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A mass Memorandum was submitted to the Delhi police commissioner on Friday in response to the recent harassment case of a northeastern student during her Uber ride.

On 11 October 2024, a mass memorandum was submitted to Sanjay Arora, the Delhi Police Commissioner, by North Eastern students residing in the University Enclave. This came in response to an alleged incident whereby an Uber driver attempted to kidnap a student from Manipur as per the complainant’s statements. The incident took place late at night on 5 October 2024. The complainant called for an Uber from Vijay Nagar to the bus station at Kashmere Gate, hoping to board a bus to Chandigarh. Shortly after she got into the Uber, the driver asked her about her location and other personal details before trying to take her to a remote area.

“When he initially took a wrong turn, I did inform him about it and did grow suspicious, when he wouldn’t listen and instead would tell me to let him decide which way the ride should head in whilst threatening me with a blade.”

The complainant said, recalling the terrible experience. Soon after, she and her friends filed an FIR against the accused at Model Town Police Station. As the situation developed, it became clear that the driver of the car was not the same person shown on the Uber app, which raised additional safety concerns.

The police’s role in all of this was both shocking and severely disappointing. The complainant was made to wait for 7 hours before she could file a complaint, highlighting both the complacency and incompetency on the part of the officials. The accused was charged with lenient sections under the Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), leading to an early bail. The accused was even allowed an altercation with the complainant, allegedly to pressurise her into withdrawing her complaint. The complainant understandably felt unsafe, knowing the accused could walk free while knowing her whereabouts. She went on to express her concerns to the police officials but was met with a dismissive tone.

“I was made to wait for hours because the official in charge of filing the FIR was said to be in a meeting. My safety concerns were dismissed and blown out the window, citing that nothing of that sort would happen. All while the accused was allowed to have an altercation with me in order to put pressure on me to withdraw my complaint.

The complainant expressed her clear disdain for the irresponsible and inexcusable behaviour of the police officials at Model Town Police Station. 

The Mass Memorandum in light of this incident, and amidst a growing number of violence and harassment cases against the northeastern students in areas like Vijay Nagar, whose demography is shaped massively by the students coming from the northeast. There have been multiple key demands that have been put forward. The immediate suspension of all the police officers, with a new FIR under Section 74 of BNS, be filed. Section 74 of the BNS rules that acts of violence against women that are intended to outrage their modesty be met with a minimum sentence of 1 year, with the possibility of extending it to five years. The concern that has understandably taken precedence in the demands has been ensuring the safety of the complainant. The police have been asked to provide adequate security to protect her. Seeing the dismissive nature of the North Eastern helpline, a nodal officer has been asked to be appointed by Delhi police, who’d be responsible for matters concerning the North Eastern States. Finally, Uber, which has yet to take any kind of responsibility, has been asked to hold itself accountable for the incident.

These incidents are concerning and contribute to an environment in which women frequently feel both unsafe and unheard. The complainant attempted to contact the North Eastern helpline, only to have the issue referred to the Model Town police station, undermining the purpose of having a dedicated helpline. Vijay Nagar and many such areas in Delhi are student hubs, with students coming to study from different parts of India. Uber then becomes somewhat of a necessity for many to travel back and forth from one location to the other, making incidents like these damming on the part of Uber, who parade the narrative of wanting to ensure women’s safety but fail whilst taking no accountability whatsoever.

Read also: North-Eastern Student of Hindu College Faces Racially-Motivated Attack

Featured Images credits: Getty Images

Yash Raj

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The Jammu and Kashmir election results have set the stage for the NC-INC-led coalition to form the government after NC turned out to be the single largest party in the region. The different political actors that emerged in these elections could not break the vote share and fracture the mandate. With more powers being transferred to L-G, the autonomy with the elected government remains a question yet to be answered.

The results for the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly Elections were out on 8 October, and the National Conference (NC), led by party deputy, Omar Abdullah, is set to form a government with the Indian National Congress (INC) after winning 42 seats out of the 90 legislative seats.

The whole fiasco that presented itself before the polling started – gave away that the elections won’t be as predictable as one might think. The comeback of Engineer Rashid just days before the elections or the re-emergence of Jamaat-e-Islami into politics by fielding independent candidates – but, nothing could divide the votes and fracture the election results in the Valley. Engineer Rashid, who had won the Baramulla parliamentary seat in the 2024 Lok Sabha election against political colossus Omar Abdullah and the People’s Conference’s Sajad Lone while detained in Tihar Jail, as predicted, was set to break NC’s dominance in the assembly elections. However, the results said otherwise. Rashid failed to make a mark, and his party could only secure the Langate seat in North Kashmir with a narrow margin of 1,602 votes. Rashid’s downfall is symptomatic of a deep fear of the BJP’s entry in the Valley – rumours of his possible tie-up with Modi-Shah, his hesitancy to openly deny any future alliances with the centre and doubts about the reasons for his timely bail – all created an illusion that Delhi’s machinations were playing a role. 

“People have supported us more than our expectations. Now our efforts will be to prove that we are worth these votes,” said Omar Abdullah, in Srinagar.

Despite the presence of different political actors, NC emerged as the single largest party in the region. This outcome indicates the clear conscience of the people of the region. The People’s Democratic Party only secured three seats, a drastic fall from 28 seats it bagged in the 2014 election, and rightfully so. With the betrayal of a sudden coalition with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the past and the anger of the abrogation still fresh in the minds, the PDP had lost its footing in the region. Also, Mufti’s flippant “toffee and milk” remark still remains fresh in the minds of voters – who cast the party as unreliable. Also, the departure of the senior leaders, with significant following and hollowing out of the party cadre in the last five years, did not do any good to the party.

So why did all the different regional-based parties fail to secure any votes in the Valley? The people of Kashmir suspected, as per the popular opinion, that the re-emergence of jailed candidates and banned political outfits is just a set-up to fracture the election mandate and help the BJP ally with the fractional votes. The presence of so many political factors felt too engineered to be natural. However, the votes in favour of the Omar Abdullah-led NC do not come from a place of love for the party but to keep away the presence of the BJP from the valley that stripped Kashmir of its special status.

“When you hate someone and still have to vote for them because there is no other choice. That’s the hell we live in.” commented a voter on social media 

 Jammu stayed constant with its love for the saffron. The BJP won 29 seats in the Jammu division, increasing its tally from 25 seats in the 2014 elections. It’s also believed that the NC-INC alliance could be accused of denying Jammu credible representation. And the promise made by Omar Abdullah to pass a resolution against the revocation of Article 370 can’t really be fulfilled with Congress as part of the coalition. However, people would expect him to pitch for the restoration of statehood.

After the revocation of Article 370, the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly’s law-making powers, once it is reconstituted, are notably limited. Under the rules, the Assembly can legislate on matters within the State List, except those related to police and public order. These two crucial areas fall under the jurisdiction of the central government and the Lieutenant Governor (L-G). The subjects that fall under the Concurrent list will be authorised by the Union Government along with the Assembly, thus further restricting the powers of the assembly.

Omar Abdullah, in a recent post on X, claimed that the powers of the Chief Minister were being curtailed and transferred to L-G to maintain a hold on the valley and further disempower the incoming elected government. On social media, jibes have been made regarding the NC victory, referring to the Assembly as a municipal corporation. 

“The BJP has clearly accepted defeat in J&K. Why else would the Chief Secretary be assigned the duty to change the transaction of business rules of the government to curtail the powers of the Chief minister / elected government and assign the same to the LG? This information has come to me from within the Secretariat. Officers would be well advised to resist any pressure to further disempower the incoming elected government.”

The Ministry of Home Affairs amended the Transaction of Business Rules on July 13, 2024. This amendment has strengthened the role of L-G even more, raising the serious question of how much autonomy an elected government will have if statehood is restored. 

While the holding of these elections seemed like a promising development, the truth is not so optimistic. The Indian administration may boast of a total voter turnout of 63 per cent; the reality is that most of Kashmir voted out of protest – AIP’s Sheikh Rashid fought the Lok Sabha election with the phrase – Tihar ka badla, vote se. The election presented an opportunity to express their disapproval of India’s policies. Opposed to the BJP, responsible for the elimination of Kashmir’s autonomy, by casting their votes for other parties and candidates, Kashmiris have demonstrated that they outright reject the BJP and the plan to disenfranchise them in their own homeland. 

 

Read Also: A decade later: J&K assembly elections

 

Image Credits: Hindustan Times

 

Reeba Khan

 

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Voting is seen almost as a rite of passage, especially for first-time voters, an act that makes one a political being. But how many students actually go to the booth and practice their right to vote? 

 

Voting is seen almost as a rite of passage, an act that makes one a political being. Casting one’s first vote is seen to transform a person from a passive resident to a citizen capable of critically understanding the country and imagining their vision for it. Voting is especially exciting for first-time voters, who are usually university students. University campuses, by their very nature, tend to be political spaces characterised by ideas, activism, and discourses. Each time during elections, political parties make a beeline for spaces dominated by younger people, like colleges, to tap into the ‘young vote bank.’ This especially holds true for India, which has one of the youngest populations in the world, with more than 43% of its population being below 24 years of age. From spirited debates to protests, the youth is at the heart of politics.

 

This, however, begs the question: how many students actually go to the booth and practice their right to vote? Do students transform their enthusiasm for lively political debates into the act of voting, or does apathy reign supreme? Talking to some students of Delhi University about their participation in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections reveals the shifting patterns of political participation and voting. 

 

To truly understand voting patterns among the country’s youth, we must go back in time and analyse these numbers historically. Statistically speaking, the share of the youth’s vote (18 to 25 years) saw a downward trend from 1996 onwards, when only 54% of people within that demographic voted, with an increase to 68% in 2014, followed by a dip to 67% in 2019. As Vibha Attri and Jyoti Mishra outline in their paper, ‘The Youth Vote in Lok Sabha Elections 2019,’ participation is lowest for young adults, peaks in middle age, and falls among the oldest.

 

This might be surprising to many, for in the aesthetic of Indian politics, students have always been painted as figures at the forefront—the idealised image of the student, especially one from a university like DU. In the popular imagination, they are seen as active, loud, and politically aware. However, when this image is put to a statistical test, it fails to hold up. The youth in the country are not voting in as big numbers as popularly believed. 

 

The reasons for this apathy are many. Some are logistical, while some are more about the disillusionment that often lurks around the idea of voting.

 

Stuti Prasad, a third-year student from DU who hails from Bihar, weighs in,

As someone who is from Bihar but living in Delhi for college, I was not able to vote in the 2024 elections due to mandatory attendance requirements, which forced me to stay in Delhi at the time of the elections. I felt it to be quite ironic that I wasn’t able to participate in the elections despite actively following the politics in Bihar.”

 

Another student from Lady Shri Ram College cast a vote for the first time in the 2024 general elections but faced difficulties due to the polling dates clashing with classes. 

 

The polling date for my constituency was the 26th of April, which was a working college day. I informed all of my professors that I would not be able to attend classes that day as I had to vote, but only one professor agreed to give me attendance provided I showed him the voting mark. A lot of students from my city simply opted not to vote as they would have to miss a lot of attendance.”

 

Missing out on attendance and logistical issues with voting while living in another city came out to be the top deterrents in casting a vote among students of Delhi University. However, there was also a general disillusionment and indifference to voting among the students as well. Many seem to believe that their vote doesn’t change anything and that taking an off or going to the booth was simply a waste of time. 

 

It didn’t really occur to me if people around me in college were voting or not. There was not a lot of discussion over it, and even if we did discuss it, people only asked each other if they were voting in passing,” reflects a second-year student. 

 

Voting is popularly coming to be seen as a rather personal act that must not warrant a lot of discussions. Many skirt around conversations regarding voting to avoid any sort of confrontation, and talking to students revealed that it is generally considered a social faux pas to prod people’s vote. While this used to be the case for avoiding asking people who they voted for, it seems to have extended to steering away from asking people if they participated in the elections altogether.

 

While the youth continues to play a pivotal role in electoral politics all over the world, the rates of their political participation are seeing a harrowing decline. Politicians continue to try to woo the younger voters by incorporating internet lingo and dangling promises of employment prospects; however, in the bigger executive stage, the younger population continues to be sidelined. The trend of political disenchantment and passivity among the young voters, especially the first-time voters, is very concerning and needs to be urgently addressed. The idealised image of the hot-blooded, young, active voter must not remain an archetype but must translate into voting numbers. 

 

Read also: Voting in Delhi Elections: Outstation Students’ Edition

 

Featured Image Credits: Hindustan Times

 

Disha Bharti

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Persona’24, the annual flagship event of Friends’ Corner, was a mix of counselling sessions, games and introspective activities for students to embrace their emotions and heal their inner self. 

 

On the occasion of World Mental Health Day On 10 October 2024,  Friends Corner , the Mental Health and Counselling Cell of Hindu College organised its flagship event, ‘Persona’ an interactive event involving workshops, therapy sessions and games to boost social and emotional healing. Persona’24 was also officially recognized by the World Federation for Mental Health as a part of their global campiagn. 

 

The event kickstarted with a speaker session by Kanchan Gaur, the founder of Samrasa Foundation, an NGO dedicated to providing mental health related assistance. Gaur, a counsellor, gave an enriching talk on the need to foster emotional resilience in the face of adversity which was followed by interactive activities to help participants tap into and express their emotions. 

 

The event was followed by a series of games initiated by Rahat NGO to enlighten participants about mental and emotional wellbeing. The life sized ludo and labyrinthique maze games captivated the participants and buoyed their knowledge about mental health issues and advocacy. Sakshi, a participant shared, 

 

This was a refreshing game, a distraction that helped relieve academic stresses. I learnt about OCD, its diagnosis and how we can support someone dealing with it. It is important to be empathetic to someone struggling with an emotional issue that’s been a taboo in society.”

 

Kritika Makkar and Aalijah Ali from Live Untangled conducted an art therapy session that involved art as a tool for healing and self care. Participants scribbled how they felt about their identity and shared with the group about their self perception without judgement and fear of ridicule. The session aimed to create a conducive environment to connect with and embrace one’s inner self. Tanya, a 3rd year student of Hindu College shared, 

 

I realised that on days when it feels burdensome to explain how I feel, I can vent my emotions on paper, create my own art that does not necessarily conform to standards of what is deemed ‘good’. I feel relieved.”

 

Lastly, Jyotsna Ramachandran, a dance therapy facilitator from Youth for Mental Health helped participants reduce stress and unlock their creative potential by engaging everyone in a freestyle dance session. Attendees re-enacted mundane tasks from their daily lives, following the beats of some calm yet upbeat music. Students shared that the familiar tasks felt unfamiliar being ‘performed’ in a relaxing environment. The session initiated a discussion on how the fast-paced nature of our daily lives has somehow left ‘stillness’ unfamiliar. 

People in large numbers made their way to the face painting and postcard stalls as well. Through Persona, Friends Corner aimed to nurture a community based on solidarity and inclusive empowerment and was a great success. 

 

Read Also : BECon’24: A Beacon Into the Future!

 

Featured Image Credits: Friends’ Corner

 

Chetna Rani

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With new academic sessions in full sway across DU, St. Stephen’s is still embroiled in headlines over its admissions concerning  single girl child quota.

A quick recap of the situation up until now: Delhi University had initiated admissions under single girl child quota for the academic session 2024-25.  

As reported by DU Beat, under the new mandate, one seat per program in every college is reserved for a single girl child to promote gender equality and inclusivity. 

Haneet Gandhi, Dean of Admissions , stated:

Our primary aim for this initiative is to promote the education of the single girl child. Secondly, we are encouraging people to address population control and respect couples raising a single girl child and giving her proper education.

St. Stephen’s College, already at loggerheads with Delhi University over extra allocation percentages took legal recourse for admissions under the single girl child quota, citing the university’s interference in its admission process as unconstitutional and violative of its rights as a minority institution.

The college considered 13 subject combinations within the BA Program as a single whole, thus, reserving only one seat for a girl child across all combinations. This formulation of a distinct seat matrix by Stephen’s, different from one provided by Delhi University was violative of the university guidelines.

Thus the court ruled that, 

St. Stephen’s College, being an aided minority educational institute also, cannot claim to have absolute unbridled powers to exercise discretion against the policies framed by the University to which it is affiliated.

Therefore, it was seen that although St. Stephen’s is a minority institution with a certain degree of autonomy, it must adhere to the regulatory framework set by Delhi University. While some students were admitted after the court’s decision, many remain uncertain as the dispute between the college and the university continues.

The latest development in the case is formation of a three member committee by Vice Chancellor Yogesh Mishra to be directly in contact with Principal of St. Stephen’s, John Verghese, over admissions issues including those pertaining to the single girl child quota. Constituted by Professor Harendra Nath Tiwari, Alok Pandey and Maya John, proper communication will be undertaken towards the resolution of these issues.

 

Featured Image Credits: Free Press Journal

 

Read Also: St. Stephen’s College Faces Allegations over Minority Quota Violations in Admission Process

 

Afza Khan

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Colonisation in its essence is violent. With the erasure of their colonial histories, the post colonial countries play right into the hands of the imperialist West and advance their ideology. The ongoing decolonial struggle led by the Axis of Resistance challenges Western narratives and highlights the hypocrisy of global responses to oppression.

Colonialism is easily brushed off as a historical event, a relic of the past. But the world, as we see it today, is shaped by the violent systems and processes that once governed empires and still govern the lives of many today. The global West perpetuates the exploitation of the indigenous people for political and economic gains. After a year of witnessing the moral degradation of the West and its impudence in aiding and abetting a settler-colonial force in committing genocide, the expectations of non-violent retaliation from the victims of oppression are just a means to preserve the interests of the colonialist state. Turning the Indigenous lands into graveyards while the international community continues to turn a blind eye showcases the sheer hypocrisy of the world we live in and the rules that govern it.

The “axis of resistance” is a coalition of Iranian-backed groups like Hezbollah, Hamas, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and the Houthis that has been holding up the decolonial struggle in the Middle East. However, the axis is called an “axis of evil” because it threatens the settler-colonialism of Israel and the presence of America in the Middle East. The Western liberals denounce this resistance as a terrorist entity that dared to use violence against the aggressive colonial forces.

After the killing of Hassan Nasrallah, the general secretary of Hezbollah, on September 27 in an Israeli airstrike in a southern suburb of Beirut, a series of protests erupted all around the world, mourning his death. Considered the flagbearer of resistance in the Middle East, Nasrallah was a dominant political and military figure for more than three decades who led the war against Israel and brought an end to the 18-year-long Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon. This has led to the escalation in the conflict in the Middle East and the narrative of ‘World War 3’ is being propagated, which, as exaggerated as it is, is also seemingly harmful to the Palestinian resistance. 

The war between Israel, its Western allies, and the Axis of Resistance is a decolonial struggle, not an inter-imperialist conflict. While imperialist wars, i.e., world wars, involve rival capitalist powers fighting for dominance, this war is about dismantling the settler-colonial entity itself. It’s about ending the occupation of Palestine and resisting Western imperialism. The Axis of Resistance, in spite of what the Western world says, fights for liberation and self-determination. Conflating the two shields the reality of colonial oppression and ignores the just cause of decolonisation that the Palestinian Resistance and their allies are fighting for.

“All the western nations are caught in a lie, the lie of their pretended humanism; this means that their history has no moral justification and that the West has no moral authority.” says James Baldwin, an African American writer and a civil rights activist.

The Western liberals for a year have been championing a ceasefire and sympathising with the Palestinian people. Their peaceful solutions to the ongoing genocide are embedded in the international structure, which has its roots in white supremacy. 

“Get this into your head: if violence were only a thing of the future, if exploitation and oppression never existed on earth, perhaps displays of nonviolence might relieve the conflict. But if the entire regime, even your nonviolent thoughts, is governed by a thousand-year-old oppression, your passiveness serves no other purpose but to put you on the side of the oppressors.”

says Frantz Fanon in his seminal work The Wretched of the Earth.

“Colonialism is not a machine capable of thinking, a body endowed with reason. It is naked violence and only gives in when confronted with greater violence.” he adds

Decolonisation is not an abstract concept. It is a means of survival for people crushed under colonial and imperial forces. Non-violent resistance, used as rhetoric that decolonisation is possible without any form of violence, actually acts as a preservation of the capitalist colonial structure and empowers the elites of the state. 

India and other post-colonial countries, even with their histories, have tried to maintain a cordial relationship with Israel. It’s a stark example of how being postcolonial does not mean becoming decolonial altogether. The erasure of the colonial memory and the evil that imperialism is shows the failure to decolonise the country from the imperialist ideology. The collective stigma against the Axis of resistance as an aggressor plays into the hands of the Western imperialists to justify their ongoing support for Israel under the guise of the “right to defend itself,”  which the colonised people don’t have. Presenting themselves as “defenders of peace,” the West obscures the reality that it is Western interventionism and not the actions of the decolonising forces that perpetuate violence in the region. The failure to acknowledge the Axis as a resisting force against settler colonialism and Western imperialism also stems from the deep-rooted Islamophobia that refuses to see the Islamic Resistance in the Middle East as anything other than a force of terror.

 Since 7th October 2023, the death toll in Lebanon has reached 2,000, and 9,384 are injured, according to the Lebanese Health Ministry. In Gaza, the genocide continues as the death toll nears 41,900 people. Israel is yet to be condemned for any of its actions by the international community. Perhaps the oppressed need to be moderate in their anger—maybe they’re expected to wait until the Western world finally recognises its own atrocities. 

 But here’s the thing: no amount of non-violence on the part of the native people changes the violence embedded in the colonial system itself. The machinery of oppression doesn’t stop because those being oppressed choose peace. Colonial structures thrive on domination, and they don’t crumble simply because the oppressed resist passively.

Read Also: All Lenses on Gaza: Digital Activism and the Palestinian Resistance

Image Credits: Andreas Arnold via Getty Images

Reeba Khan

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A group of Muslim students from Kerala, residing in Lakshmi Nagar, were forcibly evicted from their apartment at midnight on 2nd October after allegedly being assaulted by the other residents in the building. Video footage from the incident shows one resident trying to strangle a student in daylight who had returned to the building after being evicted at midnight.  

On October 2nd, 2024, a group of Muslim students from Kerala studying at Delhi University’s Zakir Hussain College were assaulted and forcibly evicted from their rented flat in Lakshmi Nagar, New Delhi, by other residents residing in the same building. The Muslim students had rented the apartment one and a half months ago and signed an agreement for a 6-month period. Tension escalated when the residing students, living on the third floor, brought their college friends to their apartment. The neighbours did not take it well and accused the students of creating disturbances in the area. Restricting their entry and exit to the building, the residents set a curfew from 5 AM to 11 PM. However, on 2nd October, Wednesday, a female resident and her male friend allegedly assaulted and forced the students to leave the building at midnight.  

As per the Timeline Daily report, the students had to leave the place around midnight and stay at a friend’s place instead. The next morning, two of the friends, Sahal Ameen and Safwan Kudukkan, residing nearby, confronted the lady about the alleged attack. The lady with three guys came outside and had a verbal confrontation with the students. The students stated that the matter escalated into a physical fight. Video footage of the same was posted on social media, according to which one individual was seen trying to strangle a student. The students also claimed that one of the attackers stated that according to the building’s registry, Muslims were prohibited from renting or purchasing apartments—a rule which apparently the landlord was unaware of.

 Reports indicate that the concerned police station treated the students unfairly when they brought the matter to their attention. The students were taken to the police station in the police vehicle while the lady involved was allowed to arrive in her private car. Further, the students were allegedly denied access to basic necessities at the police station, while the lady was treated better.

“This incident illustrates the challenges Muslims face in finding housing in Delhi,” one of the students said.

At the police station, the lady and her business partner, according to the students, alleged that the students were creating a disturbance with around 15-20 people living in the apartment. The lady, who claimed to have been molested at first, shifted her stance to being hit in the shoulder.

After the intervention of Rajya Sabha MP from the Muslim League, the situation seemed to have improved. However, the students eventually were asked to vacate the flat by the landlord, who wanted to avoid trouble and confrontation. The landlord granted them two weeks ‘ notice to leave.

“Despite our legal rights, the landlord, who had been cooperative, requested we leave to avoid further trouble,” the students said to Maktoob.

This incident illustrates the increasing Islamophobia and the issue of housing faced by Muslim students in New Delhi who struggle to find decent accommodations due to their different religious identities.

Read Also: Belgian professor accuses Delhi University of tagging him “Anti- India”; Delhi University responds

Image Credits: Timeline Daily

Reeba Khan

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The author wishes to review the recently released romantic-comedy, ‘Nobody Wants This,’ but may not be able to aptly, critically ‘review’ a rom-com for her bias towards all things love runs strong. 

 

I like all romance movies. I hardly ever critically analyse the flaws of a rom-com simply because the joy of watching two people find their way to each other is so heartwarming that I don’t really care about the character development, political setting, plot cohesiveness and all those other parameters. There’s banter, emotional upheaval, swoon-worthy romance? Bam! You’ve got me hooked. So rest assured, I immensely liked Nobody Wants This, the newest rom-com that is all the rage on Instagram right now. 

 

It is a will-they-won’t-they story starring Kristen Bell and Adam Brody on Netflix. Kristen Bell as Joanne is a serial dater (who finds the most superfluous faults in her dates) and her romantic misadventures become the meat for her and her sister to dig into, on their weekly podcast called ‘Nobody Wants This’. Joanne is adamant to tell everyone that the podcast is more than just about sex and relationships; it is a platform for people to open up and “feel empowered”. Joanne is not demure and mindful. Oh no. She meets our male eye candy- Adam Brody as Noah, a rabbi, at a party and they both instantly hit it off. Noah is goofy, funny and self-effacing. The first time I watched it, I couldn’t look past Brody’s Adam’s apple (forgive the pathetic wordplay), and his basketball skills (or the lack thereof). Fleabag gave us our Hot Priest so, of course, we needed a Hot Rabbi.

 

The chemistry between Joanne and Noah is palpable, I was giggling the entire time they talked. They start dating. But trouble in paradise? Noah is a devout rabbi and his job and relationship with his deeply religious family could be at risk if he dates someone who isn’t Jewish. I don’t like when the only major problem in any American TV relationship turns out to be infidelity (Ross and Rachel in Friends, Mike and Rachel in Suits, and the list goes on). I am bored of the trope of cheating which has been overdone to exhaustion. So, I found it refreshing that what drew the couple apart was religion and cultural differences. Noah fosters a deep reverence for Judaism and Joanna is, well, a shiksa (a gentile woman; code word for a big blonde). 

 

By the end of the season, their relationship seems to have reached a dead end without a possible future, unless Joanne converts to Judaism. And so, it is up to our oh-so-adorable couple to figure out what they’re both willing to give up to find their way to each other. The show ends on a cliffhanger, which is why it would take me 5 business days to emotionally recover if they don’t bring in a season 2 immediately.

 

Let me just brief you about the eccentric supporting cast before I start gushing about Adam Brody in the next paragraph. Justine Lupe serves as Joanne’s sister, Morgan who seems to be rudely disappointed as Joanne starts dating Noah. She absolutely hates being reduced to number 2 on Joanne’s list of priorities, and you know, as a younger sister myself, I support her. Joanne and Morgan rant and fight and make money together. Timothy Simons (Veep’s famed Jonah), who plays Noah’s brother Sasha is the tall, lumbering “loser sibling” who surprisingly turns out to be a great dad to his teenage daughter. Trust Sasha to throw all the geeky, comic punchlines. A nosy, overbearing mother, a dad who nods to all that his wife says and a sister-in-law who stubbornly refuses to like Joanne makes Noah’s family complete. As far as Joanne’s parents go, it’s a bit more complicated than that, so maybe just watch the show, you’ll know. 

 

Now, coming to the internet’s newest favourite boyfriend, Adam Brody. I think the reason everybody adored Adam Brody in ‘Nobody Wants This’ is not because of his chiselled nose and endearing smile⁠—though he definitely gets brownie points for that. It’s because he is a 30-something, emotionally competent man who holds his lady love and tells her she is not too much, that he “can handle her.” He never tells a very volatile Joanne that she is overreacting. He is not scared of her oscillating emotions, mood swings and vulnerability. I think all women, everywhere, were healed.

 

Read Also: DUB Review: Breaking Barriers with Brilliance: ‘Laapata Ladies’

 

Featured Image Credits: Netflix

 

Chetna Rani

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What unfolded as a dispute on ‘Scroll.in’ between Jakob De Roover—a professor of India Studies and Comparative Science of Cultures at Ghent University, Belgium and Professor Anil K. Aneja—Head of the Department, Department of English, University of Delhi, set in motion a series of attacks over the understanding of scholarly standards.

On 7th September 2024, Jakob De Roover published an article on Scroll.in titled, “Why a professor from Belgium was branded ‘anti-India’ after Delhi lecture on 18th-century Dutch text” which accused the Department of English at Delhi University of failing to critically engage with a text and instead “cancelling” De Roover for being “anti-India.”

Professor De Roover was invited to lead workshops under a government-funded project titled “Indian-European Entanglements.” His approach, as claimed by him, aimed to explore how European narratives about India often reflect more about European self-perception than about Indian reality. Drawing on his extensive experience and education received under the mentorship of Professor SN Balagangadhara, he sought to encourage critical engagement with historical and contemporary stereotypes about Indian culture.
During a workshop on August 24, 2024, Professor De Roover analysed a 1799 Dutch children’s magazine that presented a racially hierarchical view of humanity, positioning Europeans at the top and depicting Hindus as lesser beings. His intent was to provoke discussion around how such outdated ideas persist in modern discourse.

An excerpt from the same Dutch magazine caused confusion amongst the students, as asserted by De Roover, the alleged excerpt being:
“Everywhere human beings are divided into ranks or classes, but these classes approach and mingle with each other from time to time, and those belonging to the lowest ranks at least have some hope to improve their condition over time; but in Hindustan this hope has been cut off completely.”

De Roover put forth the idea that narratives based on little empirical evidence and research into the understanding of caste in 1799 could then prove to be substantiated facts about caste in contemporary India. He emphasised that the text exemplifies “ignorance about India and a biblical story about humankind.”
This contestation disturbed the students who began to defend the statement as a truth about their own society. These doubts were to be tackled by the professor in the following workshop, scheduled on 28th August.
The workshop never took place. The head of the department, Anil Kumar Aneja, told De Roover that the upcoming lecture was cancelled owing to “the lack of availability of venues”. It was later revealed that his cancellation was because of external pressure to censor what was claimed to be an anti-India sentiment. He was informed by his colleagues that the university administration had called for an examination of the recordings of his workshops to investigate the matter of the lectures. Professor Jakob De Roover accused members of the executive council of Delhi University’s Teachers Association (DUTA) of circulating messages that misrepresented his academic intentions as portraying India in a negative light.

According to De Roover, he was engaging with academicians who could not distinguish between quoting a text, for analysis and criticism, and endorsing a text. The claims cited by the speaker were ascribed to the speaker himself. This effectively deprived the students of learning. Further, he accused the hosts of succumbing to pressure and allowing censorship, without confronting him.

On behalf of the English Department, Professor Anil K Aneja vehemently refuted all the allegations made against the department in general and him in particular. It was asserted that the article misrepresented the events surrounding his visit and the nature of his interactions with faculty members.
In the detailed statement, the department underlined its traditions of encouraging academic debate and the assurance of quality in education. It noted its disappointment at, what it termed, a failure to meet journalistic standards on the part of Scroll.in for publishing the article without first verifying its claims.

The department specifically addressed a few points taken from Professor Roover’s article, pointing at them as fabrications and misrepresentations, as highlighted below:

Allegations of ‘Anti-India’ Sentiments: The department unequivocally denied labelling Professor Roover “anti-India” during his visit. They asserted that no faculty member, including the Head of the Department, Professor Anil Aneja, used such terminology or accorded him anything but respect.
Workshop Focus: The department refuted Roover’s assertion that the workshop centred on European representations of India. They clarified that the workshop was titled “Digital Humanities & Methodological Tools,” and that the intended academic focus on digital humanities was not adhered to in his sessions either directly or indirectly.
Students’ Reaction: Roover mentioned that students became disturbed during his lecture and began to defend their culture against the statements made by him, which the department suggested indicated an intent to provoke controversy rather than engage meaningfully with the workshop’s topic, thereby losing thread of it.
Cancellation of Subsequent Lectures: The department asserted that Professor Roover’s claims about the cancellation of following lectures owing to a lack of venue was false. Contrary to his claims, he did take a three-hour lecture on the following 28th August, the maintained attendance of which could be produced for verification. Further, the readings for the participants of the next session scheduled on August 31st, 2024, were shared on August 29th. The department clarified that if Roover was labelled “anti-India”, the readings would not have been circulated on the 29th.
Departure from the University: The department expressed shock at Roover’s abrupt departure from the university without notification, which left the workshop coordinator and attendees waiting for his appearance at a later session. They criticized Roover for not informing the coordinators of his departure, labelling it unprofessional. Further, the Coordinator, Professor Ujjawal Jana’s attempts to reach him via call/text/WhatsApp were unsuccessful.
Allegations against Professor Anil K Aneja: The article written by Professor Roover was said to be biased, deliberately ignoring facts to malign the reputation of HOD Anil K Aneja.
On “endorsing” the Text: The department stated that the text in question was endorsed by the Ghent University professor which can be inferred from his permission to allow digressions to take place in the session, actively participating in and, at times, defending these digressions, as well as getting offended when questioned on the relevance of all such digressions to the topic of the workshop “Digital Humanities and Methodological Tools”.
Misrepresentation Of Academic Integrity: The department condemned Roover’s suggestion that faculty members were silencing academic discourse. They asserted that there is a strong tradition of open discussion in their department, particularly in post-colonial studies. Further, they accused Roover of undermining the capacity of the Indian intelligentsia and disgracing India by extension.

In their response, highlighting the value of journalistic integrity and ethical reporting, the department urged Scroll.in to give them an opportunity to air their side of the narrative. It demanded a balanced representation of facts, concerned that the publication could do irreparable damage to the university and its faculty’s reputation. The department concluded its statement by requesting that its detailed response be published alongside Roover’s article to ensure readers receive a comprehensive understanding of the events in question. They once more affirmed their commitment to academic excellence and open discourse within the university and beyond.

As the situation continues to unfold, it nudges forward the question of academic integrity and accountability in academia. The commitment to academic freedom and scholarly discussion remains under threat as scholars debate the reliability of testimonies and accuse the other of mistreatment.

Featured Image credits: Scroll.in

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Bhavana Bhaskar
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With the 90-member house, Haryana Assembly Elections looming large and the political behemoths, BJP and Congress, attempting to clear through the foliage of ‘caste equations’ and intra-party conflicts towards victory, the climate of Haryana seems to be rapidly developing in favour of new and odd turns, especially those that clearly signal an anti-incumbency sentiment. However, the BJP is also rallying its regiments against the Opposition.

The exodus of saffron that had swallowed the nation with the first Modi government of the 2014-2019 term, seems to have been threatened with sporadic contaminations by the mammoth hand of Congress, hued in the nation’s colours itself. The poster child of Congress’ comeback, the Congress’ prodigal son Rahul Gandhi, has orchestrated significant and palpable attempts to unify the image of Congress and its politics. However, it has also been made clear that they are occasions of contrivance and, not organic resolutions. Nonetheless, the Congress has made a spectacular dent in the BJP’s vote bank – burning example of which may be seen in BJP’s recent UP loss, despite the religious politics deployed by the party to embellish the sentiment of Hindu preponderance amidst the demographic and electoral majority.

Congress’ steady progress towards re-entrance in the field of active and contesting governance has been thus far just that – a steady progress. This is to say that if their hopes of dethroning Modi Ki Guarantee is to come to fruition, they must push harder. We may thus analyse the strategies taken up by both parties to offend and defend against each other.

The three central social discourses reserving the most of critical influence on the current of the course are, as Karthik K.R. et alia have put it, Kisan, Jawan and Pehelwan, i.e., the farmer’s protest, the Agniveer scheme and the Vinesh Phogat sexual harassment case, respectively. The first and the last, potent weapons in the hands of the opposition, have already announced a preference against the incumbency. Swooping in with the opportunity to turn the tide with her narrative, Phogat has descended into the realm of politics, armed with the story of her struggle against the state and by extension the state of the government, directing her focus towards the Julana constituency. She has premised her narrative on the back of women’s empowerment, sexual harassment, and the deplorable educational and health facilities, having already garnered significant support on behalf of the Congress from the female vote bank.

In the rural areas, the BJP share had declined as a reaction to, amidst many others, Manohar Lal Khattar’s leadership. This was Congress’ gain. The BJP has launched outreach programmes powered by the RSS and their grassroot presence to regain the vastly-depleted vote share. Additionally, they have adopted a distancing strategy wherein they have invisibilised Khattar in most of their campaigns, including rallies and photos on posters. The urban support for BJP seems to be far stronger.

The OBC demographic of Haryana, that figures in around 40% of the population, has proved to be indispensable to both parties. The Congress has been a proponent of the caste census and announced the OBC Creamy Layer income limit to stand at ten lakhs, leaving behind the BJP’s eight lakhs. The OBC population has historically been tilted towards the BJP but now, stands at an impasse, unable to pick a side, for the BJP’s efforts to reel them into their side of the court have not passed unnoticed. However, the wind augurs an ultimate Congress victory in this case, since the intra-party schisms have not only stopped at Congress’ doorstep.

The BJP OBC leader Karan Dev Kamboj’s defection to Congress does not bode well for the party. There has been an attempt to target the non-Jat (in popular parlance the 36-biradari) voters as well as the Dalit voters by the BJP. The Congress believes that they might insure themselves against this loss by uniting the Jat and Dalit vote bank, which shall inevitably prove to be a daunting task given the chasmic disparity in social and financial conditions between those two communities. Prominent Dalit leader and the front-person for the Dalit leadership in Congress, Kumari Selja, has resorted to accentuating maati(soil) as opposed to jati(caste) in order to invoke “a fraternal coalition of different caste groups.” While the Congress has been labouring to present a distinct portrait of unity, Bhupinder Singh Hooda, Kumari Selja, and Randeep Singh Surjewala holding separate rallies betrays an obvious condition of acrimony born of differing political ideology.

Broiling tensions and gritty countermeasures unfortunately do not prognosticate a certain outcome, albeit BJP’s foundations have certainly been shaken. The Congress has upgraded its politics from online slander to a tangible candour, and that has irrefutably elevated its reception in the eyes of the public, which shall reflect in the Haryana elections more than ever.

 

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Featured Image Credits: TOI

Aayudh Pramanik

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