DU Beat, Author at DU Beat - Delhi University's Independent Student Newspaper

Delhi University Embraces Dual Degree Programs, Opening New Avenues for Students

By DU Beat January 28, 2024

The proposal for the dual degree programme gained approval at the academic council meeting held recently. Opposition to this decision became evident as some council members voiced their reservations.

On 30th November 2023, the Academic Council of University of Delhi held a meeting where the decision was taken to proceed with the implementation of a dual degree system starting from the next academic session. The program will involve a combination of traditional and remote classes, giving students a chance to accumulate additional academic experience within the standard time frame. Moreover, the possibility of providing twinning degrees was also taken into discussion. A program enabling Delhi University students to pursue a degree from select foreign institutions with which the university plans to establish partnerships. However, the decision has currently been deferred.

In December, 2022 the university put together a committee to discuss the potential idea of twinning, joint and dual degrees, keeping in mind the guidelines issued by the National Education Policy 2020. 11 months later, while most council members gave the proposal a thumbs up, 15 of them raised some genuine concerns. It was argued that offering students dual degrees will dilute the value of their main subject, given the full-time nature of their academic programmes, and put more strain on students and teachers alike. Former Executive Council member Abha Dev Habib pointed out that the students will benefit more from “quality education and not a bag full of degrees.” Despite the apprehensions that came to light, the resolution was approved and starting next session, both undergraduate and postgraduate students keen on pursuing a dual degree can communicate so to their respective colleges. The proper procedure will be laid down by the university, which will include both in- person and distance-learning models as mentioned before.

The 1016th meeting of the Academic Council of University of Delhi under the chairmanship of Vice Chancellor Professor Yogesh Singh also discussed the number of undergraduate, postgraduate and PhD admissions that were made this academic year, the few modalities made in the syllabus for the current academic session, the new orphan quota and awarded a total of 6115 promotions to professors of the university.

Featured image credits: www.du.ac.in

Lakshita Arora

Inquiry to be Launched Against 12 DU Colleges Funded by the Delhi Government

By DU Beat January 27, 2024

12 DU colleges are to face an inquiry after alleged misuse of government-allocated funds and may face severe repercussions.

The Education Minister of the Delhi Government, Atishi, asked for an official inquiry into the alleged misuse of government funds in 12 colleges affiliated with Delhi University (DU) on January 20, 2024. This comes after the 1,897 appointments made by the colleges in teaching and non-teaching positions without prior approval of the Delhi Government in the past few years.

Earlier, a letter had been sent by Atishi to Shri Dharmendra Pradhan, the Education Minister of India, regarding the governance of these 12 DU colleges on December 1, 2023. The letter raised the issue of “several serious irregularities and procedural lapses” by the colleges involving hundreds of crores granted by the public exchequer to the colleges. The letter claimed that these colleges, fully funded by the Government of NCT Delhi (GNCTD), had illegitimately created posts employing teaching (939) and non-teaching (958) staff, accumulating salaries to be paid worth crores. Procedures required them to seek the approval of the Administrative Department and the Finance Department of the Government of NCT Delhi, which they failed to do. Severe actions could be taken against the principals and officials involved in the illegal appointments, including recovering the salaries of the illegally appointed staff since 2015.

Other problems regarding the utilisation of funds were pointed out too. She said,

Contracts worth crores for security and sanitation work were executed without adhering to General Financial and violated accounting norms and the approved “Pattern of Assistance” by the Delhi government.

Atishi addressed the lack of accountability of the colleges to the government as well as the University of Delhi. Due to this, proper oversight couldn’t be kept on these colleges by both the varsity and the Government of NCT Delhi (GNCTD). She proposed two solutions: either the colleges de-affiliate themselves with the University of Delhi and come under the complete control of GNCTD or, if they choose to stay affiliated with the University of Delhi, they must forgo all funding by the Delhi Government.

In response to this, Delhi University Vice Chancellor Yogesh Singh affirmed that the colleges will continue to be affiliated with the varsity. He requested that she withdraw the letter written by her to the Union Education Minister and continue the funding of the 12 colleges in the best interest of the students.

Featured Image Credits: English Jagran

Shatadru Sen
[email protected]

“Want Justice, Not Job:” Protests for Suspension of DRC Principal Intensify

By DU Beat January 26, 2024

Former Assistant Professor Dr. Ritu Singh has been at the forefront of the protest against the alleged display of casteism in her dismissal from the Psychology Department of Daulat Ram College (DRC) by Principal Dr. Savita Roy.

Protestors from organisations such as the Bhim Army Students Federation (BASF) and Mission Save Constitution have since the past 150 days joined Dr. Ritu Singh in claiming Gate No. 4 of the Arts Faculty of Delhi University (DU) to display their resistance against the structural casteism pervading the University.

The dismissal of the former professor had taken place midway through the COVID-19 pandemic without show-cause notice. Her allegations of casteist harassment against the DRC principal were initially dismissed by the Sessions Court, the High Court, and even the Delhi Police. Later, on 23 May, 2023, a complaint was registered by Delhi Police upon the intervention of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes. A list of the signatures of 35 students provided by Dr. Savita Roy as evidence backing up the termination of Dr. Singh’s services was also, as The Quint reports, falsified.

The Mooknayak presents a recurrent account of alleged police supression against the scenery of blue flags fluttering in the midst of small businesses selling books on Dalit literature at Gate No. 4, which was then reportedly vandalised, protest tents removed, and protestors detained. The incident took place in the early morning of 9 January, 2024. Questions were raised about the subsequent imposition of Section 144, and a complaint was said to have been filed against the looting of Dr. Singh’s personal belongings and the alleged unruly behaviour of the police.

Protestors have further claimed that the site was washed with Gangajal and Gaumutra for its apparent purification, along with the locking of the university gates and the dismantling of a poster of Babasaheb Ambedkar. The protestors took to social media to question the motives behind such actions. Supreme Court Advocate Mehmood Pracha questioned in a post on Dr. Singh’s X (previously Twitter) handle,

How will a space become impure if Dr. Ritu sits down?

On 19 January, 2024 Bhim Army Chief Chandrashekhar Azad joined the protest site to extend support and mark the death anniversary of Rohith Vemula. The Press Trust of India (PTI) reports that Azad, along with Dr. Singh, advocate Pracha, and around 80 other protestors, were detained and subsequently released.

In a conversation with DU Beat, BASF President Ashutosh Boddh confirmed the account of repression and claimed the structural complicity of the Vice Chancellor in the denial of justice and maltreatment of not just Dr. Singh but her fellow protestors. He cited the refusal to take action against the chargesheeted Dr. Savita Roy and DU registrar Vikas Gupta, the former of whom was in fact later appointed General Secretary of the Principals’ Association. He posed the question,

Why is it that we see locks on the University gates only when our demands are in question?

In a recent video uploaded to her YouTube channel, Dr. Singh sought an update on the five demands made before the Dean of Student Welfare. These demands include the immediate suspension of both Dr. Roy and Vikas Gupta, an investigation into the ‘NFS’ or Not Found Suitable option that the University allegedly resorts to when it comes to candidates of the reserved categories, as well as an inquiry into the other allegedly fraudulent appointments made to the University.

As of now, no requisite actions or response has been made on the aforementioned demands.

Featured Image Credits: Bhumika Saraswati via Instagram

Deevya Deo
[email protected]

Features

Understanding Homosociality

By DU Beat January 23, 2024

Homosociality involves non-romantic, non-sexual connections between individuals of the same sex, such as friendships, often used to understand male dominance. It affects beliefs, actions, and cultural standards, shaping ideas of masculinity and continuing patterns of misogyny, urging a more profound societal investigation.

Homosociality involves same-sex relationships that are not romantic or sexual in nature, such as friendship, mentoring, and others. The concept is primarily used by researchers to explain how men maintain their dominance in society. In addition to distinguishing it from homosexuality, the term is used to allude to a type of male bonding that is frequently accompanied by fear or hatred of homosexuality. Feminists frequently use this term to highlight aspects of male solidarity.

The concept can be set quite easily and can be analysed in our day-to-day lives, where the comfort of a social companion is implicitly developed through the impacts that our society leaves. These male homosocial groups take care of the desired homosocial interactions and impact the beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours of the men associated with the community. The groups that they form develop a wider understanding of the mass opinions on the issues that are considered appropriate or inappropriate, desirable or undesirable, for conversations among men, and what interests them is ambiguous within the group itself. Apart from talking about feelings and gossip about personal lives, these relationships are also places for them to discuss topics like sports, women, business, politics, and drinking.

The factors like gestures, facial expressions, and physical location of each group member also vary to a wider extent, and that results in indulgence with the subject matters that include the objectification of women, the emotional detachment they feel, and the competition and hierarchy among the group members themselves.

Since a young age, boys have shown interest in associating with children of the same age. This childhood play paves the platform over which they define masculinity for themselves. The sexual segregation that starts widening post-9 to severe levels in some developing and underdeveloped parts of the world turns into hegemonic social standards of rigidity that are imposed upon them.

The cultural impact, for example, where they are expected to not develop emotional relationships with anyone and the basics of the driving hegemonic masculinity never sustains the emotional interdependence and sympathetic outlook but upon the pressurised concretization of masculine standards. The norms practiced in these settings are nevertheless unrecognised but are the root of the practicing institutions that govern the world.

This passage is written with a motif to bring this existing field of matters to light, along with a motif to bring these studies to light to understand society and behaviours as social beings with a new lens infused with modern standards of reason.

If we need to tackle misogyny, then a better understanding could only be developed in the spaces where unrecognised grooming takes place, which needs to be cleaned out to its root so that even in personal conversations, the standards are not defined over the sacrificed self of the fairer sex.

Featured Image Credits: Adam Smith Institute

Divya Malhotra

Features

When Seeing is No Longer Believing – The Deepfake Conundrum

By DU Beat January 21, 2024

“People are not used to generative technology. It’s not like it evolved gradually; it was like ‘boom’, and all of a sudden it’s here. So you don’t have the level of skepticism that you would need.” – Cynthia Rudin, AI computer scientist.

With the use of Generative-AI, the world of true lies has just gotten murkier. India finds itself at the crossroads of a technological dilemma, with the resurgence of concerns surrounding artificial intelligence (AI) regulation. Triggered by a police complaint filed by Indian actress Rashmika Mandanna, over a viral deepfake video and with multiple actors getting tangled in the AI trickery, India’s problems with the escalating and targeted threats posed by the deepfake technology have resurfaced.

What are deep fakes?

Deepfakes, the deceptive offspring of AI, have evolved unimaginably beyond the mere novelties of the digital age. They are digitally manipulated videos that alter someone’s appearance, blurring the lines between reality and fiction, often with harmful intent. It is a mere tool for deception. Unlike Photoshop, deepfakes leverage machine learning to create manipulative content. These sophisticated manipulations, capable of creating convincing videos and images, raise pressing questions about privacy, consent, and the ominous risk of misuse. You might claim ignorance, but the chances are slimmer than a pixel when it comes to avoiding these digital shape-shifters.

The dual face of deepfakes

India ranks sixth in vulnerability to deepfakes, as per this year’s State of Deepfakes report (Source: India Today). Yet, despite the looming threats, deepfakes have etched their place in the creative realm, contributing to heartwarming moments like Shah Rukh Khan’s personalized Cadbury’s ad campaign and the completion of Fast and Furious 7 after the untimely demise of legendary actor Paul Walker. Museums and galleries embrace deepfakes to resurrect historical figures, and the technology even serves noble purposes such as anonymizing journalists in oppressive regimes. However, the precarious balance between positive and malicious applications remains ambiguous, stirring profound legal, ethical, and social concerns, notably in the absence of widespread regulations. A case in point is the October 2023, incident where a deepfake video of Elon Musk propagated false cryptocurrency claims, leading to financial losses for many. Furthermore, the escalating use of deepfakes in online gendered violence, particularly in the form of revenge pornography, is a growing worry. Ultimately, despite its occasional positive contributions, the technology tilts the scale towards harm, eroding our fundamental grasp of reality.

A threat to India’s democratic election process

Owing to generative technology, election campaigning has moved beyond just extravagant posters to include AI-generated fake videos. With the upcoming Lok Sabha elections in India in 2024- anticipated to be the largest yet- the potential impact of deceptive deepfakes on the democratic process and their ability to sway voter sentiments cannot be ignored. Political parties could be both creators and victims of the spreading misinformation. A humorous deepfake about a public figure could swiftly transform from a joke to a harmful manipulation. For instance, a set of AI images went viral on Twitter depicting former president Donald Trump being arrested before his indictment, gathering nearly 5 million views within a couple days. India encountered its inaugural challenge of AI intervention in the 2020 Delhi Assembly polls, when users discovered videos featuring then-state BJP chief, Manoj Tiwari, criticizing CM Arvind Kejriwal’s policies in various languages. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) confirmed that these videos were AI-generated. The absence of deepfake concerns during India’s 2019 general elections has transformed due to the surge in smartphone users exceeding 650 million and the growing accessibility of affordable high-speed internet in 2023. This scenario heightens the perils of misinformation, posing a serious threat to India’s young electoral base. So it won’t be incorrect to say that such content can now easily influence the elections by manipulating public opinion and eroding trust in political figures – one WhatsApp forward at a time.

In a report by Outlook India, S.Y. Quraishi, the former Chief Election Commissioner of India, addressed a significant challenge confronting the Election Commission of India (ECI). He underscored the swift propagation of misinformation facilitated by deepfakes and advised the country’s election watchdog to maintain autonomy separate from the endeavors of the Information Technology (IT) ministry.

Some of the deepfakes can come from the ruling parties as well. So, although an alliance between the ECI and the IT Ministry sounds good on paper, there’s always a possibility of collusion, or people in power keeping their eyes closed. So, it’s the ECI’s credibility at stake.

– S.Y. Quraishi, former CEC India (as quoted by Outlook India)

AI: a double-edged sword?

The paradox of AI being crucial in addressing deepfake challenges becomes evident as AI-powered detection systems are currently under development. After all, in a world where your own eyes are on the verge of a trust crisis, who better to put your faith in than a machine? Because nothing says reliability like circuits and algorithms, right? The central problem lies in the fact that deepfakes are convincing enough to fool humans. As technology relentlessly reveals our daily inefficiencies, researchers worldwide are on a quest to create AI tools that can outsmart the AI responsible for cooking up these deceptive deepfakes. It’s like fighting fire with artificial fire, but in a tech-savvy way. AI algorithms can detect and flag deep false content by analyzing indicators such as a person’s heartbeat, enabling authorities to promptly intervene. However, given the potential for inaccuracies, particularly in flagging genuine content, it is important to develop robust algorithms capable of discerning between authentic and counterfeit material. The significant challenge, favoring wrongdoers, stems from the insufficient availability of vast datasets essential for training machine-learning models. So while the good guys find themselves craving an abundance of deepfakes for training purposes, the troublemakers only require a perfectly timed video at the right moment. Ironically, the very tools employed to enhance detectors today might just end up schooling the next batch of mischievous deepfakes. So, as much as individual awareness is crucial, the grand finale of this cat-and-mouse spectacle will likely hinge on the big tech players stepping up to the plate.

India’s actionable plan

From surfacing in 2017 on Reddit to being ranked as the most serious AI crime threats, laws around deepfakes are still not solid. Yet, even though Indian laws do not explicitly mention deepfake technology or directly confront its complexities, the existence of certain legal provisions under The Indian Penal Code, The Information Technology Act, 2000, and The Copyright Act, 1957, addresses its misuse and holds the responsible accountable. Notably, India’s IT rules from 2021 mandate that intermediary platforms remove content produced through deepfake technology within 36 hours of reporting. Some experts argue that while government oversight can mitigate misuse and ethical concerns, excessive regulation may impede technological progress. This underscores the importance of investing in algorithms for deepfake detection, emphasizing proactive measures over reactive approaches.

Hence, a strategic partnership between the Indian government and stakeholders in the tech industry becomes crucial in establishing a robust defense against this emerging threat. Following a meeting with leading social media platforms and AI companies on November 23, Ashwini Vaishnaw, the Union Minister of Electronics and Information Technology, announced that the government will devise a “clear, actionable plan” within the next 10 days to counter the proliferation of deepfakes, referring to it as a “new threat to democracy.” The forthcoming strategic plan is anticipated to focus on four key pillars: deepfake and misinformation detection, prevention of their dissemination, reinforcement of reporting mechanisms, and heightened public awareness. Whether brought in through a new law or amendments to existing ones, these regulations are expected to undergo a public consultation, according to Vaishnaw.

The professors who were involved in the meeting clearly made the point that it is no longer a difficult task to detect deepfakes. All platforms agreed that it is possible to do (the detection) within the privacy framework we have all over the world.

– Union IT Minister, Ashwini Vaishnaw

Strongly advocating for a proactive stance from social media platforms in tackling deepfake content, Vaishnaw underscored that the ‘Safe Harbour’ provision, previously protecting these platforms, could be reconsidered if they don’t take sufficient measures against deepfakes. During the meeting, social media companies acknowledged the importance of labeling and watermarking for identifying and eliminating harmful deepfake visuals. With the upcoming December meeting, there is optimism for the implementation of more stringent rules to address the growing threat India faces from this deceptive phenomenon.

Read Also: Deocoding Deceptive-Deepfake

Featured Image Credits: Mint

Manvi Goel

Arts & Culture

The True Cost of Fast Fashion: The Reality Behind Cheap-Trendy Clothes

By DU Beat December 16, 2023

Present age has taken the definition of ‘trends’ to a whole new level. Now, trends come and go in the blink of an eye. But behind these fleeting trends, lie multiple implications that sound the alarm for something far-more concerning.

This hyper-fast generation is quick to tug you with them, oftentimes not even realising that you are now a participant in this hustle of life. One such area is the bustling world of fashion, which has become more fast-paced than ever. Basics don’t do it anymore, the need to stand out and receive compliments on your outfit is stronger than ever. OOTDs, try-on hauls, must-have items, outfit ‘inspo’, aspirants wish to pull a Komal Pandey and carve their name on the social media landscape. The world of micro-trends, fast fashion and ultra-fast fashion is aided by a hyper-presence of social media in our daily lives. Overconsumption has become normalised, but the planet and the marginalised workers, in particular, bear the brunt of this phenomena.

Fast fashion refers to the production of cheap clothes in accordance to the rapidly changing fashion trends, to profit from the newest trends at the height of their popularity. Consumers try to fit in and keep up with the micro-trends by overconsumption of these inexpensive fast-fashion apparels. But the rationale behind this overconsumption drive is that these clothes go out of style or simply wear out due to their cheap materials after a short while, and subsequently the garments are discarded after a few wears. Then, we behold another micro-trend that grips the masses, and the cycle resumes all over again. You might recall the Maddy outfit phenomena that stormed the internet when Euphoria peaked, or the recent Barbiecore with the release of Barbie, when people all around were rushing to add their contribution these trends. It is quite evident that social media plays a major role in creating the demand for fast fashion.

The Haul Culture created by social media is a prime example. It started with SHEIN, then moved to other popular websites and brands like Urbanic, Urban Outfitters, ZARA, FOREVER 21, H&M, FASHION NOVA, UNIQLO to name a few. The growing popularity of short-video content like Reels, TikToks and YouTube Shorts is indeed a driving force behind these trends. This is accompanied by the rise of influencers and micro-influencers which is also leveraged by brands. Brands have started mass-collaborating with hopefuls seeking to increase their social media presence. In turn, their audience gets inspired to follow their footsteps and starts buying from the same platforms. Brands have also partnered with social media platforms to collect extensive data from consumers, so any person expressing even the slightest interest on their platform gets bombarded with advertisements of the product or similar products. And so, these attractive advertisements successfully promote impulsive and unnecessary purchases.

But the truth is, these attractive prices come at a cost of something far greater. This pocket friendly price comes to you after cutting the wages of overworked marginalised workers. The globalisation of supply chains in the fast-fashion production system has led to serious violations of human and labour rights. The labour force to make these newest trendy garments comes majorly from developing countries like Bangladesh, India, Cambodia and Myanmar, to name a few. The labour force is made up of primarily women and children, who work under terrible conditions and do not receive even minimum wage. The working hours are intense, and the deadlines very short owing to the ‘fast’ fashion. Many such big names like SHEIN, H&M and ZARA have been exposed for violating several labour laws and exploiting workers. According to Fashion Transparency Index 2023, only 1% of brands disclose the number of workers being paid a living wage. It won’t be far-fetched to equate this exploitation with modern slavery.

Additionally, the environment also pays the true cost of the cheap garments. Micro-plastics are some of the primary materials used in the cheap clothes, which end up piling on the landfills, polluting oceans and cause serious damage. The discarded clothes end up as overflowing heaps of waste. The industry also uses huge amounts of energy and water (an estimated 93 billion cubic metres a year) and generates up to ten percent of global CO2 emissions. Dyeing and finishing not only emit huge amounts of greenhouse gases, but also cause water pollution. Resources are depleting rapidly, to meet the false demands created by the fast-fashion sector.

The way forward for industries is to address the lack of transparency in the global supply chains, which has been the root cause of exploitation of workers. As consumers, the onus lies on us to ensure that we make informed choices about the brands that we consume from. The age-old saying “quality over quantity” can easily be applied in this scenario. So rather than investing on heaps of cheap, low-quality clothes that are both unsustainable and a fruition of exploitative practices, invest on good-quality clothes that you know would survive fleeting trends. Make the best out of your investment and wear the apparels for as long as possible. The 5 Rs of Fashion: Reduce, Rewear, Recycle, Repair, Resell all the way! Thrifting is very much in, since you care about trends.

Featured Image Source: BBC

Sarah Nautiyal

“Allowed At Designated Places”- JNU Bans Protests Within 100m Of Any Academic Building; Violators May Face Rs. 20k Fine Or Expulsion

By DU Beat December 16, 2023

Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) has introduced stringent rules in its revised CPO manual, prohibiting demonstrations near the academic and administrative complexes. Students flouting these regulations will face penalties ranging from hefty fines to expulsion.

On 24 November, the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) Executive Council approved a 15-page Chief Proctor Office (CPO) manual containing the “discipline and proper conduct rules”. The manual stated that JNU students will now be fined Rs. 20,000 if they participate in a hunger strike, dharna or any other form of protest within 100 meters of any academic and administrative complex. Any act to incite intolerance towards a religion, caste or community or the printing, circulation or pasting of posters carrying derogatory religious, communal, casteist or “anti-national remarks” may also attract a penalty of Rs.10,000. This development follows an incident the University witnessed in October, where an “anti-national” slogan was scribbled on the University’s School of Languages building wall and the administration had later announced to set up a committee to investigate the repeated nature of such incidents in campus. Earlier, protests within 100 meters of the administrative blocks, which house the offices of the Vice-Chancellor, the registrar, and proctors among others, were prohibited as per a High Court order.

The manual has listed 28 types of misconduct including blockades, gambling, unauthorized occupation of hostel rooms, use of abusive and derogatory language and committing forgery. If a student is found involved in a hunger strike, dharna, ‘group bargaining’ and any other form of protest or is found blocking the entrance or exit of any of the complexes, they will be either imposed a fine of Rs.20,000 , evicted from the hostel for 2 months or be rusticated and declared out of bounds for up to 2 months. All forms of coercion such as gheraos and sit-ins have also come on the banned list. Arranging events such as freshers’ welcome parties, farewells, or DJ events on the campus without obtaining prior permission may also attract a fine of Rs. 6,000. If a student is found guilty of being engaged in any of the prohibited activities and is given a punishment, they will not be eligible to register for the semester and won’t receive a “no-dues” certificate until the imposed fine is paid in full. In addition to posting the punishment on the official website, the administration will also send a copy of it to the student’s parents or guardian. If the student does not show up for the proctorial enquiry, the committee will assume that the complaint was filed with a malafide intention, and the student might be required to complete community service at JNU. A complainant may also be rusticated from the University for making any false allegations against any student. Additionally, the University will no longer permit cross-examination between the complainant and the defendant, which was an important rule of proctorial enquiry earlier. A student who has received 5 or more punishments during the duration of their study shall be expelled from the University, the manual noted.

The foreword to the manual by Chief Proctor N. Janardhana Raju emphasized the strong need to reassess the current disciplinary regulations of the Office of the Chief Proctor as there were “no substantially approved rules and regulations on proper conduct and discipline of students by the Executive Council of JNU in vogue”. According to the manual, in the event that a dispute arises about the interpretation of any of these guidelines, the Vice-Chancellor of the University, Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit or the appropriate authorities will have the last say. They will also have the power to waive, change or uphold the punishment if deemed fit. The university administration asserts that the new rules are important for maintaining academic and administrative order and preventing any disruptions. They argue that the designated protest areas within the campus are sufficient for expressing student concerns.

Responding to the uproar against the new regulations, VC Pandit, reportedly told the Indian Express that these rules have been fine-tuned on the directions of the Delhi High Court. (Source: CNBC-TV18)

This is not old not new. Passed unanimously by the EC last month as the manual had to be made legally sound. The fines are on indiscipline of drinking, drugs and misbehavior in hostels and towards women. The proctor’s office since 1969 has been taking action, imposing fines and rustications.

– JNU VC reportedly told the PTI.

During her discussion with the Hindustan Times, she highlighted that the University has not banned protests on campus as freedom of speech is a Constitutional right, emphasizing that fines and rustications existed even during her student years at JNU. The recent move to make it public was undertaken to ensure transparency, aligning with their democratic functioning.

I have never imposed a fine on any student just because he or she participated in a protest on campus. The students even protested at my house over some water issue at a hostel. But I did not impose a fine on anyone for it. I have forgiven fines imposed by the latest regime on many students between 2016 and 2022 and closed their cases considering their futures.

– she told the Hindustan Times.

Talking about how the recent approval by the Executive Council (EC) was aimed at ensuring the manual’s legal validity, she clarified that fines are imposed for issues related to indiscipline and that no slabs have been raised.

The manual was passed by the Executive Council of the University, which also has representatives from the faculty. The administration circulated the manual among all EC members on November 1, and it was unanimously passed by the Council during a meeting on November 24. Nobody raised objections over anything because there was nothing new in it, and no slabs were raised. We only put it in a legal language and got it passed legally. Till today (December 13), no single letter has been received by the administration or VC office from students or staff asking to withdraw the manual.

– JNU VC told the media.

On December 12, a day after the University faced flak over its newly released stringent measures, an official clarified that protests have not been banned and are allowed at designated areas.

We have not changed anything. These rules were already there in place. We have just introduced a few other regulations to ensure no disruption is caused to the academic process. Students still have the democratic right to protest at designated places.

– an official from the University told PTI.

Reacting to the revised manual, the JNU Students’ Union (JNUSU) termed it an attempt by the administration to “stifle dissent” on the campus and alleged that the Proctor’s Office is being used to carry out “political vendetta against student activists and representatives raising important student community issues”. Demanding its immediate withdrawal, the JNUSU added that the manual lacked clarity on several crucial aspects, leaving room for misinterpretation and arbitrary implementation.

The stringent measures outlined in the manual are aimed at stifling the vibrant campus culture that has defined JNU for decades. Such excessive regulations are intended to discourage open discussions, dissent, and intellectual exploration, which are fundamental to the spirit of our university. Such ambiguous rules can lead to unfair and discriminatory practices, jeopardizing the rights of students

– JNUSU in a statement.

Student bodies at the University have also condemned the move saying that it snatches away the democratic rights of students to register dissent.

Who will decide what is harming someone’s moral sentiment and what is not? How can my peaceful protest,‌‌ which is against fee hikes or injustice, be considered moral turpitude? Additionally many students in JNU are below the poverty line – so how do they expect these students to pay such high fines?

– said a student at JNU as reported by CNBC-TV18

Nine months ago, in February 2023, the University had issued a notification stating that the students can be imposed with a penalty of Rs. 20,000 for holding dharnas and face admission cancellation or a fine upto Rs. 30,000 for resorting to violence in the University. However, following its criticism, the notification was reportedly withdrawn within a week.

Featured Image Credits: Deccan Chronicle

Manvi Goel

DUB News

Delhi HC Directs DU to Detail Accessibility Measures for Differently-Abled Students

By DU Beat December 15, 2023

The Delhi High Court has directed a lawyer, assigned to aid in a case, to visit the Campus Law Centre (CLC) at Delhi University, ensuring accessibility for individuals with disabilities, and submit a thorough report on the premises.

In response to a plea by Jayant Singh Raghav, a visually impaired student at Delhi University (DU), the Delhi High Court (HC) has instructed the University to submit a comprehensive affidavit detailing the physical infrastructure and accessibility provisions for persons with disabilities at the Campus Law Centre (CLC). The plea raised concerns about the provision of assistive devices for disabled students during examinations.

Justice Purushaindra Kumar Kaurav emphasised that the affidavit should address the implementation of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016, and consider suggestions from amicus curiae Advocate Kamal Gupta. The court granted a last indulgence, allowing seven days for the university to file the affidavit.

The amicus curiae had previously submitted a report recommending improvements in physical infrastructure and accessibility at CLC. The report urged the immediate implementation of the Accessibility Guidelines and Standards for Higher Education Institutions and Universities, 2022, set by the University Grants Commission (UGC).

Among the recommendations, the report called for an access audit of the CLC and the installation of at least 10 ramps with tactile features at various locations. It also highlighted the absence of a mandatory lift in the current CLC building, emphasising the need for disabled-accessible washrooms on each floor.

The University’s counsel claimed that repairs and facility provision, according to the amicus curiae’s report, are complete. However, the court pointed out that the university must adhere to various other requirements outlined by the Disability Act and the amicus curiae’s recommendations.

The case is scheduled to be heard again on December 7, when the court expects the University to provide a comprehensive overview of its compliance with accessibility measures for differently-abled students at CLC.

Featured Image Credits: DU Beat Photo Archive

Injeella Himani
[email protected]

Mad Women in the Attic: The MH Hostel, A Take

By DU Beat December 15, 2023

This is a narrative of dissent, dissatisfaction, and a culture of resistance.

On a sunny winter morning, five young women sit on the bricked steps of Miranda House (MH) with a single tiffin in their hands. Inside the tiffin are meagre portions of flaxen Lauki and three stiff rotis. This is food they have collected from the hostel mess, and it is food, they decide, that must be served to the college principal. Not out of the graciousness of their hearts but out of an overwrought sense of frustration that they allege has been building up since their first semester at the Miranda House hostel.

Dissent runs rampant in the history of the hostel. The Pinjra Tod movement arrived at its gates in 2018. Demands for the removal of curfews were initially met with a pity extension of 30 minutes. Today, the MH hostel stands as one of the only DU hostels that does not lock up its women at night. The strain of resistance that went into this achievement belongs solely to its residents. Today, however, it has been reduced to a tussle for basic necessities.

Food. It is truly as basic as it gets. The major grievances put forward by the hostel residents include two-pronged complaints of quality and quantity. General complaints of food quality have now pervaded the hostel for quite some time, with instances of people falling ill after having consumed the mess food. In one instance of the burner supposedly having broken down, the residents claim to have been served partially cooked chicken, paneer, and later burned food. On the other hand, I am told that food getting over before the end of meal times is a regular occurrence.

Even as I write this piece, a message circulates in the hostel WhatsApp groups about “uncooked aloo” having been served for dinner. At night, under the lofty palm trees that feature vibrantly in every single equally vibrant photograph of the illustrious institution, residents sit and compare the circumferential edibility of the rotis. Some claim to have stopped eating in the mess altogether.

These grievances are met with rationalisations on the part of the authorities, which residents cite as ranging from “taste is subjective” to, at times, blatant denial. While the gallows-humour approach adopted by the residents is indeed laudable, what of those who cannot afford to eat outside? Must they be punished for entrusting reliance on promised subsidised food and quality residence? A second-year resident aptly asks,

After such a competition to get a seat in the hostel, why do we have to face issues regarding basic things on a regular basis?

Hostellers claim that they are reminded, upon complaints, that they are paying less and hence should learn to adjust. While a comparative analysis of hostel fees in the North Campus domain confirms the assertion that the 27000 (rough per semester standardisation) being paid by Miranda Hostellers is indeed moderate, whether nominal fees are justification enough for compromise on basic tenets of existence is left to the discretion of the reader.

To track the quality of water, some residents recounted a diarrhoea outbreak in the month of January. Such an account is provided with the backdrop of the NAAC visit in mind.

In doing so, residents recall the Student Federation of India’s (SFI) threat to protest in front of the NAAC delegation should their needs remain unmet. The memorandum containing the same was said to have been signed overnight. This raises another point of contention on the part of the hostellers, wherein the authorities are credited with being responsive to concerns, but only after the residents have reached a point of saturation, which only precipitates dissent.

An analysis of this point of contention rings true, as one observes that UV filters have been installed since the last few months had featured reports of illnesses and mass mailing. Rat holes were filled, and hair strands in Dal were addressed with plastic caps for the mess workers. The fact that authorities address issues only in the face of dissent is perhaps emblematic of larger, more systematic problems.

The hostel union, for instance, consists of third- and second-year residents. As a medium of communication between the administration and the residents, the existence of a student body makes complete and perfect sense. What does not, however, make sense is the delegation of responsibilities for looking after the hostel to the students, who are also burdened with their hefty academic degrees, which is what ex-union members allege has been happening. This has led more than once to multiple resignations, even, at one point in time, the dissolution of the union, as well as an unwillingness on the part of the residents to be part of the hostel’s students’ bodies.

It is easy to dismiss these grievances with the refrain of ‘controlled expectations’ from all things ‘Sarkari’. In doing so, however, we reward structural and governmental complacency. Resistance thus has a degree of inflated importance within the walls of the hostel because things are scarcely resolved without it. As residents grapple with the resolution of basic necessities, it only makes sense that they uphold the legacy of the hostel, as they appear to have been doing: the letter accompanying the tiffin calls it “a signal of distress.”

Featured Image Credits: Telegraph India

Deevya Deo
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