infrastructure informs social change. So we can start there.
If you look at just the difference between what happened in the Nirbhaya case and the Aastha Kunj case, at the time of Nirbhaya, the instant reaction was, “Let’s install panic buttons, let’s put out a Nirbhaya fund, and let’s kill the people who did this.” In the Aastha Kunj case, it’s “Let’s do audits of public parks. Let’s look at public infrastructure. Let’s look at street lighting.” So in the last 15 years, the conversation has changed. Safety in public spaces has become mainstream, largely due to the work of feminist organisations in Delhi and in India. We have to acknowledge that it is changing very slowly, but it is. So we have to keep pushing that forward. We can’t just say it’s okay that this happened. No. But at least we’re addressing the real problem. I don’t know if they’re doing it fully correctly, but at least the wording is right. It’s not just “Kill the rapists”. I think they should be convicted, and a lot more should happen. But we’re also looking at the streets and the parks, and public toilets. If you don’t put public toilets in places, there is no reason women can come and hang out.
Rishika: Safetipin measures gender diversity in a space. But women may not be present because a space feels unsafe, and then their absence can itself become part of what makes the space feel unsafe. How can we break this vicious loop?
Shreya: That’s true. I think we also don’t feel comfortable going out alone, and I understand that. Because even if the street is completely safe, you may still not use it, because other streets are not safe. We’ve accustomed ourselves to change internally before we even question what’s happening outside.
I think that community-mobilisation activities like Jagori’s ‘Sleep in the Park’, Why Loiter’s walks around places, and Safetipin’s night safety walks are very important. Going around with a group of women, including men, also, that’s not a problem; it builds your confidence. Of course, your security and safety are very important. The reason you’re not moving around the city is that you don’t feel safe, because you’ve never done it.
It’s also okay if you don’t want to; I think that’s also fair. Maybe somebody doesn’t want to go out in the evening; sometimes they’re just lazy. We can’t say that every woman has to be an activist in everything she does. I think it’s fair to say we need a break also. But when you want to go out, you should. You want to reclaim a park, go reclaim a park; go hang out there.
How you use a space is shaped by social norms, and social norms do get created based on how you also act in those social public spaces. So I would say that’s a very community-driven feeling. It’ll increase the gender diversity; of course, don’t get me wrong, infrastructure does have to change, and other people also have to change. But this part we can do.
I don’t think the onus of my safety should be on me. Never. If something happens to me ever, it won’t be my fault. I can wear what I want, I can do what I want, say what I want, be whoever. But the onus of my enjoyment can be on me. If I try to figure out how I can look for my joy, if my joy is about being out, I should be able to access that. The negative cannot be on me; that’s on the perpetrator. But my happiness and what I can enjoy, I can do with my friends, my community, and I can choose to do that.
Rishika: Back in March of 2015, LSR and Jagori conducted a Safetipin audit of the areas around LSR, and 11 years later, Safetipin and Jagori have returned to almost the same stretch and found many of the same concerns. Students reported feeling uncomfortable in the space in 2015, and students still feel uncomfortable there in 2026. What does that tell us about the limits of producing evidence?
Shreya: I think the gap is what you do with that data, and how you make it actionable. Getting a woman’s feelings about a space is not enough, so the 8 other parameters I’m collecting—that’s what the action items are. Let’s say Safetipin does the audit with a bunch of students; we have found that you feel uncomfortable here; we have figured out what the reasons are for the parameters; we can give actionable recommendations on what needs to be done. Who will do it now is a little bit of an issue. And I’m not saying that’s an excuse. I’m saying it’s a very, very poor reality of the world we live in that we can’t get that done. But if you fight enough, if you push enough, you may even get the streetlights installed, but will they work? You may get a vendor for one day, but will they stay? So, what is the longer-term vision? And I think that’s why some of these things are slower, because the point is, it shouldn’t be a one-time thing. Implementation is not just doing it once. And I think that’s also what we have to understand: implementation is a longer process. Projects can’t just end.
Shreya V. Basu, Head of Partnerships and Growth at Safetipin
Students of colleges across Delhi University assess safety outside their colleges across nine parameters using the My Safetipin app, revealing the terms and conditions of mobility around campus.
11 years of safety around LSR
In March 2015, Lady Shri Ram College’s Committee Against Sexual Harassment, the Aung San Suu Kyi Centre for Peace and the Department of Political Science conducted a safety audit from LSR to Moolchand. It rated the space as ‘uncomfortable’. The audit was meant to give students agency and local ownership: a safety map based on factors such as lighting, openness and visibility, to help outstation students choose PG accommodation. According to professors back then, the initiative focused on taking immediate action rather than waiting on institutional intervention. The extent of subsequent progress remains uncertain.
Eleven years later, on 24 September 2026, another audit was conducted in the lane adjacent to the college’s back gate, following the alleged rape of a 17-year-old girl nearby. Hosted by Safetipin and Jagori, the audit saw 8–10 LSR students use the My Safetipin app to rate the lane across nine parameters: lighting, openness, visibility, people, security, walking path, public transport, gender diversity, and feeling.
The lane scored low across all nine parameters, with the average rating for feeling indicating that the space was frightening and uncomfortable. It is only in a group that one would feel safe travelling here.
When night falls in North Campus
The five audits conducted around North Campus colleges: Hindu College, Hansraj College, Miranda House, Shri Ram College of Commerce and Kirori Mal College, reveal a mixed picture of safety around campuses. While several locations scored relatively well on openness, concerns surrounding lighting, security, and gender usage raise questions about safety in these areas.
An audit outside Hindu College, conducted at 4:08 pm, recorded no street lighting. As the auditor noted, ‘From 6 pm, there will be no light as there is no street lamp,’ warning that the area becomes ‘highly unsafe for women unless they are travelling in groups’. Similarly, Hansraj College recorded low scores for lighting and security, alongside moderate ratings for openness, visibility and gender usage.
At Miranda House, the audit recorded moderate lighting and visibility but low security and gender usage. Although public transport accessibility received a high score, the limited presence of women raises questions about whether connectivity alone ensures safety. SRCC presented a comparatively ‘safer’ picture, scoring highly on security and walk paths, with the auditor reporting feeling ‘comfortable’ in the space. The audit conducted near Kirori Mal College at 8:22 pm offers the most relevant evidence for examining safety after dark. Despite high scores for openness, visibility, the presence of people, and public transport, the location received low ratings for lighting, security, walking paths, and gender usage.
These findings suggest that favourable physical infrastructure does not automatically ensure women’s safety in public spaces, although it may contribute to a sense of security. However, only one of the five audits was conducted after 8 pm, and gender diversity was rated low rather than absent. Therefore, it is difficult to determine whether the presence of women in North Campus declines significantly after dark.
Safety and sundown in South and Off Campus
Students from seven colleges across South Campus and off-campus areas identified gaps in mobility outside their campuses. While these spaces scored highly on openness and walkability, perceptions of safety were shaped by gendered usage and temporal conditions.
Audits around Gargi College and Kamala Nehru College, conducted near the gates between 5:32 pm and 6:46 pm, revealed a stark decline in women’s presence after sunset. While the streets consistently scored highly on openness and walkability, students reported poor lighting, with illumination coming primarily from secondary sources, such as the colleges themselves. The audits also revealed limited public transport accessibility and a sharp decline in gender diversity as evening fell.
In an audit conducted outside Gate 2 of Gargi College, the user, a second-year student who uses the space daily, wrote, ‘Streetlights are not functional’. Locals commented that the police leave after sunset. All women PCR vans are nowhere near. The area is fairly deserted except for the traffic. A similar picture emerged outside Gate 2 of Gargi College, where the auditor reported ‘natural light blocked by trees’ and described the stretch as deserted. These factors, compounded by relatively few or no eyes on the street, the absence of security personnel, and extremely low gender diversity, contributed to students reporting a feeling of being ‘alarmed’. They said they would avoid the space if they could.
Comparatively, Gate 1 of Gargi College was reported to have better lighting and a larger crowd in the surrounding area, contributing to a feeling of being ‘secure’, although the location still scored low on security and gender diversity.
Outside Gates 1 and 2 of Kamala Nehru College, situated close to Gargi College, the reported feeling returned to ‘frightening’ and ‘uncomfortable’, with scarce lighting around 6:30 pm, distant public transport, and gender diversity reported as ‘no one in sight’. In contrast, the area scored highly on openness, and the walking paths were good enough to run on. The auditor also added, ‘There are no working street lamps on the entire Siri Fort road.’ An audit conducted at 5:32 pm, before sunset, recorded adequately lit surroundings and a higher, though still low, female presence. By 6:39 pm, gender usage had dropped to zero.
The perception of low safety persists even in broad daylight. Outside Delhi College of Arts and Commerce, an audit was conducted at 1:11 pm, and almost every parameter was rated poorly. With virtually no street lighting, no eyes on the street, undiversified gender usage, unavailable public transport, and no security, the student reported feeling ‘frightened’ in the space surrounding the college. ‘It is a construction site, and everywhere there are construction workers even during the daytime. The way to the nearest residential area is all but worse,’ the auditor wrote.
Outside Jesus and Mary College, audits were conducted at 10:03 am and 5:17 pm. While the ratings for the different parameters fluctuated between the two times, students reported the feeling in the space as ‘acceptable’. Outside Venkateswara College, an audit conducted at 12:41 pm reported fairly diverse gender usage and an overall feeling of ‘acceptable’.
Outside Deshbandhu College, an audit conducted at 6:47 pm recorded adequate performance across all parameters except security. ‘Even though there are lights, they are not enough, as there are a few blind spots. There are no security guards over here,’ the auditor wrote. An audit conducted outside Shivaji College at 4:35 pm recorded decent scores across all parameters. The auditor, however, wrote, ‘Though it’s good in daytime, at night it’s extremely unsafe’.
For many students, the college campus functions as a safe island. But what happens when we step outside? What remains is a stretch of road that the data rates as frightening, and a city that, after dark, is simply smaller for women.
As long as the slogans of resistance have echoed in the history of our nation, ‘Azaadi’ and ‘Inquilab Zindabad’ have remained at its core. Today, however, the same chants and the same spirit of protesting that had given rise to us as a Sovereign, Socialist, Secular, Democratic, Republic, become the biggest threat to the ‘rulers’ (or in better terms, government) of our land.
The year is 2026, and it is only the second week of October; the year is yet to be over, and the people are yet to be heard. Some decades earlier it was 1975, and it was the early month of March; the Emergency had been declared, and the people were already enraged. About 79 years ago it was 1947, and the month of August; the colonial rule was soon to be over, the people were soon to be heard.
There is never a democracy, at least a true one, where there isn’t dissent. What fundamentally makes a nation a democracy is the existence of a thesis, an anti-thesis, and ultimately a synthesis, in the middle of which functions a government—one that must not only heed to its voters, but also its non-voters and dissenters. It is these dissenters, that often take shape of the opposition party, an Instagram/X page, or people marching on the streets with concrete demands that make the ruling government earn respect; not by brutally detaining the people who march with their voice and placards, but by letting people resist, dissent, and protest, while addressing them democratically.
The changing face of our democracy is probably reflected at its highest coverage in the capital city. For decades, the urban residents of Delhi have quietly witnessed the atrocities breaking across Manipur and Kashmir, along with the labouring and farming class of rural India who have by now learnt to live with internet shutdowns, gunfires, brutal detentions, complete lockdowns, and a long list of restrictions that could be debated as constitutionally wrong—the Delhites remained quiet for they never once believed the same atrocities could come knocking at their doorstep. They, just like all of us, were wrong.
Today is 10th October, 2026, and somehow it feels like the 1920s as a lot of the youth who’ve only heard of those days in the stories, histories, and documentaries of the yesteryears would say. Some have even gone to the extent of calling this a remembrance of Indira Gandhi’s 1975 Emergency, but possibly worse. Shashi Tharoor in his wordplay of affairs writes,
“Gen Z deserves better than an undeclared Emer-GenZ.”
Image Credits: Shashi Tharoor on X
Delhi is officially, on papers, locked down—45 metro stations have been closed, X numbers of individuals from across the city have been detained, leaders of opposition parties like CJP, CPI(M), AISA, and more have been detained, incoming trains have been cancelled, and roads have been closed throughout the city with the Delhi Police doing the best job they have ever done in making sure order, safety, and ruliness is maintained. If this isn’t a declaration of Internal Emergency, one is to wonder what truly is.
Irony remains here, that the citizens who leave the comfort of their homes to walk on the streets amidst the brutal sun and police, are here protesting for answers on the integrity of elections—the same medium through which the current government remains elected by a majority, as they continue to maintain.
Just like the Delhi Police, even the University of Delhi has tried its best to keep its students in the classroom. While Zakir Hussain College (Evening), Satyawati College (Evening), Shaheed Rajguru College of Applied Sciences, and SBSC have let its students stay at home and attend online classes, women’s colleges of Delhi that happen to be regarded as “apolitical spaces” have once again risen to the occasion—Maitreyi College assured double attendance for all students who came to classes while Lady Shri Ram College witnessed more discussion on cancelling its Garba Event than on addressing concerns of offline classes. The issue here is more than just students wanting to attend the protest—DU doesn’t just have hostellers or students occupying nearby PGs, it has a larger number of day scholars who commute from as far as Faridabad and Ghaziabad to the city. With roads closed, main metros restricted, buses a less than feasible option, and Rapidos unable to function without a massive fare hike, the concern is about reaching college on time before the teachers shut the door on your face for an 8:45 A.M. lecture.
Screenshot of a Maitreyi College Official Group Chat (Credits: AISA Maitreyi)
Yet, despite the fear of RAF and CAPF being called in, the attendance bribery offered to students, and the detention of leaders right from their residence or the airport the morning of the protests, people are on the streets. They, however, are confused.
If there’s one thing India should have learnt from its history of protesting, it is that a disorganised movement has no outcome. On the 4th of October, the protestors walking from India Gate to Jantar Mantar, after losing its leader, Neha Bora and her fellow AISA comrades to the detaining police force began to scramble—they ran after the detaining buses shouting and in a spur of confusion ended up getting detained themselves. 10th October, one can only hope, has been different.
Scenes from the 4th October Protest (Credits: Mananya for DU Beat)
Abhijeet Dipke, founder of CJP—detained.
Neha Bora, AISA President—detained.
M.A. Baby, CPI(M) General Secretary—detained.
Ronak Khatri, Ex DUSU President—detained.
Arvind Kejriwal, Ex Delhi CM and National Convenor AAP—detained.
Lawyers and Journalists—detained.
Common People—detained.
While the leaders sit in buses at undisclosed locations, the public, that is, the ordinary people, many of whom have risked travelling from across the city if not other states, remain in a state of perplexity. From Jantar Mantar and ITO to Dilli Haat and Safdarjung Flyover, the people have taken to brainstorming new routes with the city’s auto bhaiyas and rickshawalas being the biggest supporters of the mass resistance. As disorganised as it may be, the people—both the ones sitting in detention vans since 11:30 AM and the ones running from the police and sitting down wherever the protest location next evolves—are angry. In fact, they are furious, tired, and hopeless. They demand a change, one that should be larger than simply a resignation but systematic, and shouldn’t vanish the minute one demand is met. In July it was for NEET. In October it is for Anti-CEC and SIR, and in the future, the right to protest shouldn’t be one that is met with brutality and disapproval, but one that is welcomed with peace, dialogue, resolution, and hopefully a Prime Minister’s Press Conference with media houses that are yet to be bought—a utopia, one day we hope our nation achieves.
As 10th October slowly closes and midnight approaches, one is to wonder, if at the stroke of midnight, Delhi will awaken to lesser restrictions and more freedom to dissent. If at every moment of dissent the government calls machinery of the state like the Police and Army to back it up at the cost of brutality towards its dissenting citizens, who will suffer—their non-dissenting citizens. If this is indeed the State’s ‘divide and rule’ policy: that they shall use the “inconvenience” caused by the protesting public to the non-protesting crowd, then one is to wonder about the success rates of it.
Today the protest may die down. Tomorrow it will rise again. Today might’ve been a Saturday with fewer offices and colleges open. Monday will be a weekday with more offices and colleges open.
One can only hope that the people stay, no matter the level of brutality, detention, and hiding away of leadership. One can only hope that this rage at being attacked, simply for being on the streets demanding accountability for a wrong, can be cultivated into a peaceful resistance that is met with systematic changes and not the sacrifice of only one member of the ruling party. It is through these hopes that protests like these sustain, and when a country finally awakens after years of being silent, one can expect the government to finally realise that its people will be exhausted, not by the protests, but by their lack of empathy, response, and accountability.
Several posts circulating online allege sexist and sexual remarks made by Union Members of FLP Hansraj. The club union has released a statement announcing that the named members are no longer associated with FLP.
On Thursday, 8th October 2026, posts appeared on LinkedIn and Instagram, alleging misogynistic and sexual remarks made by members of ‘Future Leaders Program (FLP)’ Hansraj College.
Screenshots circulating on social media, independently verified by DU Beat through anonymous sources at Hansraj, show the named individuals making inappropriate remarks such as“She’s asking 4 it” and “Mein toh soc chod deta first year hota toh – zero hot women”. The screenshots also show the accused using obscene language and casteist slurs against female juniors.
Future Leaders Program, Hansraj College, was founded about a year ago in 2025. Following the surfacing of sexual and sexist remarks by the leadership, Hansraj College declared that the Future Leaders Program is not a recognised society of Hansraj, in an official notice dated 8th October.
Following the controversy, the Future Leaders Program on 9th October released a statement announcing, “In light of the recent developments and concerns that have come to light, the President, former Presidents, and individuals holding the previously associated core positions are no longer associated with FLP in any capacity.” The club also stated that it does not stand by the conduct that has surfaced, and has attempted to address these concerns over the past weeks through structured channels within the society.
Students at Hansraj stated that this misconduct had been ongoing since November 2025, and the details were made clear recently. DU Beat was also told that the club’s previous union, responsible for choosing the new presidents, was aware of the alleged misconduct of the individuals named, their statements and was directly involved as well.
An anonymous source at Hansraj College stated that the FLP President, named in these allegations, had apologisedto those who brought the allegations forward. They pointed out that “if it wasn’t true, he wouldn’t have apologised.”
When asked about the wider environment of the club, it was revealed that the club had a skewed gender ratio,“The current council had 10 men, 4 women, and there was only 1 woman in the whole core union.”
Further, according to social media posts, backed by students at Hansraj College, those named have received Pre-Placement Offers (PPOs) from several reputed consulting companies.
Individuals involved are demanding cancellation of the accused’s Pre-Placement Offers (PPOs), out of concern for appropriate workplace behaviour and have stated suspension as the bare minimum. SFI Hansraj, a left-leaning student political organisation, has also condemned the incident and submitted a memorandum asking for strict action to be taken against those involved.
These allegations arise against a backdrop of growing student concerns over women’s safety and their ability to move through public spaces without fear. With the recent allegations coming to light, questions surrounding safety, dignity and accountability continue to remain a concern.
DU Beat reached out to the FLP Club for a direct quote, but no response was received at the time of publication.
The Jantar Mantar protests planned on 10th October 2026 against the CEC, Gyanesh Kumar, and SIR witnessed the Delhi Police detaining major leaders of opposition parties along with protestors from across the capital.
On 10th October, ahead of the planned Jantar Mantar protests, the Delhi Police detained CJP Founder Abhijeet Dipke along with other leaders like Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka from their flight at the Delhi IGI Airport. Alongside them, CJP Spokesperson Mehr Parsicha has also been detained.
Live Law reported that a group of lawyers who were protesting against the CEC and SIR were also detained by the Delhi Police after they marched for “around 100 yards.” The location of the lawyers is currently unknown.
In addition to lawyers, the Delhi Police have also begun to detain journalists despite their declaration as well as possession of Press ID Cards. Scroll News reported that their journalist, Ayush Tiwari, was detained by the Delhi Police near ITO, which is 3.1 km away from Jantar Mantar. Tiwari said, “I literally shouted out to say that I’m a journalist. But the police said everyone is claiming to be a journalist.”
News Laundry too released a statement that their journalists, Ashwine Kumar Singh, Astha Savyasachi, and Anmol Pritam have been detained with their official phones seized by the Delhi Police. Similarly, two journalists were taken to the Chanakyapuri Police Station, where they were informed that they had not been detained, but were also not allowed to leave until the Investigating Officer arrived, writes Caravan Magazine.
Apart from political leaders, journalists, and lawyers, the Delhi Police has released a statement that “500 people arriving in various groups from different locations have been detained.” This comes after a shutdown has been imposed on the capital, with 20+ students detained en route to Delhi via the Goa Express in Madhya Pradesh. Similarly, 45 Metro Stations across the capital have been closed, with traffic blockages and restrictions across multiple key areas.
Students of the Delhi School of Journalism protested, demanding the resignation of OSD Dr. Sanjay Verma over alleged gender and caste discrimination, alongside fundamental changes in faculty recruitment, internal assessments, student funds, and infrastructure facilities.
On October 8, 2026, students of the Delhi School of Journalism (DSJ), University of Delhi, organized a walkout during a lecture part of the weekly lecture series, as soon as the Officer on Special Duty (OSD), Dr. Sanjay Verma, took the stage for his address. The students stood on their seats, raised posters and slogans for the resignation of Dr. Verma, before proceeding to walk out in front of the dignitaries and guest speakers.
The students allege persistent gender-based harassment, including the use of sexist, abusive language; gender harassment; and psychological torture specifically targeted against female students. The students have also accused the faculty and administration of engaging in caste vilification, victimisation of marginalized students, as well as breaches of academic ethics that warrant immediate punitive termination.
The professors allegedly threatened students with academic failure and arbitrary marks if they challenged authority.
The students have also raised concerns regarding arbitrary evaluation and opaqueness in the calculation of Internal Assessment marks, demanding a standardised, transparent grading measure to avoid personal vendettas and institutional corruption. Moreover, the lack of transparent re-checking and re-evaluation procedures makes students vulnerable to malicious grading. Students also allege manipulation of attendance records and are raising demands for a real-time, tamper-proof digital attendance portal to prevent arbitrary academic disqualifications.
The students have also raised complaints regarding infrastructure collapse, especially the uninhabitable state of female washrooms. According to the students, the female washrooms lack locks, have shattered doors, and are unhygienic, exposing students to privacy breaches and health hazards. Students also report a lack of basic medical or first-aid facilities, hazardous electrical wiring, broken furniture, and decayed academic spots.
According to the students, the media studio lacks any operational functionality, alongside a deficiency of basic functional laboratories such as broadcast production, digital editing, and audio engineering, creating obstacles in practical media training.
Additionally, students have to rely on contaminated or non-functional drinking water units due to negligence in servicing water coolers. The students also report heavy library fees despite limited access to research databases, literature, or physical infrastructure.
According to a student, the college lacks basic infrastructure, which negatively affects academics. Despite repeated complaints, the authorities have not taken any action, which affects students’ overall college experience. The student asked the authorities how long they would have to wait before any serious steps are taken.
However, the authorities refused to negotiate with the students, and the lectures reportedly continued to function normally despite students carrying out the protest. From the college campus, the protest moved to the Vice-Chancellor’s office as students raised demands for reform. According to many students, these instances of gender and caste discrimination have been occurring for over a year with no action by the authorities. The protest was then joined by the Vice President of Delhi University Students’ Union, Deepanshu Shokeen, who reportedly broke the college gate lock to enter the premises, and the Joint Secretary, Lakshay Raj Singh.
A team of students’ representatives was later allowed to meet the Dean of Students’ Welfare as they raised their concerns and demanded immediate reforms, including the resignation of Dr. Sanjay Verma. The students later returned to the college with the reassurance of an inquiry into the matter.
The Students’ Union of JNU has sat on an indefinite strike as it demands immediate reforms in infrastructure and hostel facilities, restoration of the JNUEE exam, alongside raising allegations of admission irregularities and unjust rustication of office-bearers.
Jawaharlal Nehru University Students’ Union (JNUSU) office-bearers and 14 other students have been sitting on an indefinite hunger strike since 3 October 2026, demanding that rustication orders against office-bearers be addressed, along with deteriorating university and hostel infrastructure, students’ rights and social justice.
JNUSU President Aditi, Vice-President Gopika and General Secretary Sunil are among the students currently observing the hunger strike.
The office-bearers have been rusticated for several months following protests earlier this month, and the union has opposed this disciplinary action, arguing for reinstatement. They have also called for a review of the Chief Proctor Office (CPO) Manual, as it has been alleged that its provisions negatively affect students’ rights and their participation in campus affairs.
For their infrastructure demands, JNUSU has demanded a fundamental overhaul of basic facilities, including renovation and upgradation of hostels, expansion of library seating, and lifts, especially in Kaveri, Periyar, and Godavari hostels. The students have also raised a demand for the repair of campus roads and gender-neutral washrooms in the Health Centre, accompanied by functional mess and Wi-Fi facilities in Barak Hostel.
The students have also raised a demand for the reinstatement of the Gender Sensitization Committee Against Sexual Harassment (GCASH), restoration of the JNU Entrance Exam (JNUEE), and reform of the Equal Opportunity Cell (EOC) in accordance with the principles of the Rohith Act. Alongside this, the union is also demanding an independent inquiry into a recruitment scam through the Internal Quality Assurance Cell (IQAC), an increase in MCM scholarships, provision of hostel accommodation for PhD students until the submission of their thesis, reservation norms in hostel allotment and their enforcement, along with student representation in university councils and committees.
