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Reclaiming Jurisdiction or Reinventing Control

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Key bills were passed in the parliament and postponed to the winter session amid turmoil, disagreements, outrage regarding Manipur violence, walkouts, a failed no-confidence motion, and a flying kiss controversy. While numerous controversial bills have been approved or introduced under the banner of “decolonizing India’s judiciary,” many political analysts argue that these bills are nothing more than a means of gaining influence over the legislature and the law.

The Monsoon session of Parliament, which began on July 20, 2023, ended on August 11, 2023, amid chaos, debates, outrage over Manipur violence, and drama over a no-confidence motion. This monsoon session had the largest number of bills passed yet the lowest amount of productive hours. 14 of the 23 bills passed this session were approved in 22 hours of discussion. With certain bills adopted minutes into discussion, the legitimacy and democratic significance of the two houses come into doubt.

According to PRS Legislative Research, despite the fact that parliament only met for half of its designated period, this session had a high level of legislative activity. 56% of the bills introduced in the session were passed by both houses. During the session, the Lok Sabha functioned for 43% of its scheduled time, while the Rajya Sabha functioned for 55%. Here is a tabular representation of a few bills passed in the session as per the report by PRS Legislative Research:

Bills passed Lok Sabha Rajya Sabha
Time spent on discussion Members participated Time spent on discussion Members participated
The Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi(Amendment) Bill, 2023 4 hrs 54 mins 26 8 hrs 3 mins 32
The Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2023 56 mins 8 1 hr 9 mins 6
The Forest(Conservation) Amendment Bill, 2023 38 mins 4 1 hr 41 mins 11
The Mines and Minerals(Development and Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2023 19 mins 2 1 hr 34 mins 11
The Central Goods and Service Tax(Amendment) Bill, 2023 2 mins 0 3 mins 0
The Integrated Goods and Services Tax(Amendment) Bill, 2023 2 mins 0 3 mins 0

Here is a detailed analysis of some of the most controversial bills:

The Government of the National Capital Territory of Delhi (Amendment) Bill, 2023: On May 11, 2023, the Supreme Court ruled in favour of the Delhi government in Delhi Government vs. Centre, granting it power over most services in the capital city, excluding public order, land, and police problems. According to the Supreme Court, Article 239A establishes a legislative assembly for the National Capital Territory of Delhi. The Delhi electorate chooses the members of the legislative assembly. Art. 239A must be interpreted in order to further representative democracy.

If a democratically elected government is not given the power to control the officers, the principle of the triple chain of accountability will be redundant.”

– CJI DY Chandrachud

However, on May 19, the centre issued an ordinance to overturn the decision of the Supreme Court. To replace the ordinance, the Delhi Service Bill was introduced. The law gives the Central Government the authority to create regulations governing the affairs of the Delhi Government, including the functions, terms, and other conditions of service of officials and employees. The new measure also creates the National Capital Civil Services Authority (NCCSA), which would make recommendations to the LG on transfers, postings, and disciplinary issues. The bill also grants the LG (indirectly the central government) vast powers over the calling, promulgation, and dissolution of the Delhi Legislative Assembly, as well as the appointment of the Chief Minister and other ministries.  

The bill was approved by both houses of parliament. After the bill was passed in the Lok Sabha, the opposition walked out. The opposition questioned the prime minister’s vow to grant Delhi full autonomy. 

Repeatedly, the BJP has promised that it will give full statehood to Delhi. In 2014, Modi himself said that upon becoming Prime Minister, he would give full statehood to Delhi. But today, these people stabbed the people of Delhi in the back. Don’t believe anything about Modi ji from now on.” 

– Arvind Kejriwal tweeted

Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, and the Bharatiya Sakshya Bill, 2023: On August 11, the Home Minister, Amit Shah, proposed three bills to replace the Indian Penal Code (IPC), the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPc), and the Evidence Act. These bills were proposed as part of an effort to decolonize the Indian judiciary.

As many as 313 changes have been proposed in the three criminal laws, and the objective is to ensure that people who approach the courts get justice within three years. The laws that are being replaced were essentially aimed at safeguarding the continuation of the British administration, and their objective was to punish, not deliver justice. The new laws will safeguard constitutional rights and deliver justice. These laws will be imbibed with the Indian soul.”

– Amit Shah, Home Minister

The three bills were sent to the standing committee, which is instructed to deliver a report before the winter session begins. The administration intends to enact and execute these bills before the end of the year. The full evaluation of these three bills paints a quite different picture from the one painted by the home minister in the house. The Indian Express writes:

There is a disjunct between the manner in which these bills are being presented and their actual content. They are far from being an overhaul that will be the panacea for issues that plague India’s criminal justice system. Large parts of these three bills simply reproduce existing provisions of the Indian Penal Code, the Criminal Procedure Code, and the Indian Evidence Act.”

The lack of public participation, the complete repeal and revocation of certain sections, and the introduction of such comprehensive changes in a relatively short period of time are some of the major practical concerns about the sudden replacement of the legal system, which can lead to disruption in the legal system. According to political analysts, these bills represent an indirect legalisation of the regime’s violations of human rights. Here is a tabular depiction of some sections of the bills and their relationship to the ruling party’s current demonstration of human rights violations.

Extension of Detention Period Extension of the detention period without any charges from the current duration to 90 days Many news reports and declarations by human rights organisations expressed concern over the unlawful arrest and incarceration of many anti-CAA activists during the Delhi Riots of 2020. Various court statements addressed this serious issue. “These defenders, many of them students, appear to have been arrested simply because they exercised their right to denounce and protest against the CAA (Citizenship Amendment Act), and their arrest seems clearly designed to send a chilling message to India’s vibrant civil society that criticism of government policies will not be tolerated.” : UN Experts  
Discretionary Powers for Law Enforcement Discretionary powers, such as the ‘right to handcuff,’ to law enforcement officers raise ethical and practical concerns. According to The Swaddle’s 2022 report, at least 4484 people died in police custody in the last two years. From the attack on Jamia Millia Islamia students in Delhi to the use of pellet guns and smoke bombs on farmers, India has seen an increase in police violence. The new law gives police authority rather than control, raising fears about police violence and reducing the legal ability to demand accountability. 
Gendered Provisions New Rape law applies specifically to women This law not only advocates heteronormativity but also toxic masculinity and makes it more difficult for male victims of sexual assault to come forward and report their abuse. The transgender population is one of the most vulnerable to such laws. The government’s queerphobic behaviour and implementation of the trans bill in 2019, despite enormous community protests, raises a larger concern about governments’ stance on trans issues.
Impact on minority rights Provisions on “Love Jihad” Several international and national human rights organisations have questioned the Love Jihad law and how it is being used against Muslims. With examples of Hindu vigilantes collaborating with police and mob lynchings of Muslims under the name of love jihad on the rise. Providing full legal status raises serious concerns about the safety of minorities in the country.

Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service, and Term of Office) Bill, 2023: On August 10, 2023, the BJP government introduced this bill in the Rajya Sabha in an effort to alter the current method of appointment of election commission officers. This bill will take power away from the CJI and give the ruling party enormous influence in appointing the EC. The Wire reports:

Section 7 of this new Bill seeks to set up a selection committee headed by the prime minister, which will have one Union minister, nominated by the prime minister, and the Leader of the Opposition (LoP) as its members. Neither the Chief Justice of India nor any eminent jurist will find a place on this committee. This means that the chief election commissioner (CEC) and other election commissioners (ECs) would be selected by the political executive belonging to the ruling party, with the LoP either ignored or overruled. What kind of ‘neutrality and independence’ can be expected from such appointees?”

This bill will give the ruling party enormous authority over the Election Commission, raising concerns about the transparency and credibility of the world’s largest democratic elections.

Some of the other bills include:

  1. Forest Conservation(Amendment) Bill, 2023 which allows non-forest activities on forest lands and permits clearance of forest within 100kms of national border.
  2. Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2023 which will hold accountable private entities that are in the business of leveraging people’s data in order to further their agenda or make profit, though it also provides leeway for the government to work its way out despite large-scale surveillance.
  3. The Mines and Minerals(Development and Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2023 allows the private sector to mine 6 out of 12 atomic minerals. It also empowers the central government to exclusively auction mining leases and composite licences for certain critical minerals.

Many other bills were introduced and passed, including the Cinematography (Amendment) Bill, Pharmacy (Amendment) Bill, Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order (Amendment) Bill, and others. To read a detailed overview of all bills passed, here is the detailed article by IndiaToday.

Every year, multiple bills are passed, introduced, and rejected throughout the three sessions of parliament. The most crucial aspect, however, is the procedure through which bills are passed. With more bills approved in such a short period of time, without enough debate, question rounds, proper involvement of the opposition, or ignoring questions by taking advantage of other issues, the legitimacy of legislative or judicial reforms comes into doubt. With the declining state of democracy and the regime’s increasing attacks on minorities through a translucent lens, the introduction of new bills raises the question of whether these bills are introduced to bring reform or fill gaps in the existing system, or are simply a way to gain control over the major democratic bodies with power, a path towards fascism in India?

Feature Image Credits: Newslaundry

Read Also: Is the Judiciary Really Independent in India?

Dhruv Bhati

[email protected]

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Campus Central

Shockingly Low Admissions for New BTech. Courses at DU

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The newly introduced BTech courses at DU had few takers, leaving many seats vacant. The university decided to conduct spot admissions as a result.

Admission statistics recently rolled in for newly introduced BTech courses at the University of Delhi. These admissions under the Faculty of Technology are based on the JEE Mains score. There have been few takers, as many seats are vacant compared to the authorized capacity. For the computer science course, 20 seats were occupied, while only two seats were filled for electronics and communication, and just one seat was taken for the electrical engineering course. Following this, DU decided to conduct spot admissions.

The seat allotment result for the BTech programs was released on September 11, and colleges will verify applications by September 14. The last date for payment of the admission fee shall remain September 15, and there will be no option to upgrade or withdraw.

Many opinions have been expressed in trying to find an explanation for such low admission numbers. Some teachers have said that the programs aren’t affordable for many because they’re expensive by the standards of a central university. Others say that there is hesitation among students to opt for engineering courses at a university more known for its humanities and commerce departments.

“I was unaware of the BTech courses offered at DU. Nevertheless, I would have still given preference to private engineering colleges with well-established courses and faculty.”

-Vardaan, a first-year student at IIIT-Delhi

Thus, apprehension towards DU’s BTech courses does exist among students, especially since the department is fairly new and will take time to solidify.

A university official also said that BTech admissions for this year had already been completed at other universities while they started late at DU, which is why seats remained vacant. They hope to regularize admissions from next year onward. Perhaps the culmination of all the reasons mentioned is an explanation for the low statistics.

Another aspect of the situation that sparked discussion was the setting up of these courses in the first place. Many are of the opinion that if the administration does want to expand its science-based courses, it must first improve the existing infrastructure for BSc courses.

“When almost every college of the university has infrastructure complaints and science courses are lacking in lab equipment and research prospects, why not focus on investing in these areas?”

-Sanviti, a third-year BSc Microbiology student

Featured image credits: Hindustan Times

Read also: Under the Shadow of DUSU Elections

Arshiya Pathania

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Under the Shadow of DUSU Elections: A Stage for Sexual Harassment and Caste-based Politics

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TW// Sexual harassment & casteism

After a gap of three years, the Delhi University campuses have been covered in the hues of Student Union Elections. However, the true face of these elections may be found beneath the democratic facade. While money and power are the most addressed sides of this dark coin, there is another side that frequently gets overlooked: caste politics and gender-based violence.

 The Delhi University Student Union (DUSU) Elections are being held after a gap of three years because of the Covid-19 pandemic. Pamphlets, roads covered with paper cut-outs, banners, posters, fights, and long traffic jams marked the beginning of the campaign of various student union organisations across campuses at DU. From the north campus to the south campus and off-campus colleges, every college at the University of Delhi is draped in the colours of elections. However, what lurks behind these hues is a mix of democracy and oppression.

Hundreds of posters, thousands of paper cut-outs all over the streets, and rallies of black and white cars tossing the same paper cut-outs you’re walking on speak volumes about how democratic and accessible the DUSU elections are. However, beyond these money and power dynamics lies the worst face of the DUSU elections: an open breeding ground for sexual harassment and casteism.

It is difficult to distinguish the inappropriate advantage taken of such packed surroundings at large-scale rallies with hundreds of party workers yelling slogans and the names of their candidates. Whether it’s a kind but unwelcome handshake or being unexpectedly touched in a throng or a bunch of guys gazing at every woman moving by, footage of mobs of men forcibly entering women’s colleges appears all over the internet every year. The fact that there are no proper caps on crowd control or codes of conduct gives these people the pass to repeat it again and again.

I have witnessed sexual harassment take place during election events. As soon as it gets crowded and people start getting pushed around, they start touching you everywhere. The language they use makes us feel disgusted. Right now, a person approached us and said: ‘Kya laundiya khadi kar rakhi hain’ (What women have they made stand here). We are also students, so what is wrong with us supporting any party just because we are women? The opposition, especially, really tries to make us feel uncomfortable as a part of their own political agenda.

– Two female party supporters in an interview to Newslaundry

 Students find it difficult to speak out about sexual harassment on campus due to the rising degree of fear culture established by these mobs of men. This year, too, hordes of ABVP members forcibly entered Miranda House’s campus twice.

When any left-wing organisation stages a tiny protest, massive police forces are deployed. They are sometimes detained for “disturbing the peace on campus. However, in incidents like these, where ABVP men forcibly entered the campus of a women’s college twice, there will be no police deployment or action, even after complaints.

-A student from the women’s college of DU 

Apart from toxic masculinity and a free pass for sexual harassment, caste-based violence is also common during elections. These elections are dominated by Jats and Gujjars. Every DUSU president from 2011 to 2017 was either Jat or Gujjar. These two communities dominate not just the president but the whole panel. Voting in the name of caste is also very common.

TW// Casteism

I heard my classmates say, ‘Ye AISA waale SC/ST ke chapri logo ki toli hai, isko kon vote dega’ (AISA is a group of people from the SC/ST community, who’s going to vote for them).

– A third-year BSc. student

 Vote appeals based on caste are fairly prevalent. Even upper-caste voters say it would be a disgrace if a lower-caste person won the election. In 2018, the Delhi Police released an advisory urging students not to vote based on caste. They warned candidates who appealed for votes based on their caste.

The larger question is whether left-wing politics, which is more issue-centric and nuanced in its narrative, is putting pressure on bigger parties to reform themselves. The pinjra tod campaign that seeks to make hostel and paying guest accommodation regulations less regressive and restrictive for women students is refreshing to see. In the past year, we can see a change in the way the NSUI has conducted itself, and this could have been an influence of left-leaning groups like the All India Students’ Association (AISA).

-Apoorvanand, professor at the Department of Hindi, University of Delhi in an article by Firstpost (2018)

The present DUSU elections have their foundation on four pillars: money, muscle, masculinity, and caste. The lack of a strict code of conduct and the administration’s inability to maintain a check on hooliganism give these individuals a free pass to do such things again and again. Whether it’s blocking traffic for their campaign, forcibly entering women’s colleges, or instilling terror in caste and gender minorities.

A safe, free, and fair election is often demanded. While most students would want to remain bystanders to the drama of these elections, such a stage is unachievable. Unification is required to bring about a complete transformation in the electoral process. Until then, the DUSU elections will be viewed as a reflection of the greater electoral landscape rather than a democratic practice.

 

Featured Image Credits: The Hindu

Read Also: Power and Politics in the Delhi University Students’ Union

 

Dhruv Bhati

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Arts & Culture

Taali Review – An Exceptional Biopic Based on India’s Third Gender

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What distinguishes Taali is that it is one of the first biographical works that focuses on the challenges and life of a transgender person, therefore providing a glimpse into their tough lives from their own perspective.

Taali is a biographical drama series based on the life of Shree Gauri Sawant, a transgender activist played by Sushmita Sen. The series, directed by Ravi Jadhav, lasts for three hours and is broken into six thirty-minute parts. It is available on the Jio Cinema platform in India. I was thrilled to watch the show after watching the teaser for the first time and being aware of the real-life inspiration. While inclusion of the LGBTQA+ population in mainstream films and series has expanded recently, there are a few that highlight the realities of the transgender community, such as – Laxmii, Super Deluxe.

What distinguishes Taali is that it is one of the first biographical works that focuses on the challenges and life of a transgender person, therefore providing a glimpse into their tough lives from their own perspective. Many notable biopics based on the lives of athletes, freedom fighters, army officers have been produced by the film industry. Taali thus adds a feather to the cap because it is innovative in its approach to raising awareness and praising the efforts of many such activists who seek to improve the status of the Third gender in India. This is certainly one of the most compelling reasons to watch this series.

Before we go any further, here is a quick summary of the transgender activist as to why she is remarkable –

Shree Gauri Savant is a transgender activist from Mumbai who has been working diligently for the transgender community for many years. Gauri established the Sakhi Char Chowghi Trust in 2000. The NGO encourages safe sex and offers transsexual counselling. In 2014, she was the first transgender person to petition the Supreme Court of India for transgender adoption rights.  She was a petitioner in the case of the National Legal Services Authority (NALSA), in which the Supreme Court declared transgender as a third gender. She also starred in an affectionate Vicks commercial and in Kaun Banega Crorepati. In 2019, she was appointed as the Maharashtra Election Commission’s goodwill ambassador.

Taali, focusing on the Supreme Court’s watershed decision in 2014, which officially recognized the third gender, It flashes back and forth in time to Gauri Sawant’s life, from her days as a child battling with identity to her days as a mother advocating for equality. The show seeks to cover major events in her life, such as her childhood and troubles with her father, gender affirming surgery, adopting a child, and handling the atrocities of the society. In the first episode, named Teesri ladai, she explains how her battle is separated into three stages: struggle for identity, struggle for survival, and struggle for equality, with the final one referring to the Landmark Case.

Krutika Deo’s performance as Young Gauri, known as Ganesh, helped viewers connect to the character’s predicament of feeling unfit. Her desire to be a mother, which no one around her understands, her loneliness after her mother passed away and her father’s reluctance to accept her identity are all major points where the audience can relate to the helplessness faced by young Gauri trapped in the body of a boy, wishing to be a girl.

Sushmita Sen, who plays a grown-up Gauri, does a fantastic job in the part. Her performance was a combination of grace and aggression, accurately calibrated to the necessities of the scene. Sen is depicted in the story’s midsection, where Gauri works with an NGO and as a waiter to earn and teach at the same time. These were the rare sequences where Sen seemed out of place in huge Kurtas, shirt trousers and even a fake moustache.

The story progresses from her days of survival to finally founding her own non-profit organization, dealing with other transgender people. The affection and warmth between Gauri and her new family could be seen in these specific scenes. Sheetal Kale’s performance as Nargis, a fellow transgender, was another highlight for me. Her friendship with Gauri, from once saving her life to presenting her a neckless that Gauri tressures as a trophy, are heartwarming experiences that will also have an impact on Gauri’s life.

Aside from the impressive performances, the show had its own set of flaws. To begin, despite the fact that the show drew out Gauri’s life across six episodes, it failed to give greater space to crucial moments that required more creativity, more time for viewers to absorb it and appreciate the depth of it. Factors such as Gauri’s transformation as a mother and her struggle to gain support from her own community were mentioned but not adequately developed. There are several situations in which Gauri faces adversity and hatred from members of her own community who believe that her work is harming their daily lives, even to the point where a fellow transgender tries to poison Gauri. However, these scenes are addressed with dialogues such as Mere paas na dushmano ki directory nahi dictionary milegi (you won’t either the directory or the dictionary of enemies with me) or inhone mera makeup kiya hai mei inka pack up karwati hoon (they did my makeup, I will do their pack up).

What was missing was a genuine confrontation moment to really show why many transgender people believed Gauri’s work was harming them, and it could’ve led the viewers to the real issue of why many of them are resistant to these changes. This alternate perspective was not properly explored.

Another letdown was the addition of sequences that felt like an attempt to inject some drama into the show. Scene of Gauri celebrating the commencement of her womanhood while dressed as a bride, was paralleled by her father performing Ganesh’s final rites. This was done to symbolically represent Gauri’s father’s reluctance to embrace her new reality.  Instead of this addition, it would have been good to devote more screen time to Gauri’s metamorphosis.

Other attempts at eliciting emotions were made with background music and almost poetic dialogues. It seemed as though Gauri’s every response was designed to be an inspiring statement. Gauri’s more open exchanges with people, such as the flight attendant on a trip to the United States or the school principal, were much appreciated.

Taali provided to the audience something that they had already seen on the internet and in the news. There was a lack of artistically narrating the story so that viewers could better comprehend the perspectives of the third gender. Taali remains an amazing first-of-its-kind biopic packed with a number of profound performances, and we hope that mainstream cinema brings out more work of such activists while providing LGBTQ people the opportunity to play these parts.

 

Read Also : https://dubeat.com/2016/09/03/transgender-accepting-the-non-conformist/

Featured Image Credits: JioCinema

Priya Agrawal

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Less is More: Unpacking Minimalism’s Facade of Inclusivity

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Amidst modern excess, Minimalism surfaced as a guiding light of simplicity and intentionality. However, its evolution into an aesthetic trend inadvertently started to echo with privilege, sidelining those who needed it most. Can minimalism evolve to bridge the divide between privilege and inclusivity?

I noticed the word Minimalism casually being dropped into conversations in 2019 when the Netflix show Tidying Up with Marie Kondo began airing. Almost instantaneously, there was an obsession with tidying and perfectly organised bedroom drawers. The gentle and inviting coziness of the show captivated audiences, leading them to believe in the possibility of living prosperous lives, distinct from the prevailing extravagance that dominated much of our existence. Eventually, like most popular things in the social media age, minimalism started to gain traction as an aesthetic. Now, people no longer want to be associated with excess; simplicity is all the rage once again.

Minimalism as a concept surfaced particularly through the artistic movements in the 1960s as a challenge to the abstract expressionist movement that dominated the World War II era. However, minimalism as a lifestyle began to flourish in the 21st century, as an increasing number of people started to feel suffocated by the mindless accumulation that had taken root in their lives. The concept that personal contentment can be pursued without constant reliance on instant gratification from material objects is truly liberating. Minimalism also focuses on the emotional relationship between our material possessions, prompting us to appreciate their significance and purpose in our lives.

However, the concept of minimalism fails to acknowledge the influence of socioeconomic privileges in shaping the standards of what is deemed “aesthetic”. While minimalism advocates for mindful living and appreciating our time and surroundings, it tends to disregard the privilege of having “time” itself. Many individuals lack the luxury to dedicate time to deliberate choices about their possessions. While promoting minimalism is certainly valuable and demands greater attention, it inadvertently marginalizes individuals from lower socioeconomic backgrounds. Their limited resources and time prevent them from investing in possessions that genuinely enhance their lives. For them, minimalism isn’t a voluntary decision but rather a necessity dictated by their circumstances.

[This trend is] all about spending an incredible amount of time and attention to look as if you hadn’t thought about it at all.

-journalism Chelsey Fagan wrote in 2017

Modern-day minimalism places significant emphasis on aesthetics. The image often involves pristine white walls and linens paired with opulent dark wood, accentuated by touches of greenery to instill a sense of airiness. However, herein lies the predicament with minimalism. It tends to cater predominantly to a wealthier demographic, one that possesses the means to indulge minimalism into a lavish trend. Conversely, individuals with fewer resources have inherently practiced a form of minimalism, driven by the circumstances that shape their lifestyles and decisions. While their approach might not align with the conventional aesthetic, their practices resonate more genuinely with the fundamental values that minimalism advocates.

I guess around the late 2010s I really started noticing minimalism in my Pinterest feed. The aesthetic was very similar and there was a lot of emphasis on cleanliness. I think about minimalism and how it is about having less but valuable things in your life, I feel like it has already been done by people. I don’t think minimalism is anything new as a concept but I feel like people are just now taking it seriously because rich white people suddenly believe capitalist consumption is wrecking the earth.

-remarked a student from Mumbai

The concepts of minimalism often intersect with the principles of sustainability, particularly within the realm of fashion. Sustainability in fashion revolves around the notion that individuals should curate a wardrobe comprised of “investment” pieces. This approach enables us to derive maximal value from these items, without the constant pressure to conform to fleeting trends through low-quality fast fashion. Nevertheless, this perspective also reveals the underlying theme of privilege, as not everyone possesses the means to afford long-lasting, high-quality pieces. Many individuals turn to more affordable alternatives out of necessity, as they lack viable options.

I used to thrift all my clothes. I wasn’t necessarily aware of the sustainable implications or the vintage aesthetic of the clothes. It was just something my family did for the longest time. But now it’s considered so cool to go thrifting. I’m glad it is gaining awareness because of sustainability but sometimes I’m just confused because I see people who can afford better quality clothes from sustainable brands go thrifting and then immediately discard those clothes after 2-3 wears. I just feel like it defeats the purpose. For my family, Goodwill was essentially the only way we could afford clothes but I sometimes feel like if I had the resources, I would definitely try to invest in more expensive but sustainable brands.

-remarked a student from New York City

This doesn’t imply that minimalism is an elitist movement or that we should abandon its principles. Instead, it’s crucial to expand the perspective of minimalism beyond the familiar narratives that primarily resonate with affluent individuals. Contemporary minimalism is heavily associated with the privilege of choice, a luxury that isn’t accessible to many of us. The issue with the current state of minimalism is not its inherent cost, but rather the fact that it’s both expensive to adopt and carries a sense of condescension towards those not embracing the lifestyle. Thus, it becomes essential to redirect our attention from the “glamour of minimalism” and instead focus on how we can make minimalism more relatable and attainable for those who are already engaged in its principles.

While minimalism promises a path to mindful living, the popularization of minimalism often overlooks the barriers of socioeconomic privilege that influence its aesthetics and accessibility. The paradox lies in advocating for simplicity while failing to recognize that true simplicity may be forced upon those without the means to choose it. As we strive to redefine the narrative of minimalism, we must question whether its current trajectory aligns with its core principles of intentionality. How can we bridge the gap between the aspirational image of minimalism and the reality faced by those who lack the luxury of choice? Can we reshape minimalism into a movement that honours its essence while fostering inclusivity and acknowledging diverse economic circumstances? By reflecting on these questions and reshaping the discourse, we can work towards a version of minimalism that truly speaks to the essence of material liberation and contentment for all.

 

Read Also: https://dubeat.com/2016/12/19/minimalism-have-less-be-more/

Image Credits: Inc. Magazine

Sri Sidhvi Dindi

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Spot Round Registrations Begin, Admission Process Explained

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According to the official schedule, registration for Spot Round began on 29 August at 5 pm via the Common Seat Allocation System (CSAS) Portal under the ongoing admission process for Delhi University.

Delhi University administration started the registration for Spot Round of undergraduate admissions. Students can register on the admissions website, admission.uod.ac.in.

In the spot admissions round 1, declaration of allocations was done on 1st September (5 pm), and candidates will have time till September 3, 4.59 pm to accept the allocated seats.

Following that colleges will have time from September 2 (10 am) till 4.59 pm September 4, to verify and approve online applications. Last date for online payment of admission fees is scheduled for September 5, 4.59 pm.

The steps for application process include first visiting the official website, admission.uod.ac.in. Then by clicking on the UG admission 2023 link, the page will be redirected. The next step is to fill in all the requirements, incorporating all personal details and educational qualifications. Next review the application and pay the application fee. Finally, submit the application and download the application for future use.

“In its first round, a total of 202416 eligible candidates were considered for allocation based on their preferences of programme and college combinations. A total of 85853 allocations have been done in the First CSAS round itself. This includes an allocation to all programmes in all colleges in UR, SC, ST, OBC(NCL), EWS and two supernumerary quotas, PwBD and Kashmiri Migrants. As many as 7042 candidates got their first preference. About 22000 candidates have been allocated a seat from their first five preferences.” -ANI Report

During the first round seat allotment round, over 3,04,699 students registered the CSAS 2023 portal, among those, 2,45,235 students submitted their CSAS DU 2023 application form and 59,464 didn’t submit their application forms.

Image Source: Business Today

Read Also: DU Witnesses 87% Seats being Secured in the First Round of UG Admissions

Aanya Mehta

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Of Remembrance and Letting Go: An Ode to Hometowns

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One never realizes how much they love their hometown until they leave it. Mindlessly scrolling through reels on Instagram, I stumbled upon a heartwarming interview excerpt of Greta Gerwig, a well-established Hollywood director known for movies like Barbie, Little Women, and Lady Bird. She endearingly talks about how we never realize how much life has changed unless we revisit our hometown, after being away from it.

I have always loved my city, Kolkata, during August. The murky humidity of May-July slowly transitions into cloudy afternoons followed by evening showers and there is an underlying excitement amidst the hustling streets and alleys as the arrival of August amplifies the countdown to Durga Puja in early October.

As my airline slowly made the descent into my hometown, passing through puffy clouds, revealing the Ganges, the Howrah bridge perched atop it, and the huddled buildings, a warm wave of familiarity washed over me as a fellow co-passenger, a toddler whispered in excitement to his mother, “Ma, bari eshe geche!” (Mom, we’re home!).

Going back home, the ritual has always remained the same: the happy mingling crowd at the Departure tunnel, the old lanes, roadside graffiti, the smell of mum’s favourite sandalwood incense, fresh laundry, clinking chai-cups, dog fur on the sofa, Kishore Kumar ke gaane in the afternoon, mum’s special mutton biriyani recipe, ‘luchi-aloo dum’ for breakfast and the warmth of family. Simplicity. Familiarity. Comfort. Home.

Then come the people: old school friends, childhood friends, those 15-year long bonds, the chit-chats over coffee, first crushes, your favourite teacher, your neighbour who’d seen you walk for the first time, your grandmother and her prized-sewing kit, the sweaters she’d honed for you out of love, your dad’s collection of music records, the twinkle of your dog’s eyes. The love that endured. The love that stayed. The warmth of old love. Home.

But beyond the slow loving caress of familiarity, was something inherently heartbreaking. Tragic but beautiful. It was change. Change you wouldn’t notice as soon as you step down from your 2-hour-long flight from Delhi to Kolkata. But slow brimming change so vast yet so miniscule that it breaks your heart while mending it simultaneously. It’s in your childhood best-friend’s stories of college, their vast-tangle of newfound friends, sky-scrappers standing tall in place of your favourite movie theatre, the now-empty flat of your closest cousin who’d moved abroad, or in the glistening newly sprout grey hair of your dog. It’s an eerie feeling. It is true that life goes on and never waits for anybody but it’s also strange, feeling like a mere observer to the life that had been your whole world, in the place that you’ve always called home.

This feeling stems from something much deeper than just feeling like you’re missing out. Instead of resenting life for passing through your hometown when you aren’t even there, you embrace this change, or at least try to. Over time, you realize how much you’ve changed as well- that you no more unhealthily binge-read Harry Potter but read more Murakami in its place, that you enjoy The 1975 over Linkin Park now and that you’d always loved ‘Chole Bhature’ over ‘Luchi-Aloo Dum’ despite your friends teasing you as a fake Bengali (yes, deep sad sigh). At one beautiful point, one warm Wednesday afternoon, you realize that you are growing along with your childhood city, discovering yourself every day and suddenly, you’re at peace.

On a rather unconventional note, I believe that it’s also important for one to eventually move out of your childhood hometown. Moving away from the familiarity, from the care of your parents, taking responsibilities, doing laundry by yourself, buying groceries alone, riding buses, managing your finances gives you a sense of clarity that the comfort of home can’t. Moving out of this comfort zone, lends you a sense of independence, some perspective that you never thought you had before. You suddenly feel confident enough to make future choices and plan, and finally liberation embraces you- that you are (almost) a grown-up and have (sort of) stepped into the real world!

Basking in this glorious independence is fun, and so is remembering that the same bonds you’re breaking free from moulded and shaped you to someday be capable of leaving it all behind. Your old friends, your family, the Sunday-night movies, the bicycle races with childhood friends- all of these fragments have come together to make you whole. And as you look upon the old city, with tears in your eyes, comprehension slowly dawns that you’d never realized how much home has shaped you, how much you love it and are going to miss it. And while your childhood best friend now has new friends to confide in, your movie theatre has turned into someone’s loving home and your dog is growing old, the love doesn’t disappear, it re-emerges every time you come back home, it’s always there and will be. And that’s the beauty of it all.

Through the rush of college, the fast-paced life of Delhi, the crowd of metros, the overburdening assignments and the hustle of college societies, the early-morning showers of Delhi remind me of the slow, lazy August days of Kolkata as my mother gently simmers the early-morning cha, humming to the stapled songs of Kishore Kumar playing in the background of her beloved kitchen, and rain lovingly embraces my home, far-far away yet so close.

Sometimes, love from a distance can be beautiful too.

Read Also: The Home Conundrum, and the Battle of Graduating

Featured Image Credits: Google Images

Priyanka Mukherjee

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MUZZAFARPUR INCIDENT BACKLASH : AISA and SFI react to the communal hate mongering 

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This report deals with the Muzzafarnagar episode of communal hate mongering, the underlying concerns that it raises for our society in general and the reaction of Student bodies like AISA and SFI that followed suit.

On  24th August ,  a media clip took the political climate of the country by storm as it brought  into picture the visceral steeping of hate mongering in an educational setup in Muzzafarnagar, Uttar Pradesh. 

The video that stirred the controversy featured two adults — one who still remains to be identified and the other being Tripti Tyagi along with a 7 year old Muslim boy who has been at the receiving end of physical and verbal abuse amongst his classmates, his identity remains undisclosed due to privacy  concerns. The video showed her instigating physical harm to a Muslim student by ordaining fellow students to slap him. To further accentuate the issue the teacher has also been recorded openly inciting a derogatory religious commentary .  

The incident was reported from Neha Public School , in Khubbapur District under Mansurpur Police Station jurisdiction , it was uploaded on social media by the cousin of the 7 year old Muslim boy who has been at the receiving end of the violation .

The video spurred immediate reaction pouring in from the spectrum of political enthusiasts . Calls were made for immediate action to be taken against Tripti Tyagi for inciting violence and discrimination against Muslims in the context of increasing religious intolerance in the country . The Students’ Federation of India (SFI) issued its statement and called out the ‘sangh priwar’ for this national disgrace, urging the Supreme Court to take immediate action against this and called for a week long nationwide campaign from 28th August to 5th September against the hate politics . All India Students’ Association (AISA) urged people to raise their voices for justice and humanity through the protest they organized on 26th August at 6 pm from Gupta Chowk to Arts Faculty for the immediate arrest of Tripti Tyagi . AISA DU Vice President Aditya addressed the gathering by saying  “Tripta Tyagi is a symptom of the hatred that BJP has spread across the country. They have created a community of criminals and they take pride in it . We the students of the country will fight this battle against communalism head on and bear the torch for secularism.”

Various political parties have laid out their strong worded statements for the same with heated arguments pouring on the social media site X .  While the essence of the incident might have felt a little muddled in the political blame game of the ruling and the opposition class , open solicitations were made regarding the discrimination the 7 year old student had faced and the need for suo moto action . In his statement , Circle Officer Ravishankar has assured that the police was actively following up on the incident and actions regarding the same would be issued soon on 25th August , 2023.

Basic Shiksha Adhikari, Shubham Shukla also assured that the person and the institution would both be brought under question following the incident . The Bal Kalyan Samiti initiated counseling for the associated children and parents. While a number of political representatives assembled in Muzzafarpur to give their statements and support poured out from pan India, Tripti Tyagi took to social media via a video message where she is seen asking for forgiveness with folded hands.  She asserts that the boy refused to do his homework and her being physically unfit she asked a fellow student to slap him as his parents had themselves requested to be strict with the child. The child’s father upon being interviewed has ascertained that there has been no religious angle but just harassment of his child by physically violating him . 

The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights Chairperson, Priyank Kangnoo said instructions have been issued to take action on this matter. While there is an ongoing investigatio , a second investigation has also been launched after the victim’s family agreed to file complaint following initial hesitation .

The way the issue blew up connotates the various underlying notions of how religious paranoia seeps into a society that boasts of its diversity.  The very fact that learning institutions  meant to foster harmony could instead promote hate mongering in young vulnerable minds is both disturbing and concerning, but to have a populace that suffers from it simply based on their religious identity is nothing but pitiful for any nation. 

Another evident problem that this issue brought into picture is the spread of misinformation and the way it is milked by interested parties in their favour. The viral social media clip had people giving out death threats and hate comments in X threads even before all the facets of the issue were made public . While political parties jostled over the blame game , the voice of the actual victim seemed somewhat subdued .

 

Read also: https://dubeat.com/2020/02/25/du-gathers-to-protest-against-communal-violence-in-north-east-delhi/

https://dubeat.com/2020/01/08/protest-at-jesus-and-mary-college-condemning-violence-against-students/

Image credits :  AISA 

 

Priya Shandilya

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After a Three-Year Hiatus, Delhi University Students’ Union Elections Are Back

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While the University Officials work on finalizing the dates, student leaders have started preparing for their election campaigns.

The student elections at Delhi University are scheduled to take place in September. The Delhi University Students Union is the representative body that stands for the majority of colleges and faculties’  students. Aside from this, elections are also  held each year for the students union at every college. The Delhi University Students Union is elected directly by the university’s and its member colleges’  students. Every year, the elections are typically held in August or September. Occurring every four years, it was last held in 2019, and was halted as a result of the Corona virus pandemic and its effects on the academic calendar.

Officials from the university stated earlier in July that election preparations will begin as soon as the university finished the admissions process for the upcoming session. Although the date has not yet been confirmed, DU registrar Vikas Gupta stated that it would be announced shortly and that one may anticipate it to happen in the final week of September.

Vice-chancellor Yogesh Singh, who will oversee the election process, named office bearers and members for the central council of the Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) for the academic year 2023–2024, according to a University announcement dated August 1. The VC also appointed college principals and heads of institutions to serve as office holders and council members in their respective colleges. The chief election officer, Professor Chandra Shekhar, has stated that the employing of Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) will be done during the entire election process, which is expected to last between 10 and 12 days. In 2019, the Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) gained three seats, while the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) gained one. Akshat Dahiya of the ABVP served as President, Pradeep Tanwar as Vice President, Ashish Lamba as Secretary, and Shivangi Karwal as Joint Secretary for the 2019–20 term.

Elections will be held for all four of these positions once again this year. All around the University, especially in the North Campus, preparations are being made for the same. While student leaders are planning, students are actively responding. The current president of the ABVP, Akshat Dahiya, states that they are getting ready to nominate their student leaders and will also begin disseminating information about the election procedure for students. Additionally, other organisations like the All India Students’ Association (AISA) and the Students’ Federation of India (SFI) are prepared to start their election campaigns. The previous president of SFI says that they will focus on issues that are specific to students, such as accommodation and other problems that students have on a daily basis, whereas ABVP will centre their election campaign on the four-year undergraduate programme, FYUP. In the meantime, the elections for the Delhi University Teachers’ Association (DUTA) have been set for September 27. The election calendar states that teacher nominations must be submitted by September 1. At the north campus of DU, the Arts Building complex and Satyakam Bhawan will serve as the locations for the voting.

On August 12, a number of teachers’ organizations, including the Democratic Teachers’ Front, merged to form the Democratic United Teachers’ Alliance. Among them were the Democratic Teachers’ Front, the Academic for Action and Development Teachers Association, and the Indian National Teachers’ Congress, which is a branch of the Congress. They declared Aditya Narayan Misra as a potential candidate for the position of DUTA president.

The University of Delhi student elections are unique and prominent, adding to the capital’s already politically charged climate. These elections hold value for the future of the University and also reflect student sentiments.

Read Also : https://dubeat.com/2023/07/12/dusu-launches-one-day-dusu-presidents-scheme/
Image Credits : Telegraph India

Priya Agrawal

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Dismal state of Delhi University’s Foreign Language Branch

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DU, often seen as India’s premier public institution, is technically equipped with a flurry of departments, from Finno-Ugric to Persian ones, but given Delhi University’s limited funds, inefficient administration and other maladies which rather famously plague the institution, one does question how well these departments continue to function?

One of my first experiences of the infamous DU chaos was when I visited the Faculty of Arts campus, to sign up for Russian classes, from the Slavonic Studies Department, the only one in the entire country. Not exactly to my surprise, most people I asked had no clue where the department was located within the campus. Eventually, from a back entrance, up a cobweb-covered staircase, I did find the department, a singular hallway with classrooms on either side and an administrative office with an aversion to Gmail. 

While my experience was obviously personal to me, the state of our foreign language departments, once created in order to help foster bilateral ties internationally, create a globalized perspective and in general, integrate the Indian student body with the rest of the world. However, some problems continue to persist. 

Both the Persian and Slavonic Departments have extremely low research output, as intimated by the information made public on their websites with the latter showing only 18 research candidates between 2004 and 2017.

Departments like those of Germanic and Romance Studies, simply do not seem to have functioning websites, which raises questions as to how interested students are to access crucial information regarding syllabi with ease, without even getting into the lack of awareness given the inaccessibility. Similarly, the epartment of Arabic studies, too, doesn’t have its own website to access.

Furthermore, a quick glance at the respective syllabi raises questions about its relevance, especially in comparison to universities abroad, which have far more extensive, well-rounded and relevant curriculums as related to DU whose department plans consist primarily of standard, older syllabi plans, with little to no practical component. 

These foreign language departments are usually aimed at fostering a sense of internationalism and facilitating India’s international relations ties, by creating academics and linguists who could encourage and foster a sense of globalism. But, as these departments blend into the shadows, it makes us question if India’s premier institution is losing its sense of internationalism, as a whole. 

Read also-  https://dubeat.com/2020/03/16/language-and-patriarchy-the-case-of-gendered-languages/

Image credits – DU Beat

 

Chaharika Uppal

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