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Events

Celebrating World Mental Health Day at Persona’24

By DU Beat October 11, 2024

Persona’24, the annual flagship event of Friends’ Corner, was a mix of counselling sessions, games and introspective activities for students to embrace their emotions and heal their inner self.

On the occasion of World Mental Health Day On 10 October 2024, Friends Corner , the Mental Health and Counselling Cell of Hindu College organised its flagship event, ‘Persona’ an interactive event involving workshops, therapy sessions and games to boost social and emotional healing. Persona’24 was also officially recognized by the World Federation for Mental Health as a part of their global campiagn.

The event kickstarted with a speaker session by Kanchan Gaur, the founder of Samrasa Foundation, an NGO dedicated to providing mental health related assistance. Gaur, a counsellor, gave an enriching talk on the need to foster emotional resilience in the face of adversity which was followed by interactive activities to help participants tap into and express their emotions.

The event was followed by a series of games initiated by Rahat NGO to enlighten participants about mental and emotional wellbeing. The life sized ludo and labyrinthique maze games captivated the participants and buoyed their knowledge about mental health issues and advocacy. Sakshi, a participant shared,

This was a refreshing game, a distraction that helped relieve academic stresses. I learnt about OCD, its diagnosis and how we can support someone dealing with it. It is important to be empathetic to someone struggling with an emotional issue that’s been a taboo in society.”

Kritika Makkar and Aalijah Ali from Live Untangled conducted an art therapy session that involved art as a tool for healing and self care. Participants scribbled how they felt about their identity and shared with the group about their self perception without judgement and fear of ridicule. The session aimed to create a conducive environment to connect with and embrace one’s inner self. Tanya, a 3rd year student of Hindu College shared,

I realised that on days when it feels burdensome to explain how I feel, I can vent my emotions on paper, create my own art that does not necessarily conform to standards of what is deemed ‘good’. I feel relieved.”

Lastly, Jyotsna Ramachandran, a dance therapy facilitator from Youth for Mental Health helped participants reduce stress and unlock their creative potential by engaging everyone in a freestyle dance session. Attendees re-enacted mundane tasks from their daily lives, following the beats of some calm yet upbeat music. Students shared that the familiar tasks felt unfamiliar being ‘performed’ in a relaxing environment. The session initiated a discussion on how the fast-paced nature of our daily lives has somehow left ‘stillness’ unfamiliar.

People in large numbers made their way to the face painting and postcard stalls as well. Through Persona, Friends Corner aimed to nurture a community based on solidarity and inclusive empowerment and was a great success.

Featured Image Credits: Friends’ Corner

Chetna Rani

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Campus Central

Delhi University forms committee to address St. Stephen’s admission concerns

By DU Beat October 10, 2024

With new academic sessions in full sway across DU, St. Stephen’s is still embroiled in headlines over its admissions concerning single girl child quota.

A quick recap of the situation up until now: Delhi University had initiated admissions under single girl child quota for the academic session 2024-25.

As reported by DU Beat, under the new mandate, one seat per program in every college is reserved for a single girl child to promote gender equality and inclusivity.

Haneet Gandhi, Dean of Admissions , stated:

Our primary aim for this initiative is to promote the education of the single girl child. Secondly, we are encouraging people to address population control and respect couples raising a single girl child and giving her proper education.

St. Stephen’s College, already at loggerheads with Delhi University over extra allocation percentages took legal recourse for admissions under the single girl child quota, citing the university’s interference in its admission process as unconstitutional and violative of its rights as a minority institution.

The college considered 13 subject combinations within the BA Program as a single whole, thus, reserving only one seat for a girl child across all combinations. This formulation of a distinct seat matrix by Stephen’s, different from one provided by Delhi University was violative of the university guidelines.

Thus the court ruled that,

St. Stephen’s College, being an aided minority educational institute also, cannot claim to have absolute unbridled powers to exercise discretion against the policies framed by the University to which it is affiliated.

Therefore, it was seen that although St. Stephen’s is a minority institution with a certain degree of autonomy, it must adhere to the regulatory framework set by Delhi University. While some students were admitted after the court’s decision, many remain uncertain as the dispute between the college and the university continues.

The latest development in the case is formation of a three member committee by Vice Chancellor Yogesh Mishra to be directly in contact with Principal of St. Stephen’s, John Verghese, over admissions issues including those pertaining to the single girl child quota. Constituted by Professor Harendra Nath Tiwari, Alok Pandey and Maya John, proper communication will be undertaken towards the resolution of these issues.

Featured Image Credits: Free Press Journal

Afza Khan

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DUB Speak

Demure and Mindful: Decolonial dream of the West

By DU Beat October 10, 2024

Colonisation in its essence is violent. With the erasure of their colonial histories, the post colonial countries play right into the hands of the imperialist West and advance their ideology. The ongoing decolonial struggle led by the Axis of Resistance challenges Western narratives and highlights the hypocrisy of global responses to oppression.

Colonialism is easily brushed off as a historical event, a relic of the past. But the world, as we see it today, is shaped by the violent systems and processes that once governed empires and still govern the lives of many today. The global West perpetuates the exploitation of the indigenous people for political and economic gains. After a year of witnessing the moral degradation of the West and its impudence in aiding and abetting a settler-colonial force in committing genocide, the expectations of non-violent retaliation from the victims of oppression are just a means to preserve the interests of the colonialist state. Turning the Indigenous lands into graveyards while the international community continues to turn a blind eye showcases the sheer hypocrisy of the world we live in and the rules that govern it.

The “axis of resistance” is a coalition of Iranian-backed groups like Hezbollah, Hamas, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and the Houthis that has been holding up the decolonial struggle in the Middle East. However, the axis is called an “axis of evil” because it threatens the settler-colonialism of Israel and the presence of America in the Middle East. The Western liberals denounce this resistance as a terrorist entity that dared to use violence against the aggressive colonial forces.

After the killing of Hassan Nasrallah, the general secretary of Hezbollah, on September 27 in an Israeli airstrike in a southern suburb of Beirut, a series of protests erupted all around the world, mourning his death. Considered the flagbearer of resistance in the Middle East, Nasrallah was a dominant political and military figure for more than three decades who led the war against Israel and brought an end to the 18-year-long Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon. This has led to the escalation in the conflict in the Middle East and the narrative of ‘World War 3’ is being propagated, which, as exaggerated as it is, is also seemingly harmful to the Palestinian resistance.

The war between Israel, its Western allies, and the Axis of Resistance is a decolonial struggle, not an inter-imperialist conflict. While imperialist wars, i.e., world wars, involve rival capitalist powers fighting for dominance, this war is about dismantling the settler-colonial entity itself. It’s about ending the occupation of Palestine and resisting Western imperialism. The Axis of Resistance, in spite of what the Western world says, fights for liberation and self-determination. Conflating the two shields the reality of colonial oppression and ignores the just cause of decolonisation that the Palestinian Resistance and their allies are fighting for.

“All the western nations are caught in a lie, the lie of their pretended humanism; this means that their history has no moral justification and that the West has no moral authority.” says James Baldwin, an African American writer and a civil rights activist.

The Western liberals for a year have been championing a ceasefire and sympathising with the Palestinian people. Their peaceful solutions to the ongoing genocide are embedded in the international structure, which has its roots in white supremacy.

“Get this into your head: if violence were only a thing of the future, if exploitation and oppression never existed on earth, perhaps displays of nonviolence might relieve the conflict. But if the entire regime, even your nonviolent thoughts, is governed by a thousand-year-old oppression, your passiveness serves no other purpose but to put you on the side of the oppressors.”

says Frantz Fanon in his seminal work The Wretched of the Earth.

“Colonialism is not a machine capable of thinking, a body endowed with reason. It is naked violence and only gives in when confronted with greater violence.” he adds

Decolonisation is not an abstract concept. It is a means of survival for people crushed under colonial and imperial forces. Non-violent resistance, used as rhetoric that decolonisation is possible without any form of violence, actually acts as a preservation of the capitalist colonial structure and empowers the elites of the state.

India and other post-colonial countries, even with their histories, have tried to maintain a cordial relationship with Israel. It’s a stark example of how being postcolonial does not mean becoming decolonial altogether. The erasure of the colonial memory and the evil that imperialism is shows the failure to decolonise the country from the imperialist ideology. The collective stigma against the Axis of resistance as an aggressor plays into the hands of the Western imperialists to justify their ongoing support for Israel under the guise of the “right to defend itself,” which the colonised people don’t have. Presenting themselves as “defenders of peace,” the West obscures the reality that it is Western interventionism and not the actions of the decolonising forces that perpetuate violence in the region. The failure to acknowledge the Axis as a resisting force against settler colonialism and Western imperialism also stems from the deep-rooted Islamophobia that refuses to see the Islamic Resistance in the Middle East as anything other than a force of terror.

Since 7th October 2023, the death toll in Lebanon has reached 2,000, and 9,384 are injured, according to the Lebanese Health Ministry. In Gaza, the genocide continues as the death toll nears 41,900 people. Israel is yet to be condemned for any of its actions by the international community. Perhaps the oppressed need to be moderate in their anger—maybe they’re expected to wait until the Western world finally recognises its own atrocities.

But here’s the thing: no amount of non-violence on the part of the native people changes the violence embedded in the colonial system itself. The machinery of oppression doesn’t stop because those being oppressed choose peace. Colonial structures thrive on domination, and they don’t crumble simply because the oppressed resist passively.

Image Credits: Andreas Arnold via Getty Images

Reeba Khan

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DUB News

Muslim Students from Kerala Assaulted and Evicted from Apartments in Lakshmi Nagar

By DU Beat October 8, 2024

A group of Muslim students from Kerala, residing in Lakshmi Nagar, were forcibly evicted from their apartment at midnight on 2nd October after allegedly being assaulted by the other residents in the building. Video footage from the incident shows one resident trying to strangle a student in daylight who had returned to the building after being evicted at midnight.

On October 2nd, 2024, a group of Muslim students from Kerala studying at Delhi University’s Zakir Hussain College were assaulted and forcibly evicted from their rented flat in Lakshmi Nagar, New Delhi, by other residents residing in the same building. The Muslim students had rented the apartment one and a half months ago and signed an agreement for a 6-month period. Tension escalated when the residing students, living on the third floor, brought their college friends to their apartment. The neighbours did not take it well and accused the students of creating disturbances in the area. Restricting their entry and exit to the building, the residents set a curfew from 5 AM to 11 PM. However, on 2nd October, Wednesday, a female resident and her male friend allegedly assaulted and forced the students to leave the building at midnight.

As per the Timeline Daily report, the students had to leave the place around midnight and stay at a friend’s place instead. The next morning, two of the friends, Sahal Ameen and Safwan Kudukkan, residing nearby, confronted the lady about the alleged attack. The lady with three guys came outside and had a verbal confrontation with the students. The students stated that the matter escalated into a physical fight. Video footage of the same was posted on social media, according to which one individual was seen trying to strangle a student. The students also claimed that one of the attackers stated that according to the building’s registry, Muslims were prohibited from renting or purchasing apartments—a rule which apparently the landlord was unaware of.

Reports indicate that the concerned police station treated the students unfairly when they brought the matter to their attention. The students were taken to the police station in the police vehicle while the lady involved was allowed to arrive in her private car. Further, the students were allegedly denied access to basic necessities at the police station, while the lady was treated better.

“This incident illustrates the challenges Muslims face in finding housing in Delhi,” one of the students said.

At the police station, the lady and her business partner, according to the students, alleged that the students were creating a disturbance with around 15-20 people living in the apartment. The lady, who claimed to have been molested at first, shifted her stance to being hit in the shoulder.

After the intervention of Rajya Sabha MP from the Muslim League, the situation seemed to have improved. However, the students eventually were asked to vacate the flat by the landlord, who wanted to avoid trouble and confrontation. The landlord granted them two weeks ‘ notice to leave.

“Despite our legal rights, the landlord, who had been cooperative, requested we leave to avoid further trouble,” the students said to Maktoob.

This incident illustrates the increasing Islamophobia and the issue of housing faced by Muslim students in New Delhi who struggle to find decent accommodations due to their different religious identities.

Image Credits: Timeline Daily

Reeba Khan

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Reviews

Dub Review: Nobody Wants This

By DU Beat October 7, 2024

The author wishes to review the recently released romantic-comedy, ‘Nobody Wants This,’ but may not be able to aptly, critically ‘review’ a rom-com for her bias towards all things love runs strong.

I like all romance movies. I hardly ever critically analyse the flaws of a rom-com simply because the joy of watching two people find their way to each other is so heartwarming that I don’t really care about the character development, political setting, plot cohesiveness and all those other parameters. There’s banter, emotional upheaval, swoon-worthy romance? Bam! You’ve got me hooked. So rest assured, I immensely liked Nobody Wants This, the newest rom-com that is all the rage on Instagram right now.

It is a will-they-won’t-they story starring Kristen Bell and Adam Brody on Netflix. Kristen Bell as Joanne is a serial dater (who finds the most superfluous faults in her dates) and her romantic misadventures become the meat for her and her sister to dig into, on their weekly podcast called ‘Nobody Wants This’. Joanne is adamant to tell everyone that the podcast is more than just about sex and relationships; it is a platform for people to open up and “feel empowered”. Joanne is not demure and mindful. Oh no. She meets our male eye candy- Adam Brody as Noah, a rabbi, at a party and they both instantly hit it off. Noah is goofy, funny and self-effacing. The first time I watched it, I couldn’t look past Brody’s Adam’s apple (forgive the pathetic wordplay), and his basketball skills (or the lack thereof). Fleabag gave us our Hot Priest so, of course, we needed a Hot Rabbi.

The chemistry between Joanne and Noah is palpable, I was giggling the entire time they talked. They start dating. But trouble in paradise? Noah is a devout rabbi and his job and relationship with his deeply religious family could be at risk if he dates someone who isn’t Jewish. I don’t like when the only major problem in any American TV relationship turns out to be infidelity (Ross and Rachel in Friends, Mike and Rachel in Suits, and the list goes on). I am bored of the trope of cheating which has been overdone to exhaustion. So, I found it refreshing that what drew the couple apart was religion and cultural differences. Noah fosters a deep reverence for Judaism and Joanna is, well, a shiksa (a gentile woman; code word for a big blonde).

By the end of the season, their relationship seems to have reached a dead end without a possible future, unless Joanne converts to Judaism. And so, it is up to our oh-so-adorable couple to figure out what they’re both willing to give up to find their way to each other. The show ends on a cliffhanger, which is why it would take me 5 business days to emotionally recover if they don’t bring in a season 2 immediately.

Let me just brief you about the eccentric supporting cast before I start gushing about Adam Brody in the next paragraph. Justine Lupe serves as Joanne’s sister, Morgan who seems to be rudely disappointed as Joanne starts dating Noah. She absolutely hates being reduced to number 2 on Joanne’s list of priorities, and you know, as a younger sister myself, I support her. Joanne and Morgan rant and fight and make money together. Timothy Simons (Veep’s famed Jonah), who plays Noah’s brother Sasha is the tall, lumbering “loser sibling” who surprisingly turns out to be a great dad to his teenage daughter. Trust Sasha to throw all the geeky, comic punchlines. A nosy, overbearing mother, a dad who nods to all that his wife says and a sister-in-law who stubbornly refuses to like Joanne makes Noah’s family complete. As far as Joanne’s parents go, it’s a bit more complicated than that, so maybe just watch the show, you’ll know.

Now, coming to the internet’s newest favourite boyfriend, Adam Brody. I think the reason everybody adored Adam Brody in ‘Nobody Wants This’ is not because of his chiselled nose and endearing smile⁠—though he definitely gets brownie points for that. It’s because he is a 30-something, emotionally competent man who holds his lady love and tells her she is not too much, that he “can handle her.” He never tells a very volatile Joanne that she is overreacting. He is not scared of her oscillating emotions, mood swings and vulnerability. I think all women, everywhere, were healed.

Featured Image Credits: Netflix

Chetna Rani

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Campus Central

Belgian Professor Accuses Delhi University of Tagging Him “Anti- India”; Delhi University Responds

By DU Beat October 5, 2024

What unfolded as a dispute on ‘Scroll.in’ between Jakob De Roover—a professor of India Studies and Comparative Science of Cultures at Ghent University, Belgium and Professor Anil K. Aneja—Head of the Department, Department of English, University of Delhi, set in motion a series of attacks over the understanding of scholarly standards.

On 7th September 2024, Jakob De Roover published an article on Scroll.in titled, “Why a professor from Belgium was branded ‘anti-India’ after Delhi lecture on 18th-century Dutch text” which accused the Department of English at Delhi University of failing to critically engage with a text and instead “cancelling” De Roover for being “anti-India.”

Professor De Roover was invited to lead workshops under a government-funded project titled “Indian-European Entanglements.” His approach, as claimed by him, aimed to explore how European narratives about India often reflect more about European self-perception than about Indian reality. Drawing on his extensive experience and education received under the mentorship of Professor SN Balagangadhara, he sought to encourage critical engagement with historical and contemporary stereotypes about Indian culture.
During a workshop on August 24, 2024, Professor De Roover analysed a 1799 Dutch children’s magazine that presented a racially hierarchical view of humanity, positioning Europeans at the top and depicting Hindus as lesser beings. His intent was to provoke discussion around how such outdated ideas persist in modern discourse.

An excerpt from the same Dutch magazine caused confusion amongst the students, as asserted by De Roover, the alleged excerpt being:
“Everywhere human beings are divided into ranks or classes, but these classes approach and mingle with each other from time to time, and those belonging to the lowest ranks at least have some hope to improve their condition over time; but in Hindustan this hope has been cut off completely.”

De Roover put forth the idea that narratives based on little empirical evidence and research into the understanding of caste in 1799 could then prove to be substantiated facts about caste in contemporary India. He emphasised that the text exemplifies “ignorance about India and a biblical story about humankind.”
This contestation disturbed the students who began to defend the statement as a truth about their own society. These doubts were to be tackled by the professor in the following workshop, scheduled on 28th August.
The workshop never took place. The head of the department, Anil Kumar Aneja, told De Roover that the upcoming lecture was cancelled owing to “the lack of availability of venues”. It was later revealed that his cancellation was because of external pressure to censor what was claimed to be an anti-India sentiment. He was informed by his colleagues that the university administration had called for an examination of the recordings of his workshops to investigate the matter of the lectures. Professor Jakob De Roover accused members of the executive council of Delhi University’s Teachers Association (DUTA) of circulating messages that misrepresented his academic intentions as portraying India in a negative light.

According to De Roover, he was engaging with academicians who could not distinguish between quoting a text, for analysis and criticism, and endorsing a text. The claims cited by the speaker were ascribed to the speaker himself. This effectively deprived the students of learning. Further, he accused the hosts of succumbing to pressure and allowing censorship, without confronting him.

On behalf of the English Department, Professor Anil K Aneja vehemently refuted all the allegations made against the department in general and him in particular. It was asserted that the article misrepresented the events surrounding his visit and the nature of his interactions with faculty members.
In the detailed statement, the department underlined its traditions of encouraging academic debate and the assurance of quality in education. It noted its disappointment at, what it termed, a failure to meet journalistic standards on the part of Scroll.in for publishing the article without first verifying its claims.

The department specifically addressed a few points taken from Professor Roover’s article, pointing at them as fabrications and misrepresentations, as highlighted below:

Allegations of ‘Anti-India’ Sentiments: The department unequivocally denied labelling Professor Roover “anti-India” during his visit. They asserted that no faculty member, including the Head of the Department, Professor Anil Aneja, used such terminology or accorded him anything but respect.
Workshop Focus: The department refuted Roover’s assertion that the workshop centred on European representations of India. They clarified that the workshop was titled “Digital Humanities & Methodological Tools,” and that the intended academic focus on digital humanities was not adhered to in his sessions either directly or indirectly.
Students’ Reaction: Roover mentioned that students became disturbed during his lecture and began to defend their culture against the statements made by him, which the department suggested indicated an intent to provoke controversy rather than engage meaningfully with the workshop’s topic, thereby losing thread of it.
Cancellation of Subsequent Lectures: The department asserted that Professor Roover’s claims about the cancellation of following lectures owing to a lack of venue was false. Contrary to his claims, he did take a three-hour lecture on the following 28th August, the maintained attendance of which could be produced for verification. Further, the readings for the participants of the next session scheduled on August 31st, 2024, were shared on August 29th. The department clarified that if Roover was labelled “anti-India”, the readings would not have been circulated on the 29th.
Departure from the University: The department expressed shock at Roover’s abrupt departure from the university without notification, which left the workshop coordinator and attendees waiting for his appearance at a later session. They criticized Roover for not informing the coordinators of his departure, labelling it unprofessional. Further, the Coordinator, Professor Ujjawal Jana’s attempts to reach him via call/text/WhatsApp were unsuccessful.
Allegations against Professor Anil K Aneja: The article written by Professor Roover was said to be biased, deliberately ignoring facts to malign the reputation of HOD Anil K Aneja.
On “endorsing” the Text: The department stated that the text in question was endorsed by the Ghent University professor which can be inferred from his permission to allow digressions to take place in the session, actively participating in and, at times, defending these digressions, as well as getting offended when questioned on the relevance of all such digressions to the topic of the workshop “Digital Humanities and Methodological Tools”.
Misrepresentation Of Academic Integrity: The department condemned Roover’s suggestion that faculty members were silencing academic discourse. They asserted that there is a strong tradition of open discussion in their department, particularly in post-colonial studies. Further, they accused Roover of undermining the capacity of the Indian intelligentsia and disgracing India by extension.

In their response, highlighting the value of journalistic integrity and ethical reporting, the department urged Scroll.in to give them an opportunity to air their side of the narrative. It demanded a balanced representation of facts, concerned that the publication could do irreparable damage to the university and its faculty’s reputation. The department concluded its statement by requesting that its detailed response be published alongside Roover’s article to ensure readers receive a comprehensive understanding of the events in question. They once more affirmed their commitment to academic excellence and open discourse within the university and beyond.

As the situation continues to unfold, it nudges forward the question of academic integrity and accountability in academia. The commitment to academic freedom and scholarly discussion remains under threat as scholars debate the reliability of testimonies and accuse the other of mistreatment.

Featured Image credits: Scroll.in

Bhavana Bhaskar
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Features

Phogat’s Haryana – A changing political landscape

By DU Beat October 5, 2024

With the 90-member house, Haryana Assembly Elections looming large and the political behemoths, BJP and Congress, attempting to clear through the foliage of ‘caste equations’ and intra-party conflicts towards victory, the climate of Haryana seems to be rapidly developing in favour of new and odd turns, especially those that clearly signal an anti-incumbency sentiment. However, the BJP is also rallying its regiments against the Opposition.

The exodus of saffron that had swallowed the nation with the first Modi government of the 2014-2019 term, seems to have been threatened with sporadic contaminations by the mammoth hand of Congress, hued in the nation’s colours itself. The poster child of Congress’ comeback, the Congress’ prodigal son Rahul Gandhi, has orchestrated significant and palpable attempts to unify the image of Congress and its politics. However, it has also been made clear that they are occasions of contrivance and, not organic resolutions. Nonetheless, the Congress has made a spectacular dent in the BJP’s vote bank – burning example of which may be seen in BJP’s recent UP loss, despite the religious politics deployed by the party to embellish the sentiment of Hindu preponderance amidst the demographic and electoral majority.

Congress’ steady progress towards re-entrance in the field of active and contesting governance has been thus far just that – a steady progress. This is to say that if their hopes of dethroning Modi Ki Guarantee is to come to fruition, they must push harder. We may thus analyse the strategies taken up by both parties to offend and defend against each other.

The three central social discourses reserving the most of critical influence on the current of the course are, as Karthik K.R. et alia have put it, Kisan, Jawan and Pehelwan, i.e., the farmer’s protest, the Agniveer scheme and the Vinesh Phogat sexual harassment case, respectively. The first and the last, potent weapons in the hands of the opposition, have already announced a preference against the incumbency. Swooping in with the opportunity to turn the tide with her narrative, Phogat has descended into the realm of politics, armed with the story of her struggle against the state and by extension the state of the government, directing her focus towards the Julana constituency. She has premised her narrative on the back of women’s empowerment, sexual harassment, and the deplorable educational and health facilities, having already garnered significant support on behalf of the Congress from the female vote bank.

In the rural areas, the BJP share had declined as a reaction to, amidst many others, Manohar Lal Khattar’s leadership. This was Congress’ gain. The BJP has launched outreach programmes powered by the RSS and their grassroot presence to regain the vastly-depleted vote share. Additionally, they have adopted a distancing strategy wherein they have invisibilised Khattar in most of their campaigns, including rallies and photos on posters. The urban support for BJP seems to be far stronger.

The OBC demographic of Haryana, that figures in around 40% of the population, has proved to be indispensable to both parties. The Congress has been a proponent of the caste census and announced the OBC Creamy Layer income limit to stand at ten lakhs, leaving behind the BJP’s eight lakhs. The OBC population has historically been tilted towards the BJP but now, stands at an impasse, unable to pick a side, for the BJP’s efforts to reel them into their side of the court have not passed unnoticed. However, the wind augurs an ultimate Congress victory in this case, since the intra-party schisms have not only stopped at Congress’ doorstep.

The BJP OBC leader Karan Dev Kamboj’s defection to Congress does not bode well for the party. There has been an attempt to target the non-Jat (in popular parlance the 36-biradari) voters as well as the Dalit voters by the BJP. The Congress believes that they might insure themselves against this loss by uniting the Jat and Dalit vote bank, which shall inevitably prove to be a daunting task given the chasmic disparity in social and financial conditions between those two communities. Prominent Dalit leader and the front-person for the Dalit leadership in Congress, Kumari Selja, has resorted to accentuating maati(soil) as opposed to jati(caste) in order to invoke “a fraternal coalition of different caste groups.” While the Congress has been labouring to present a distinct portrait of unity, Bhupinder Singh Hooda, Kumari Selja, and Randeep Singh Surjewala holding separate rallies betrays an obvious condition of acrimony born of differing political ideology.

Broiling tensions and gritty countermeasures unfortunately do not prognosticate a certain outcome, albeit BJP’s foundations have certainly been shaken. The Congress has upgraded its politics from online slander to a tangible candour, and that has irrefutably elevated its reception in the eyes of the public, which shall reflect in the Haryana elections more than ever.

Featured Image Credits: TOI

Aayudh Pramanik

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Features

The Rising Cult of Rahul Gandhi

By DU Beat October 5, 2024

Scion of the oldest and most influential political dynasties of India, Rahul Gandhi, had the weight of India’s expectations on him. Despite the odds stacked against him, he has managed to rise as the leader of the opposition. His new cult status warrants a deep dive.

Our story begins in the run-up to the 2014 general elections. Rahul Gandhi, who had been a “part-time politician” of sorts, was the face of Congress’s fight against Modi. RaGa was set to inherit all of India’s frustrations with the Congress party. Issues with the party’s functioning and rampant corruption stoked the embers of frustration; the rising debate against nepotism only added fuel. An India in the trenches of international PR and general morale yearned for a leader who would return her to glory.

Narendra Modi, a leader of humble beginnings, was the alternative. People saw in him the promise of realising India’s potential in all matters global, economic, and internal. Faced with the charm and political prowess of the two-time Gujarat chief minister, it was to no one’s surprise that Congress suffered a crushing blow in the election.

The onus then fell on Rahul to prove to the people that he could still lead a strong opposition to the government. Spoiler: He did not. His repeated political missteps proved to the people how out of touch he was with the pulse of India’s needs. Opportunities came and went, but he failed to capitalise. In the initial stages of Modi’s government, when dissent was still tolerated, protests raged across the country, yet the Congress, then virtually led by Rahul Gandhi, managed to fumble the strong buttress.

Monikers and tags were being thrown around—Pakistani, terrorist, anti-national—and in this giveaway, RaGa managed to snag one for himself—hilariously and demeaningly short pappu.

The meme factory worked overtime to roll out messages, videos, and WhatsApp forwards about how Congress’s Raja Beta (darling son) had proven himself to be India’s favourite jester. His incompetence was a gift that kept on giving. The Congress had created a self-feeding mechanism where they only needed to do the bare minimum before loyal Modi supporters would rush to delegitimize their accusations.

But you didn’t click on this article to read a hilarious and scathing run-down of what went wrong. No, you’re here to understand what went right.

Tired of the opposition’s lack of sustained dissent, the people of India decided to take it upon themselves to put up a fight. The farmer’s protest, frustrations with how the pandemic was handled, rising communal tension, and an overwhelming insecurity among the youth regarding unemployment, and the tensions in Manipur were triggers. Prime Minister Modi’s resolve to never address these issues contributed heavily. He was no longer the messianic leader from before. The people saw in him a cold, calculating, and ruthless sovereign.

This alienation left a cold void that Rahul Gandhi rushed, walked to fill.

The Bharat Jodo Yatra was a milestone in contemporary Indian politics. Roughly 4,080 kilometres long and spanning the states of Kerala to Jammu-Kashmir, this yatra was a means for Gandhi to win the people’s confidence. Dressed as one of the masses, Rahul Gandhi cut out the middleman and delivered democracy to people’s doorsteps. In him, the public began to see a man who was willing to shed his comforts, a contrast to the Prime Minister, who after two terms in office had fashioned a soot-boot ki sarkar. To Congress’s credit, the momentum from the march was not allowed to die. A second edition of the yatra was announced, now titled the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra, which sought to cover Manipur to Maharashtra.

Despite these efforts, a scattered Congress knew that it couldn’t hope to stand against the leviathan BJP-led NDA. It sought to pack a punch with a ragtag team of estranged parties, who decided to put aside their differences to defeat the big evil. INDIA, or the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance, was supposed to thwart the BJP’s third consecutive term. The parties had realised (perhaps a bit too late) that their differences meant the splitting of the opposition vote. INDIA was a way to remedy that.

The tea leaves foretold a possible rise to power. Against all odds, Rahul Gandhi had managed to change the public’s perception of him. The “If not Modi, then who?” question now had a clearer answer.

Just four months ago, the historic 2024 election results came out. BJP won just 240 seats, 32 less than the requirement for a single majority, and about 160 less than the 400 paar claim. Congress rose as an underdog and won 99 seats, officially securing its opposition status after ten years. Rahul Gandhi, the titular lead of this article, won from the Wayanad constituency and was hailed as the leader of the opposition.

The two months since this drastic shift in power dynamics have not been without their share of drama. Just weeks into the new parliamentary session, Gandhi hit multiple nerves over his speeches in the house. In the maiden speech itself, he accused the BJP of misappropriating the Hindu religion and forgetting its values of ahimsa and tolerance. From the Chair of the House to the Home Minister and the big boss—the Prime Minister himself—everyone was livid. Enquiries were made and debates were launched over Gandhi’s remarks, yet he only offered a collected response, and did not fall into the semantics of it all.

2024 has seen Rahul Gandhi grow into his own as a true leader worthy of consideration. Work during the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections aside, the politician now has the upcoming Vidhan Sabha elections in his sight. Rahul Gandhi is campaigning in the states of Haryana and Jammu-Kashmir to consolidate support and moreover, consolidate his image as the leader of opposition. Though the BJP managed to persevere through the General Elections this time, it was a pyrrhic victory at best. Gandhi, with his state election campaigns, seems to be in the mood to remind the public of that fact, to remind them that the powers that be, are not as infallible as they had seemed.

In a rally in Srinagar, Rahul Gandhi was quoted as saying, “…before the Lok Sabha elections, people used to say that Narendra Modi has a 56 inch chest, no one says that now. The mood of the country has changed. Earlier, he used to talk with confidence, but now the INDIA bloc has broken the psychology of PM Narendra Modi.”

RaGa seems to be riding on the wave of INDIA’s show at the election, and the new-found confidence has invigorated people’s faith in him (perhaps his faith in himself too). His strategy seems to be one of recounting the injustices suffered to the people of Jammu and Kashmir; he brought up the change in status as the former state has now turned into a Union Territory. Promising to the people that should Congress be brought to power, they will prioritise the reinitiation of JnK as a state. The ploy is to make the people realise that they have an alternative, one who has the pulse of the people’s wants better than a doctor.

His work in Haryana also begs notice. Rahul Gandhi extensively toured the length and breadth of the state; with over half-a-dozen rallies and road shows, he aims to prove that he can lead just as successful of a vanguard as in the Lok Sabha elections . “BJP ja rahi hai, Congress aa rahi hai” (BJP is losing, Congress is winning), was his battle cry. Mr. Gandhi in his passionate speeches never missed a chance to hit the BJP in its tightest nerve with accusations of crony capitalism and attempts to destroy the spirit of the constitution. In turn, he reiterated his party’s guarantees of ₹2,000 monthly assistance to women and providing cooking cylinders for ₹500.

The BJP called to its defence the Prime Minister himself and the ever-reliant Mr. Yogi. Never to be underestimated (recent pyrrhic victories notwithstanding), the dynamic duo is BJP’s strongest ace. It’s a strategically sound choice to bring them in when faced with such an onslaught. Though what the BJP fails to notice is that the arrival of these players grants Mr. Gandhi’s opposition more legitimacy than is good for the reigning party. The Prime Minister’s involvement is an acknowledgement of the fact that the party is insecure of its standing and wants to leave no stone unturned to gather support.

We are thus at a curious point in Indian politics where a politician once scorned and mocked has made the rebound of the century and now stands between the centre and absolute power.

The leading party is still just as harsh and his critics remain as is. However, the tag pappu is nowhere to be seen. Even the staunchest rival cannot begrudge him in his victory. From riches to rags, and then back to riches, Rahul Gandhi has created a cult following for the history textbooks.

Featured Image Credits: The Hindustan Gazette

Anvesha Tripathi

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Atishi’s rise to power and AAP’s political playbook

By DU Beat October 4, 2024

Arvind Kejriwal’s arrest and subsequent resignation were followed by claims of “wanting the court of the people to decide his return.” Atishi Marlena’s appointment as the Chief Minister poses a significant shift in the party dynamics. How will this potentially impact the 2025 Vidhan Sabha Elections in Delhi?

On March 21, 2024, Arvind Kejriwal was arrested due to his alleged involvement in corruption during the now-expired Delhi liquor excise policy. He was granted bail on 18th September 2024, after which he suddenly announced his resignation from the post of Delhi’s Chief Minister. Atishi was unanimously elected in his place. Known for her academic prowess, with a Rhodes Scholarship and degrees from Oxford University and St. Stephen’s College, Atishi’s rise to the post of Chief Minister is crucial since AAP has always balanced theatrics with governance. This strategy of emotionally appealing to the masses is a significant strategy that has helped it dominate Delhi’s diverse political landscape.

Under Kejriwal’s leadership and even before, it heavily relied on grabbing attention through theatrics. From Kejriwal’s dharnas to his direct confrontations with the centre, he has helped solidify AAP’s identity as a party that serves the people. In the 2014 dharna outside the Rail Bhawan, for instance, he demanded control over the Delhi Police. He famously declared himself an “anarchist,” framing himself as the defender of the identity of the common man against the central authority—a saviour from the masses who will fight against the disruptive political status of the country. In 2019, his indefinite hunger strike demanding full statehood for Delhi further added to his political image. Such theatrical tactics have been a central strategy to keep the party relevant, and Atishi also seems to have adopted the same.

Since the last few parliamentary elections, AAP has been known for its unique blend of populism and occasionally successful administrative situations. As a result, although Atishi is well-known for her contributions to policy and education from her time serving as an advisor to the Delhi Government, her rise to the position of Chief Minister is simply another move in the AAP’s political playbook and not a reflection of her ability. Even if Atishi deviates from the conventional political narrative thanks to her image as a serious policymaker, she will not be able to avoid the dramatic flair that the AAP loves. Additionally, all her attempts to “clean up politics” and combat corruption are frequently followed by symbolic actions, such as sobbing, passing out, and ferocious speeches, in an attempt to connect with the public on an emotional level.

Another recurring theme in AAP’s political playbook is the idea of reluctant leaders, people entering politics and leadership out of a sense of public duty rather than mere ambition. Atishi can also be framed into this very mould, and her intellectual prowess, paired with her people-pleasing performances, only adds to her public appeal.

“It almost feels like the party is partaking in a TV show of their own, in the hopes of swaying people and distracting them from real, more relevant issues, and unfortunately, they seem to be succeeding.”

– A second-year student from Delhi University

As Delhi’s Water Minister, Atishi famously went on strike, demanding the BJP-ruled state of Haryana to release water. Consequently, she was hospitalised and, according to claims made by AAP officials, lost 2 kg of weight. A video message was posted on her official X account, where she declared that she would continue the fast no matter how much her body suffers, until the people of Delhi receive justice. Following Manish Sisodia’s arrest, Atishi broke down into tears, claiming that this arrest was a part of a larger political vendetta against her party. Moreover, in her very first speech as the Chief Minister, she emotionally declared that they only have to do one work now, which is to make Arvind Kejriwal the chief minister again.

While her rise is indicative of AAP’s calculated use of populism to preserve its public appeal, given that Atishi’s focus very evidently seems to be bringing Kejriwal back to power, her term may be more about upholding the Kejriwal legacy than establishing her own. The February elections will determine whether Delhi’s voters continue to be swayed by these spectacles or choose to focus on more substantial points.

Sakshi Singh

[email protected]

Featured Image Credits: Telegraph India

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Legal education and the cost of dreams

By DU Beat October 4, 2024

Each year, thousands and thousands of students work hard and appear for CLAT (Common Law Admission Test), aspiring to crack into top law colleges. These students enter the campuses with big dreams and expectations, but in light of the recent suicide cases, are these premier institutes ready to facilitate integrated law programs or should they resort to the conventional three-year law programs?

Since the inception of the 5-year integrated programs in law in 1986, India has set global standards in the field of legal education. While many other countries like Australia, the U.K, the Philippines also offer five to six year courses in law, in India, after the establishment of NLUs (National Law Universities), programs like BA-LLB (Bachelors in Arts + Legislative Law), BBA-LLB (Bachelors in Business Administration + Legislative Law), BSC-LLB (Bachelors in Science + Legislative Law), BCOM-LLB (Bachelors in Commerce + Legislative Law), and BSW-LLB (Bachelors in Social Work + Legislative Law), have taken prominence. While courses like MBBS are often socially regarded as rigorous courses, the recognition in the case of 5-year law courses is not the same from the academic institutions. As a result, several students have taken their own lives.

In light of the recent events, mental stress, especially amongst law students, has become a burgeoning issue. When premier law schools like NLU-Delhi and RMLNLU (NLU-Lucknow) report suicide cases, wherein the administration is silent and people ask about ‘why’ and ‘how’ the incident occurred, it illustrates the urgency of the aforementioned issue. People often overlook the academic rigour, which is a prerequisite in these integrated programs. These people often act as the vice-chancellors and professors in these institutions, and are willing to undertake batches of 200 students, but do they have the required apparatus to facilitate them?

Typically, these 5-year integrated programs involve 6 subjects in a semester, all of which are considered the core subjects (this may be subjected to some variation in some institutions). Three of these subjects are usually of your dual degree while the rest three are legal subjects. This format is followed till the end of 2nd year and majorly from 3rd year onwards, only law subjects are covered. The underlying problem that arises here is, that the current private and government universities have an inclination towards starting these integrated courses, but at the same time these courses demand experienced professors who hold expertise in the associated dual degree, with which the student is combining it’s LLB. Ad-hoc appointments of professors is not a new issue and has been faced by students from all universities under all disciplines, but the cases of such hurried appointments increase when we look at government institutions.

This illustrates the urgency to scrutinise the present administration in NLUs (National Law Universities) and other government-aided universities. The amount of rigour that is demanded in the aforementioned courses is often underscored. There is burgeoning pressure on students to get their papers published in renowned journals that are UGC-Care listed or have ISSN and ISBN numbers. Typically, universities often direct students to write two to three research papers per semester for every subject. In some subjects, students may be required to come up with group presentations, for example, students pursuing BBA-LLB often immerse themselves with business case studies in their initial years, but writing research papers for the law subjects remains a constant. These publications act as a non-negotiable asset for students who wish to apply to foreign universities for their LLM. Adding to this, moot courts and ADR (Alternate Dispute Resolution) competitions, become a quintessential aspect for resume building as companies nowadays prefer hiring students who are well versed with practical experiences in these events. Given all these prerequisites, when students are not supplemented with proper aid from their universities, it adds a heavy mental pressure on them.

To add more on this, these events often require hefty registration fees. I myself, being a law student, at the ILC (Integrated Law Center), Faculty of law, University of Delhi, participated in an International Negotiation Competition, which was hosted by NMIMS Mumbai. The accommodation charges for the event amounted to 10,000 rupees + 18% GST, apart from this, the registration fees additionally were 5000 rupees + 18% GST. Even after qualifying for the advanced rounds, our university did not spare a single penny for us. I’m privileged enough to come from a well-to-do background, which helped me in financing my competition, but the same is not the case for other students. Moreover, non-NLU students have an added pressure of finding internships due to an existing bias of companies favouring students from National Law Universities.

I feel stressed. There is a constant fear that everyone will be in a better place in the future, and I’ll still be here just figuring out life. What if I’ll not succeed? What if all this is not for me? The moots, projects, 9-4 classes, and the pressure of doing more in the meantime is too much. The unsaid expectations that I have for myself are too much to handle. Having no one to talk to, yes, there are people who are there for me and will listen to me, but still not wanting to tell anyone and fighting alone. It feels like it’s all gonna be worth it at some point in life but when?”

– Riya Singh (a 2nd year law student at ILC, Faculty of Law, University of Delhi)

The recent suicide cases being reported from premier universities like NLU-Delhi, shed light on this. Within a month, the university has reported 3 suicide cases, and still there are almost no signs of student anecdotes and testimonials from the students, on any social media platform, which raises a lot of suspicion on the administration of the university. The first suicide of a 20 year old, third-year student, has brought forth shocking details. Amrutavarshiny Senthil Kumar reportedly came from a social minority group and has worked her way up to NLU-Delhi by garnering prestigious scholarships; her case, upon further investigation, has showcased harrowing details of caste-based discrimination, mental stress and harassment. The halls again echoed with similar concerns when, Shah Khushil Vishal, a first-year student at the university committed suicide in the same month. The students have received extremely strict guidelines from senior authorities, wherein students are not allowed to discuss such matters as it may lead to ‘unnecessary unrest amongst students’.

We were directed by our professors not to discuss about these incidents, especially on social media platforms as it can cause significant reputational damage and can prove to be detrimental for the university”

– Anonymous (a 2nd year student at NLU-Delhi)

Although the university has now initiated many programs catering towards the mental health of the students, the question here is, if premier institutions like NLU-Delhi are handling their batches like this, what should we expect from others?

Cracking a double-digit rank in CLAT (Common Law Admission Test) and getting into NLSIU Bangalore is a dream of lakhs and lakhs of law aspirants. Imagine being a rank holder and then making the decision to end your life in your first year itself. So was the case of Dhruv Jatin Thakkar, who was a first-year student at NLSIU Bangalore. Although further investigations have revealed that Dhruv was previously suffering from depression and was on medication and counselling sessions for the same, we say that our universities act as a ‘home away from home,’ but are they really well equipped to do so?

Such incidents show us the credibility of NIRF rankings which should be heavily scrutinised. If the universities are not well-equipped to facilitate integrated programs for their students, then they should not move forward with it. As far as these premier institutions are concerned, much focus should be given on revitalising age-old norms and establishing a proper feedback mechanism wherein if students feel that a certain professor is not helping them, they should have the freedom to report the same with their anonymity.

Be it litigation or corporate law, be it a first-generation lawyer or a student with an established law background, every student aspires to achieve up to the best of their capabilities. As a first-generation law student myself, our visions and dreams should not suffer at the cost of administrative negligence and poor facilities of ‘ironic’ premier universities.

Samvardhan Tiwari

[email protected]

Featured image credits: iPleaders

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