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The Rising Cult of Rahul Gandhi

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Scion of the oldest and most influential political dynasties of India, Rahul Gandhi, had the weight of India’s expectations on him. Despite the odds stacked against him, he has managed to rise as the leader of the opposition. His new cult status warrants a deep dive. 

 

Our story begins in the run-up to the 2014 general elections. Rahul Gandhi, who had been a “part-time politician” of sorts, was the face of Congress’s fight against Modi. RaGa was set to inherit all of India’s frustrations with the Congress party. Issues with the party’s functioning and rampant corruption stoked the embers of frustration; the rising debate against nepotism only added fuel. An India in the trenches of international PR and general morale yearned for a leader who would return her to glory. 

 

Narendra Modi, a leader of humble beginnings, was the alternative. People saw in him the promise of realising India’s potential in all matters global, economic, and internal. Faced with the charm and political prowess of the two-time Gujarat chief minister, it was to no one’s surprise that Congress suffered a crushing blow in the election. 

 

The onus then fell on Rahul to prove to the people that he could still lead a strong opposition to the government. Spoiler: He did not. His repeated political missteps proved to the people how out of touch he was with the pulse of India’s needs. Opportunities came and went, but he failed to capitalise. In the initial stages of Modi’s government, when dissent was still tolerated, protests raged across the country, yet the Congress, then virtually led by Rahul Gandhi, managed to fumble the strong buttress. 

 

Monikers and tags were being thrown around—Pakistani, terrorist, anti-national—and in this giveaway, RaGa managed to snag one for himself—hilariously and demeaningly short pappu. 

 

The meme factory worked overtime to roll out messages, videos, and WhatsApp forwards about how Congress’s Raja Beta (darling son) had proven himself to be India’s favourite jester. His incompetence was a gift that kept on giving. The Congress had created a self-feeding mechanism where they only needed to do the bare minimum before loyal Modi supporters would rush to delegitimize their accusations. 

 

But you didn’t click on this article to read a hilarious and scathing run-down of what went wrong. No, you’re here to understand what went right. 

 

Tired of the opposition’s lack of sustained dissent, the people of India decided to take it upon themselves to put up a fight. The farmer’s protest, frustrations with how the pandemic was handled, rising communal tension, and an overwhelming insecurity among the youth regarding unemployment, and the tensions in Manipur were triggers. Prime Minister Modi’s resolve to never address these issues contributed heavily. He was no longer the messianic leader from before. The people saw in him a cold, calculating, and ruthless sovereign.

 

This alienation left a cold void that Rahul Gandhi rushed, walked to fill. 

 

The Bharat Jodo Yatra was a milestone in contemporary Indian politics. Roughly 4,080 kilometres long and spanning the states of Kerala to Jammu-Kashmir, this yatra was a means for Gandhi to win the people’s confidence. Dressed as one of the masses, Rahul Gandhi cut out the middleman and delivered democracy to people’s doorsteps. In him, the public began to see a man who was willing to shed his comforts, a contrast to the Prime Minister, who after two terms in office had fashioned a soot-boot ki sarkar. To Congress’s credit, the momentum from the march was not allowed to die. A second edition of the yatra was announced, now titled the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra, which sought to cover Manipur to Maharashtra.

 

Despite these efforts, a scattered Congress knew that it couldn’t hope to stand against the leviathan BJP-led NDA. It sought to pack a punch with a ragtag team of estranged parties, who decided to put aside their differences to defeat the big evil. INDIA, or the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance, was supposed to thwart the BJP’s third consecutive term. The parties had realised (perhaps a bit too late) that their differences meant the splitting of the opposition vote. INDIA was a way to remedy that. 

 

The tea leaves foretold a possible rise to power. Against all odds, Rahul Gandhi had managed to change the public’s perception of him. The “If not Modi, then who?” question now had a clearer answer.

 

Just four months ago, the historic 2024 election results came out. BJP won just 240 seats, 32 less than the requirement for a single majority, and about 160 less than the 400 paar claim. Congress rose as an underdog and won 99 seats, officially securing its opposition status after ten years. Rahul Gandhi, the titular lead of this article, won from the Wayanad constituency and was hailed as the leader of the opposition. 

 

The two months since this drastic shift in power dynamics have not been without their share of drama. Just weeks into the new parliamentary session, Gandhi hit multiple nerves over his speeches in the house. In the maiden speech itself, he accused the BJP of misappropriating the Hindu religion and forgetting its values of ahimsa and tolerance. From the Chair of the House to the Home Minister and the big boss—the Prime Minister himself—everyone was livid. Enquiries were made and debates were launched over Gandhi’s remarks, yet he only offered a collected response, and did not fall into the semantics of it all. 

 

2024 has seen Rahul Gandhi grow into his own as a true leader worthy of consideration. Work during the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections aside, the politician now has the upcoming Vidhan Sabha elections in his sight. Rahul Gandhi is campaigning in the states of Haryana and Jammu-Kashmir to consolidate support and moreover, consolidate his image as the leader of opposition. Though the BJP managed to persevere through the General Elections this time, it was a pyrrhic victory at best. Gandhi, with his state election campaigns, seems to be in the mood to remind the public of that fact, to remind them that the powers that be, are not as infallible as they had seemed. 

 

In a rally in Srinagar, Rahul Gandhi was quoted as saying, “…before the Lok Sabha elections, people used to say that Narendra Modi has a 56 inch chest, no one says that now. The mood of the country has changed. Earlier, he used to talk with confidence, but now the INDIA bloc has broken the psychology of PM Narendra Modi.” 

 

RaGa seems to be riding on the wave of INDIA’s show at the election, and the new-found confidence has invigorated people’s faith in him (perhaps his faith in himself too). His strategy seems to be one of recounting the injustices suffered to the people of Jammu and Kashmir; he brought up the change in status as the former state has now turned into a Union Territory. Promising to the people that should Congress be brought to power, they will prioritise the reinitiation of JnK as a state. The ploy is to make the people realise that they have an alternative, one who has the pulse of the people’s wants better than a doctor. 

 

His work in Haryana also begs notice. Rahul Gandhi extensively toured the length and breadth of the state; with over half-a-dozen rallies and road shows, he aims to prove that he can lead just as successful of a vanguard as in the Lok Sabha elections . “BJP ja rahi hai, Congress aa rahi hai” (BJP is losing, Congress is winning), was his battle cry. Mr. Gandhi in his passionate speeches never missed a chance to hit the BJP in its tightest nerve with accusations of crony capitalism and attempts to destroy the spirit of the constitution. In turn, he reiterated his party’s guarantees of  ₹2,000 monthly assistance to women and providing cooking cylinders for ₹500. 

 

The BJP called to its defence the Prime Minister himself and the ever-reliant Mr. Yogi. Never to be underestimated (recent pyrrhic victories notwithstanding), the dynamic duo is BJP’s strongest ace. It’s a strategically sound choice to bring them in when faced with such an onslaught. Though what the BJP fails to notice is that the arrival of these players grants Mr. Gandhi’s opposition more legitimacy than is good for the reigning party. The Prime Minister’s involvement is an acknowledgement of the fact that the party is insecure of its standing and wants to leave no stone unturned to gather support. 

 

We are thus at a curious point in Indian politics where a politician once scorned and mocked has made the rebound of the century and now stands between the centre and absolute power. 

 

The leading party is still just as harsh and his critics remain as is. However, the tag pappu is nowhere to be seen. Even the staunchest rival cannot begrudge him in his victory. From riches to rags, and then back to riches, Rahul Gandhi has created a cult following for the history textbooks. 

 

Read Also: Rahul Gandhi and His Changed Style of Politics 

 

Featured Image Credits: The Hindustan Gazette

 

Anvesha Tripathi

[email protected]

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Atishi’s rise to power and AAP’s political playbook

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Arvind Kejriwal’s arrest and subsequent resignation were followed by claims of “wanting the court of the people to decide his return.” Atishi Marlena’s appointment as the Chief Minister poses a significant shift in the party dynamics. How will this potentially impact the 2025 Vidhan Sabha Elections in Delhi?

On March 21, 2024, Arvind Kejriwal was arrested due to his alleged involvement in corruption during the now-expired Delhi liquor excise policy. He was granted bail on 18th September 2024, after which he suddenly announced his resignation from the post of Delhi’s Chief Minister. Atishi was unanimously elected in his place. Known for her academic prowess, with a Rhodes Scholarship and degrees from Oxford University and St. Stephen’s College, Atishi’s rise to the post of Chief Minister is crucial since AAP has always balanced theatrics with governance. This strategy of emotionally appealing to the masses is a significant strategy that has helped it dominate Delhi’s diverse political landscape. 

Under Kejriwal’s leadership and even before, it heavily relied on grabbing attention through theatrics. From Kejriwal’s dharnas to his direct confrontations with the centre, he has helped solidify AAP’s identity as a party that serves the people. In the 2014 dharna outside the Rail Bhawan, for instance, he demanded control over the Delhi Police. He famously declared himself an “anarchist,” framing himself as the defender of the identity of the common man against the central authority—a saviour from the masses who will fight against the disruptive political status of the country. In 2019, his indefinite hunger strike demanding full statehood for Delhi further added to his political image. Such theatrical tactics have been a central strategy to keep the party relevant, and Atishi also seems to have adopted the same. 

Since the last few parliamentary elections, AAP has been known for its unique blend of populism and occasionally successful administrative situations. As a result, although Atishi is well-known for her contributions to policy and education from her time serving as an advisor to the Delhi Government, her rise to the position of Chief Minister is simply another move in the AAP’s political playbook and not a reflection of her ability. Even if Atishi deviates from the conventional political narrative thanks to her image as a serious policymaker, she will not be able to avoid the dramatic flair that the AAP loves. Additionally, all her attempts to “clean up politics” and combat corruption are frequently followed by symbolic actions, such as sobbing, passing out, and ferocious speeches, in an attempt to connect with the public on an emotional level.

Another recurring theme in AAP’s political playbook is the idea of reluctant leaders, people entering politics and leadership out of a sense of public duty rather than mere ambition. Atishi can also be framed into this very mould, and her intellectual prowess, paired with her people-pleasing performances, only adds to her public appeal. 

“It almost feels like the party is partaking in a TV show of their own, in the hopes of swaying people and distracting them from real, more relevant issues, and unfortunately, they seem to be succeeding.”

– A second-year student from Delhi University

As Delhi’s Water Minister, Atishi famously went on strike, demanding the BJP-ruled state of Haryana to release water. Consequently, she was hospitalised and, according to claims made by AAP officials, lost 2 kg of weight. A video message was posted on her official X account, where she declared that she would continue the fast no matter how much her body suffers, until the people of Delhi receive justice. Following Manish Sisodia’s arrest, Atishi broke down into tears, claiming that this arrest was a part of a larger political vendetta against her party. Moreover, in her very first speech as the Chief Minister, she emotionally declared that they only have to do one work now, which is to make Arvind Kejriwal the chief minister again. 

While her rise is indicative of AAP’s calculated use of populism to preserve its public appeal, given that Atishi’s focus very evidently seems to be bringing Kejriwal back to power, her term may be more about upholding the Kejriwal legacy than establishing her own. The February elections will determine whether Delhi’s voters continue to be swayed by these spectacles or choose to focus on more substantial points.

 

Read Also: Education, Not Religious Agitataion: AAP and BJP in the Delhi Elections

Sakshi Singh 

[email protected] 

Featured Image Credits: Telegraph India

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Legal education and the cost of dreams

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Each year, thousands and thousands of students work hard and appear for CLAT (Common Law Admission Test), aspiring to crack into top law colleges. These students enter the campuses with big dreams and expectations, but in light of the recent suicide cases, are these premier institutes ready to facilitate integrated law programs or should they resort to the conventional three-year law programs?

Since the inception of the 5-year integrated programs in law in 1986, India has set global standards in the field of legal education. While many other countries like Australia, the U.K, the Philippines also offer five to six year courses in law, in India, after the establishment of NLUs (National Law Universities), programs like BA-LLB (Bachelors in Arts + Legislative Law), BBA-LLB (Bachelors in Business Administration + Legislative Law), BSC-LLB (Bachelors in Science + Legislative Law), BCOM-LLB (Bachelors in Commerce + Legislative Law), and BSW-LLB (Bachelors in Social Work + Legislative Law), have taken prominence. While courses like MBBS are often socially regarded as rigorous courses, the recognition in the case of 5-year law courses is not the same from the academic institutions. As a result, several students have taken their own lives.

In light of the recent events, mental stress, especially amongst law students, has become a burgeoning issue. When premier law schools like NLU-Delhi and RMLNLU (NLU-Lucknow) report suicide cases, wherein the administration is silent and people ask about ‘why’ and ‘how’ the incident occurred, it illustrates the urgency of the aforementioned issue. People often overlook the academic rigour, which is a prerequisite in these integrated programs. These people often act as the vice-chancellors and professors in these institutions, and are willing to undertake batches of 200 students, but do they have the required apparatus to facilitate them? 

Typically, these 5-year integrated programs involve 6 subjects in a semester, all of which are considered the core subjects (this may be subjected to some variation in some institutions). Three of these subjects are usually of your dual degree while the rest three are legal subjects. This format is followed till the end of 2nd year and majorly from 3rd year onwards, only law subjects are covered. The underlying problem that arises here is, that the current private and government universities have an inclination towards starting these integrated courses, but at the same time these courses demand experienced professors who hold expertise in the associated dual degree, with which the student is combining it’s LLB. Ad-hoc appointments of professors is not a new issue and has been faced by students from all universities under all disciplines, but the cases of such hurried appointments increase when we look at government institutions.

This illustrates the urgency to scrutinise the present administration in NLUs (National Law Universities) and other government-aided universities. The amount of rigour that is demanded in the aforementioned courses is often underscored. There is burgeoning pressure on students to get their papers published in renowned journals that are UGC-Care listed or have ISSN and ISBN numbers. Typically, universities often direct students to write two to three research papers per semester for every subject. In some subjects, students may be required to come up with group presentations, for example, students pursuing BBA-LLB often immerse themselves with business case studies in their initial years, but writing research papers for the law subjects remains a constant. These publications act as a non-negotiable asset for students who wish to apply to foreign universities for their LLM. Adding to this, moot courts and ADR (Alternate Dispute Resolution) competitions, become a quintessential aspect for resume building as companies nowadays prefer hiring students who are well versed with practical experiences in these events. Given all these prerequisites, when students are not supplemented with proper aid from their universities, it adds a heavy mental pressure on them. 

To add more on this, these events often require hefty registration fees. I myself, being a law student, at the ILC (Integrated Law Center), Faculty of law, University of Delhi, participated in an International Negotiation Competition, which was hosted by NMIMS Mumbai. The accommodation charges for the event amounted to 10,000 rupees + 18% GST, apart from this, the registration fees additionally were 5000 rupees + 18% GST. Even after qualifying for the advanced rounds, our university did not spare a single penny for us. I’m privileged enough to come from a well-to-do background, which helped me in financing my competition, but the same is not the case for other students. Moreover, non-NLU students have an added pressure of finding internships due to an existing bias of companies favouring students from National Law Universities.

I feel stressed. There is a constant fear that everyone will be in a better place in the future, and I’ll still be here just figuring out life. What if I’ll not succeed? What if all this is not for me? The moots, projects, 9-4 classes, and the pressure of doing more in the meantime is too much. The unsaid expectations that I have for myself are too much to handle. Having no one to talk to, yes, there are people who are there for me and will listen to me, but still not wanting to tell anyone and fighting alone. It feels like it’s all gonna be worth it at some point in life but when?”

                     – Riya Singh (a 2nd year law student at ILC, Faculty of Law, University of Delhi)

The recent suicide cases being reported from premier universities like NLU-Delhi, shed light on this. Within a month, the university has reported 3 suicide cases, and still there are almost no signs of student anecdotes and testimonials from the students, on any social media platform, which raises a lot of suspicion on the administration of the university. The first suicide of a 20 year old, third-year student, has brought forth shocking details. Amrutavarshiny Senthil Kumar reportedly came from a social minority group and has worked her way up to NLU-Delhi by garnering prestigious scholarships; her case, upon further investigation, has showcased harrowing details of caste-based discrimination, mental stress and harassment. The halls again echoed with similar concerns when, Shah Khushil Vishal, a first-year student at the university committed suicide in the same month. The students have received extremely strict guidelines from senior authorities, wherein students are not allowed to discuss such matters as it may lead to ‘unnecessary unrest amongst students’.

We were directed by our professors not to discuss about these incidents, especially on social media platforms as it can cause significant reputational damage and can prove to be detrimental for the university”

                                                                 – Anonymous (a 2nd  year student at NLU-Delhi) 

Although the university has now initiated many programs catering towards the mental health of the students, the question here is, if premier institutions like NLU-Delhi are handling their batches like this, what should we expect from others? 

Cracking a double-digit rank in CLAT (Common Law Admission Test) and getting into NLSIU Bangalore is a dream of lakhs and lakhs of law aspirants. Imagine being a rank holder and then making the decision to end your life in your first year itself. So was the case of Dhruv Jatin Thakkar, who was a first-year student at NLSIU Bangalore. Although further investigations have revealed that Dhruv was previously suffering from depression and was on medication and counselling sessions for the same, we say that our universities act as a ‘home away from home,’ but are they really well equipped to do so? 

Such incidents show us the credibility of NIRF rankings which should be heavily scrutinised. If the universities are not well-equipped to facilitate integrated programs for their students, then they should not move forward with it. As far as these premier institutions are concerned, much focus should be given on revitalising age-old norms and establishing a proper feedback mechanism wherein if students feel that a certain professor is not helping them, they should have the freedom to report the same with their anonymity.

Be it litigation or corporate law, be it a first-generation lawyer or a student with an established law background, every student aspires to achieve up to the best of their capabilities. As a first-generation law student myself, our visions and dreams should not suffer at the cost of administrative negligence and poor facilities of ‘ironic’ premier universities.

 

Read also: DSW: The Unresolved Crisis of Financial Aid at DU

Samvardhan Tiwari

[email protected]

Featured image credits: iPleaders

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The Crisis of Internet Archive 

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500,000 books scrapped from the Internet Archive. Why? Is it because they lost the lawsuit against the powerful few? Or is it because they were declared guilty of copyright infringement, surpassing the fair use doctrine? The reason lies much deeper, yet in plain sight.

In a significant legal decision, the Internet Archive has lost the lawsuit filed by major publishers, including Hachette, Penguin Random House, HarperCollins, and Wiley. The lawsuit challenged the Archive’s National Emergency Library initiative, which had suspended waitlists and allowed unlimited digital lending of scanned books during the COVID-19 pandemic—a departure from its original policy of one digital copy per physical.

The court ruled that this practice infringed upon the publishers’ copyrights, emphasizing that the Archive’s actions exceeded the bounds of fair use. As a result, the Internet Archive is required to remove approximately 500,000 books from its digital collection, limiting public access to these works.

But is copyright the real issue here?

Not quite. At the heart of the matter lies profit and the public right to access information without being financially burdened under the exorbitant costs of the knowledge resources that one, especially a student, is all too familiar with. The Internet Archive’s loss marks the latest blow in a long line of struggles over public access to knowledge.

Expressing his disappointment, Chris Freeland, Internet Archive’s director of library services, said:

We are reviewing the court’s opinion and will continue to defend the rights of libraries to own, lend, and preserve books.

While the publishers seem to care about royalties and fair compensation for their writers, many point out the elitism in the argument itself, including Dave Hansen, executive director of the Authors Alliance, a nonprofit that frequently advocates for wider digital access to books who says:

This ruling may benefit the bottom line of the largest publishers and most prominent authors, but for most it will end up harming more than it will help.

The ruling’s impact goes beyond the financial arguments of publishers. The Internet Archive is a lifeline for those who can’t afford the exorbitant costs of books, particularly students and researchers without access to well-funded libraries. Following the ruling, the Archive stated:

This injunction will result in a significant loss of access to valuable knowledge for the public. People who are not part of elite institutions or who do not live near a well-funded public library will lose access to books they cannot read otherwise. It is a sad day for the Internet Archive, our patrons, and for all libraries.

Zooming out from this particular case, a broader pattern emerges: powerful institutions, whether governments or corporations, are increasingly limiting public access to information. The Internet Archive’s loss is not an isolated incident; it joins a growing list of similar cases where access to knowledge is restricted in the name of fair compensation and other such rights.

Take the prolonged chase of Julian Assange, founder of WikiLeaks, who faces espionage charges for leaking classified documents that exposed government corruption. Or consider the arrest of Pavel Durov, CEO of Telegram, after refusing to provide encryption keys to the Russian government. These examples, while seemingly unrelated, share a common thread: they are all about controlling access to information and knowledge, denying the public the right to transparency, privacy, and free access.

Assange’s efforts to make government secrets public have been presented as a crime. Similarly, Durov’s refusal to sacrifice user privacy led to his prosecution. While the Internet Archive’s campaign focuses on books, it is part of a larger narrative in which these institutions strive to limit access in order to protect their interests, leaving the public with less avenues to explore, learn, and question.

The coming of surveillance tools such as Pegasus spyware originates from a need to control, to see what people are reading, writing, and discussing. Governments and corporations alike are moving closer to an Orwellian “Big Brother” scenario in which information is closely controlled and public access to knowledge is conditional rather than guaranteed.

The question is, can society push back against this tide? Is it possible to save public access to information in an increasingly privatized world?

Maybe that’s too far of a reading from a legal case study, or, one is compelled to question, is it? The battle over information control is not just about books or individual legal cases. It’s about who gets to decide what the public can know, learn, and share. Given the trend of ‘hoarding’,  whether money or knowledge, can the societal pushback save the internet archive from its impending doom? That’s for you to decide. With your actions and words.

 

Featured Image Credits: BBC- Serenity Strull/ Getty Images

 

Read Also: DU Sanctions Rs.110 Crore for Expansion of Central Library

 

Afza Khan

[email protected]

 

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Coldplay, Concerts, and Cash Cows

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The uproar surrounding the upcoming Coldplay concert sheds light on a bigger problem in the music industry. This article delves into the implications of such events on ticketing practices, fan experiences, and the evolving landscape of live entertainment in a digital age.

With the announcement of Coldplay performing in Mumbai in 2025, a frenzy gripped the Indian audience. Advertisements popped up on social media, influencers made reels hyping it up, and news channels made it their headlines. It came to be known as THE event of 2025 and became THE topic of conversation of current times.

Coldplay, being a band that Gen Z and Millennials grew up listening to, thus holds a special place in the lives of many. Their songs strike the strings of nostalgia in the hearts of people. The music video of their song “Hymn For The Weekend” being shot in India has further cemented their connection with the country.

People eagerly counted down the days for when the tickets would be sold. They had set up their devices, waiting for the clock to chime twelve when the tickets would go live. The excitement had been palpable as fans anticipated this crucial moment, fully invested in securing their chance to see the beloved band live. However, that enthusiasm was short-lived and soon gave way to disappointment and frustration.

The BookMyShow site crashed even before the tickets went live. People were stuck in long queues lasting hours; queues that did not seem to be moving in any particular order. People who managed to make it through the queue and select the seats had their site crash during payment. Tickets sold out within minutes. Almost immediately they were found being sold for increased prices at reselling sites. 

In a recent conversation with DU Beat, a diverse group of individuals stepped forward to share their personal experiences, 

“I had reached my turn and even though tickets were shown to be available, there was no option to choose from. Whether it was a glitch or scalping, it was really disheartening since I had been planning and saving up for the concert.”Said Diya.

“I logged in from two devices at the same time but both had the queues moving at different paces. My brother logged in from his device much later than me but was placed ahead in the queue. A friend of mine logged in and instead of being placed in the queue, was immediately taken to the payment window.” Said Navya.

“We were given four minutes to book the tickets. I had chosen the tickets, entered all the details and clicked to confirm payment when it showed that no more tickets were available.” Said Siddharth.

“I started the queue at around 73000 and around 61000 the entire stadium was sold out. This is mathematically impossible, even if each person had bought the maximum allowed four tickets.” Said Aadya.

The Economic Offences Wing of Mumbai Police has issued summons to BookMyShow’s CEO Ashish Hemrajani and its technical head. This comes after advocate Amit Vyas filed a case of fraud against BookMyShow.

BookMyShow has released a statement addressing the sale of unauthorised tickets, 

“BookMyShow has no association with any ticket selling/reselling platforms such as Viagogo and Gigsberg or third-party individuals to resell Coldplay’s Music Of The Spheres World Tour 2025 in India. Scalping is strictly condemned and punishable by law in India. We have filed a complaint with the police authorities and will provide complete support to them in the investigation of this matter. We urge you to not fall victim to these scams. Any tickets bought from unauthorised sources will be at the risk of the consumer, and can turn out to be fake tickets. Beware of such scammers.”

These reselling sites have often been in legal disputes over not supplying tickets, supplying counterfeit tickets, and selling the same ticket to multiple people. They have also received legal notices and heavy criticism over selling charity tickets for profit.

The discourse surrounding Coldplay’s concert provides a concerning commentary. In a hyper-capitalist world, concerts no longer remain a cherished experience between fans and their idol, or a joyful gathering for people to enjoy. Instead, they turn into cash cows, highly commercialised and commodified events driven by profit maximisation. Concerts have shifted from music to market, becoming the centre of a growing money-making landscape, many of the practices ranging from unethical to illegal. What was once a celebration of music has now transformed into a spectacle of consumerism.

It would be incorrect to say that concerts never had a commercial aspect to them, after all, it is a service, and the artists and organisers deserve to be paid fairly for providing it. What has changed, however, is the shift from compensation to exploitation. Ticket prices aren’t just high enough to cover costs, they are inflated for maximum profit. The focus is no longer on providing an experience for the fans, the very people responsible for putting the artist on the stage, but on creating more and more ways to extract money from them. With even basic amenities like drinking water and access to bathrooms being monetized, something that can lead to health problems for the attendees, concerts are increasingly viewing fans as mere wallets to tap into.

Even when tickets start at an affordable price, like at the Coldplay concert, they are immediately bought by resellers and scalpers and sold at exorbitantly inflated prices. The tickets ranging from ₹2,500 to ₹35,000 are being resold for more than 10 lakhs, representing a more than 2000% increase from the original price.

The chaos surrounding the Coldplay concert indicates a larger, troubling trend in the music industry, casting doubt upon the spirit of live music in the future. Can concerts remain shared celebrations of art and music, or will they be transformed into purely commodified events and exploitative enterprises?

Read also: Global Citizen Festival: Highlights

Samriddhi

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From Olympics to Politics: Vinesh Phogat’s entry to Congress

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Wrestler and activist Vinesh Phogat transitions to politics by joining Congress for the upcoming Haryana elections. Her activism and family dynamics add complexity to her candidacy for the Julana constituency.

The pipeline from sports to politics is a well-trodden path in India, with several celebrated athletes transitioning from stadiums to political offices. Vinesh Phogat, a celebrated wrestler, is the latest to make this leap. In a bold move, Phogat joined the Indian National Congress on 6th September, emerging as one of the party’s prominent faces for the upcoming Haryana elections. Since then, Phogat has submitted her candidacy for the Julana Assembly constituency. While adding a fresh dynamic to the Congress campaign in Haryana, her entry into politics has also sparked debates and controversies, drawing attention to her wrestling accolades and the circumstances surrounding her political journey.

Athletes entering the political arena are not unique to India. Globally, several high-profile sports personalities have successfully made the switch to politics, often leveraging their popularity and influence to garner public support. A prime example is Imran Khan, the legendary Pakistani cricketer who transitioned from being a World Cup-winning captain to serving as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Khan’s political journey, marked by his determination and public charisma, is a testament to how athletes can reshape their image and career beyond the sports field. Similarly, Vinesh’s accession into politics signifies a shift in her career trajectory, aiming to translate her on-field grit into political clout and her fandom into a voter bank.

Closer to home, the comparison to her cousin, Babita Phogat, is inevitable. Babita, also a wrestler of repute, joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2019 and even contested in the Haryana state elections. Although Babita did not win her seat, her move was seen as a strategic decision by the BJP to leverage her appeal among Haryana’s youth and sports communities. This parallel entry into politics, albeit on opposing sides, has created a controversy within the Phogat family, with the cousins now split between rival parties. The tension between the two has raised eyebrows, particularly in Haryana’s political circles, where the familial discord could impact public perception and voter behaviour. In a recent statement, Babita accused senior Congress leader Bhupinder Singh Hooda of “creating a rift” within the Phogat family by bringing Vinesh into the party, suggesting that his move was a calculated effort to weaken the BJP’s support in the state by playing on internal family dynamics. The accusation has only deepened the perception of a widening chasm between the Phogat sisters, who were once united in their journey to promote women’s wrestling in rural India.

Adding fuel to the fire is the ongoing scandal surrounding the Wrestling Federation of India (WFI) and its former president, Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh. Earlier this year, Vinesh Phogat emerged as one of the leading voices in a dramatic protest against Singh, accusing him of sexual harassment and mismanagement within the sport. The explosive allegations sparked a nationwide uproar, igniting demands for Singh’s resignation and significant reforms within the WFI. In a surprising twist, Singh has openly mocked Vinesh’s political ambitions, dismissing her candidacy as nothing more than a “Congress-scripted drama.”He accused her of using her political platform to undermine the BJP’s influence in Haryana, suggesting that her activism was a conspiracy orchestrated by the Congress rather than a sincere commitment to public service. This contentious backdrop raises eyebrows, as the public speculates whether Vinesh’s political ambitions are merely a tactical maneuver by the Congress party to exploit her sportsperson/celebrity status in a bid to challenge the BJP and its allies. The tension has deepened, with Singh’s scathing remarks not only polarizing public opinion but also framing Vinesh’s candidacy as a potential pawn in the BJP vs INC conflict.

Furthermore, Vinesh Phogat’s recent disqualification in the 2024 Paris Olympics finals cannot be ignored. As one of India’s top wrestling talents, she faced a technical disqualification that abruptly ended her Olympic aspirations, igniting widespread sympathy and support among fans and the general public. Vinesh was anticipated to be a strong medal contender, and her disqualification was perceived as a significant blow not only to her personally but also to the reputation of Indian wrestling as a whole. As disheartening as the setback was, it could inadvertently bolster her political campaign. The Congress party may be counting on her ability to convert this wave of sympathy into votes, leveraging the emotional resonance of her story to rally support in the Julana constituency. With her public persona now intertwined with this narrative, Vinesh’s campaign is uniquely positioned to tap into the electorate’s sentiments, which could prove pivotal in the upcoming elections.

In her campaign, Vinesh has embraced the “rustic bahu” image, aiming to connect with the people of Julana. This persona seems to resonate particularly well with local women, who have been welcoming and supportive of her candidacy. However, one can’t help but question the authenticity of this image, with some speculating that it may be a calculated effort to cultivate a voter bank rather than a true reflection of her character. The dichotomy of being both a celebrated athlete and a down-to-earth figure is a delicate balance, and as the election approaches, it remains to be seen how voters will perceive her true self.

With polling in Haryana set to commence on 5th October, all eyes will be on Vinesh Phogat as she embarks on her first election as a candidate. Will her performance in the elections mirror her spectacular performance on the mat? The outcome of this election could redefine not only her political career but also her legacy as an athlete cum social activist in India. As voters consider their options, the question remains: can the ‘rustic bahu’ make a lasting impact in the political arena, or will she remain a star confined to the world of wrestling?

Read Also: Beyond the Fields of the Olympics: A Transcend into the Ball-Park of Humanity

Featured Image Credits: The Times of India

Ashita Kedia

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Campus Central

Of Separation, Solidarity and Sustenance

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The displacement of ad-hoc professors has impacted not only the  institutions they built but also the bonds formed with their students. Despite being de-institutionalized and separated, these bonds struggle for survival as students refuse to forget. This personalized narrative captures the author’s reflection on the breakdown of the student-teacher relationship post displacement.

When I decided to write this article, I could not gather the strength to collect my thoughts for the longest time. The faculty displacements had impacted me and almost everyone in my department in a way that was both similar to and, at the same time, different from the experience of the entire university. It was a traumatic catastrophe to bear, as it was not merely a politically orchestrated low-  blow but also a personal tragedy to us. For many of us outstation students who came from dysfunctional families, were bullied in schools, and were struggling to make friends in college, these young ad-hoc professors, unlike the authoritative school teachers, became our space of solace. They became a safe space in a hostile, daunting, and toxic masculine environment, much like my own college- Ramjas and, to a large extent, the entire university. 

The first professor I ever interacted with, in college, from the history department, was displaced from her position within a month of my joining the college. While I was lucky enough to be taught by our department’s professors for over a year, my juniors lost them within a month of their joining, experiencing the cycle of shock, anger, solidarity, and eventually disillusionment.  Though the university reduced them to mere numbers and commodities to be replaced, these professors were far more than just numbers and teachers to us. They actively practiced what they believed in and rejected the conservative hierarchy between students and professors. They became like friends to us in college.  Not only did their lectures ignite our passion for literature, but they also went the extra mile to support those who were less engaged in the subject.  Now that they have been displaced, not only students struggle to maintain their interest in the subject, but many of us, who aspired to pursue a career in academia, find our dreams shattered. 

As a literature student, it’s difficult to overlook the issue of praxis, particularly since many new professors have allegedly secured their positions through political connections. Additionally, some associate and permanent professors have disappointed their students across various colleges. They not only failed to support ad-hoc professors but also, as claimed, took advantage of them, contributing to their displacement and the decline of their departments, despite having the ability to intervene. This has created a situation where we feel institutionally separated from the displaced, making it difficult to trust or rely on the newly appointed and associate professors. As a result, the displacements have not only caused socio-economic precarity for the displaced academics but have also profoundly affected the mental health and future career of the students who witnessed the destruction of their departments.

When the notification for permanent appointments was released, I cannot remember a single day without experiencing an emotional breakdown. Despite our hopes and prayers, we knew our professors would not be retained because they stood firm in their moral and pedagogical principles, both in and out of the classroom. They stood firm on the principles the university seemed unwilling to accept.

Despite the initial hopelessness of our permanent professors, we students continued to survive, refusing to forget the displacements. This determination manifested in small ways in which we sustained their memories including meeting with them post-displacement as a form of resistance against the separation. I began dedicating my research papers to my displaced professors to address the glaringly huge  yet unaddressed threat they faced. I also wrote poems and performed them at various colleges , not only to express my anger but to spark a conversation about this pressing issue. Graffitis and writing messages on the walls of the department and classrooms was another way we sustained the memory post the displacements. While this ensured that a post-memory of the displacements is sustained, solidarity has failed to compensate for the bond we had with these professors.

Although I still interact with them and meet regularly, the displacement has altered the relationship I shared with them, leaving a mutual sense of loss that always remains after meeting them. I often wish our meetings could last longer. Now, if I want to meet them, I have to ‘plan’ a meeting—why has it come to that? Isn’t it unfair to make us long for their presence?Isn’t it unjust for us that we can no longer see them smiling in the corridors, teaching in classrooms, or joking around? Isn’t it unfair that, just as their right to witness our growth has been denied, our right to learn alongside them has also disappeared? I often reflect on a question one of my professors asked after his displacement: “How can they remove us now after so many years of teaching? If we were underqualified, why were we hired in the first place?” I had no answer for him, and neither did the university.

The sheer trauma of being removed from their jobs,  decades after their dedicated service,  was so profound for some, that they severed all ties with Ramjas—cutting off contact with colleagues and students alike, despite their deep affection for many of them. Even today, there is  an unbridgeable distance between us. In a way, none of us has been able to completely move on. More importantly, there remains a huge elephant in the room  – their employment.  We are still learning how to address it or, more importantly, if at all to address it. We are still coping in our own little ways. 4 December, 2023— I still have a coke bottle, a blackened handkerchief, and a fifty rupee note, given to me by the professors on that day . I have read several texts such as Girish Karnad’s The Fire and The Rain, Art Spiegelman’s Maus, Toni Morrison’s Beloved, Amruta Patil’s Kari, because ‘they’ taught it. Many of these texts, like them, are institutionally displaced, yet I read them days just before the exams. Though I have stopped taking notes during lectures in my diary, I keep thinking about what ‘they’ would have said about these texts. Despite their displacement, we struggle to remember them, even in the classroom which was once full of their epiphanies.

A newly appointed professor in the college once asked me, “Why were you all so close to your professors? I understand that forming institutional attachment is natural, but it is very hurtful and harmful.” While I agree with them on institutional attachment being hurtful, all attachments hurt, but that doesn’t stop us from loving individuals, right?  For many of us, it is partly because of our professors that helped us survive college, rather than our attachment being a cause of harm. Today, it is because of ‘them’ and their pedagogical principles that I can criticize  my university’s hypocrisy in offering a paper like ‘’Literature and Human Rights’ after experiencing the tragic loss of Prof. Samarveer Singh. 

Despite the hurdles by these displacements, it is certain that nothing can ever break the bond that we share with our professors. These displacements have exposed the seemingly bright yet dreary reality of academia. Today, we continue to take pride in our professors,  who may have lost the round in terms of their employment, but have triumphed in the battle of principle. They refused to be a Faustian academic—someone who would compromise their integrity for a job, only to preach morality later.

Read Also: To Meet them Again

Featured Image Credits: Vedant Nagrani

Vedant Nagrani 

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DUB News

Activist Sonam Wangchuk along with other Ladakhis detained at Delhi border 

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Sonam Wangchuk, along with 150 other Ladakhis, was detained by Delhi Police at the Singhu Border while leading the “Chalo Dilli” constitutional and climate march.

On 30 September, Sonam Wangchuk was detained by Delhi Police for allegedly violating prohibitory orders. Wangchuk, along with 150 other padyatris, was detained under Section 163 of the BNS. The march, organized by the Leh Apex Body (LAB) and led by Sonam Wangchuk, began in Leh on 1 September. It was set to conclude at Delhi’s Rajghat on Gandhi Jayanti, 2 October, with a public gathering planned at Jantar Mantar on 3 October. The march aimed to peacefully advocate for key demands, including statehood for Ladakh, constitutional safeguards under the Sixth Schedule to protect the interests of Ladakh’s tribal population, the establishment of a Public Service Commission, job reservations for Ladakhi youth, and the creation of separate parliamentary constituencies for Leh and Kargil.

“We thought we were being escorted, but instead we were being detained,” said Wangchuk in a video posted on Instagram.

Delhi CM Atishi claimed that she was disallowed from meeting the detained leader at Bawana police station. She emphasized an end to LG rule in both Ladakh and Delhi. Atishi, in a post on X said, 

“This dictatorship is not right. Sonam Wangchuk ji and the people of Ladakh are also fighting against LG rule, fighting to get full statehood status for Ladakh. The people of Delhi stand with the people of Ladakh.” 

Reactions from other party leaders, including Rahul Gandhi, also surfaced, with Gandhi condemning the detainment as unacceptable. Ladakh MP Haji Hanifa Jan expressed disappointment, stating it was unfortunate that the people of Ladakh were denied the right to carry out a peaceful march in the capital and were stopped at the border.  “We urge the government to provide us a place where we can submit a memorandum to PM Modi or hold talks with the leadership to resolve this issue”, he said.

Section 163 of the BNS, which restricts gatherings of four or more people, has been imposed in Delhi until October 5th. Among those reportedly detained are elderly citizens and army veterans, who are now being held in various police stations across the city. Previously, in March, Wangchuk also held a 21-day hunger strike, dubbed a “climate fast,” to raise the same four key demands.

Read also: Over 30 teachers detained in Delhi during anti-NEP protest

Featured Image Credits: Sonam Wangchuk’s X profile

Bhavana Bhaskar

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Mohanchand to Mahatma: haunting ghosts of Gandhi

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Gandhi is introduced as a messiah of morals to a child. Stories of the three monkeys turning the other cheek and the celebratory personhood of ‘the father of the nation’ have cast him away from ideologies appreciated critically to a domain of morality concerning only the judgement of an immediate right or wrong; this domain is scary for it appeals widely but negates a deeper philosophical intervention or understanding of the figure, what he stood as, and why he appeals still.

The modern Indian liberal attitude of tolerance and non-violence draws heavily on the principles of the Mahatma—a politically potent image inflated with the task of disseminating a high moral cause. Gandhi advocated for a legitimacy of authority to be found in the conscience of man, extending to include a moral regeneration of the people. This emphasis on ‘regeneration’ comes from the idea of the moral decadence of Indian people that resulted in colonial enslavement, thus allowing British rule. His path to freedom is that of an enlightened anarchy.

This rejection of constitutionalism and parliamentary democracy for Gandhi doesn’t come from a Marxist critique of democracy, which nonetheless repulsed him for being anchored in violence and the denial of God. The British parliament to Gandhi is a ‘sterile woman’ for not having ‘done a single good thing’ and a ‘prostitute’ because ‘it is under the control of a minister who changes from time to time.’ Why then is this non-democratic father of the biggest democracy still revered and set as a principle?

This essay is not an attempt to demystify Gandhi or dissect his ideological perspectives, considering the mixed bag his thoughts were and the considerable changes they underwent. Neither does this discredit his contribution to the freedom struggle. It rather tries to frame Gandhi’s relevance in a post-colonial world.

In a country that prides itself on elevating demigods with cult followings seasonally who influence entire elections, run scandals, encroach on lands, are crime apologists, and turn tides over with their bhakts, the occurrence of the image of an academic Mahatma shouldn’t then feel very alien. This nation of ours produces ‘godmen’ that talk of the culture taught by the Vedas, the Upanishads, and the Gita and always desperately want to “go back to” and restore the lost. Their appeal to reason involves the acting on a soul force which carves out an existence replicating some past, further nudging us towards living a more perfect life in embodying this now realised historical truth. As ahistorical and pathetic as it sounds, it works when nationalism taints it and it appeals to a nation fraught with poverty, patriarchy, corruption, casteism, and obviously, the aftertaste of centuries of imperialist-colonialism.

The appeal for religion that comes strictly from the Hindu tradition and charms the upper caste consciousness, parading as spiritualism and distinguishing between good and bad Hinduism is a peak Mahatma move from Gandhi. For Gandhi, the acme of Hinduism is to be found in the Ramrajya. The rule of Ramrajya was a central element of his political philosophy and social vision for India; it stood as the manifestation of a philosophical anarchy that his ideas professed. The memory of that Ramrajya reverberates strongly today as one would see in the right-wing fundamentalist ruling state wanting to capitalise on vote banks using a similar analogy. Now, one doesn’t need to venture into the fraudulent concept of the Ramrajya and what it entails for minorities living in India. Such imagination of an ahistorical lofty state is in essence anti-equality, and attempts to extract the good from the fundamentally bad are attempts of deception. While there are Gandhian politicians/academicians who excessively differentiate Gandhi’s conception of an ideal state from the current trends, it only means that this idealism is confusing and largely interpretative while also being highly remunerative to talk about for the appeal it holds still after 77 years of independence.

This ascetic image of Gandhi is carried by the tokenistic ‘Mahatma.’ The deification of Gandhi, where he is seen as a saint who fasts, meditates, prays, abstains, and lives in an ashram while also providing a stage for people to opine regarding the role of women in public life, capitalism in a developing country, caste relations, the importance of import substitution, the significance of village life of family relationships and tradition, in general, work best in the Indian context. Our modernity isn’t too modern or radically progressive and always finds a place back to the religious to validate any step forward; all that is now scientific predates to a past where it has been discovered but apparently lost.

Gandhian philosophy is of spiritual passive resistance, which is a method of securing rights by personal suffering; it is the reverse of resistance by arms. It requires the use of soul-force over body-force. While the ambit of spirituality can be all encompassing (since it has no specific criteria of inclusion) and helpful, it detaches an individual from the product of a society and historical events. Injury to the self in resistance to the state still forms a criterion of recognizing a protest as valid and non-retaliatory. The figure of Gandhi emerges in resistance to the police while one defends and keeps defending their nature to be non-violent and peaceful. Violent attacks on the state, on the other hand, are deemed consequential and thus not acceptable, deserving a public trial of punishment. 

While it is certainly true that the celebrityhood of Gandhi has been withering, his ideas and philosophies still haunt us. So long as we remain a nation obsessed with religion forming our politics and us conceiving moral Mahatmas in every sphere, the ghosts of Gandhi will long endure.

 

Read Also : Spinning Selfhood : The Story of Gandhi Bhawan, Delhi University

 

Image credits: Pinterest

 

Bhavana Bhaskar

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Arts & Culture

Why are all movies remakes? Risk aversion in the media landscape

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Why are all movies remakes? Risk aversion in the media landscape

In the past few years or so, we have seen a dramatic increase in the production of remakes and sequels of beloved movies. While nostalgia-baiting has worked previously, it has evidently hit a point of diminishing returns as studios struggle to find the pulse of audiences’ cinema needs. 

 

Imagine you watch a movie in your childhood – the multi-coloured, whirlwind of a story grips and leaves you equal parts satisfied and wanting for more. Some years later, when you’ve grown, developed new tastes, and favour new favourites, you hear that the studios have decided to remake that once-beloved film of yours. You’re excited as you gear up to revisit that time of your childhood. You get the tickets, you watch the movie, and studio houses add another figure to their empirical study. Soon, another remake is announced, but this one is met with slightly lesser enthusiasm. Then another, then another, and another, till all you can see is a movie off a TV show, a TV show off a movie, a movie which is a remake of a remake, or a sequel to a franchise dead and buried. 

 

The word is “nostalgia-bait” and it has effectively ruined cinema. 

 

To the uninitiated, it may seem like there are just no new ideas anymore. After all, why would studios fund projects that are stale and done away with? The answer is, as it always has been, money. Production houses rely on previously successful Intellectual Properties (IP) to keep bringing people back into the theatres. As technology has progressed, movies are more accessible to us, for cheaper. A simple streaming service subscription will give me access to that movie a little after its release. Why should I bother to go to the cinema hall if I can watch it from my couch? This insecurity of sales, makes producers want to take lesser risks. They would rather fund another multi-million dollar superhero project that tells the same story it has always told before than fund a movie that goes against the tide. This risk aversion has gotten especially worse since the onset of the 2010s when we saw a decline in the sale of at-home DVDs. Usually, producers could rely on a second, bigger, wave of movie sales if it didn’t do so well in theatres. With the decline in the sale of physical copies, a chasm has opened, which studios fill with the fluff of a remake. 

 

Who wouldn’t want to watch their favourite Disney princess reimagined with a popular actress playing the titular role? The announcement of Beauty and the Beast, with Emma Watson playing Belle was welcomed wholeheartedly by her fans. Though critics wouldn’t call that movie ground-breaking by any means, it certainly kept Disney alive in the internet conversation for a good few weeks. This release is important because it marks an era where all Disney would announce was a remake of an animated children’s film. Mulan, Aladdin, The Little Mermaid, and Cruella; though masterful in their display of CGI, get tiring once you see the pattern repeating. 

 

The issue is not just Disney though, any IP that once had a cult following is now being led to the guillotines. Nosferatu, The Chronicles of Narnia, and How to Train Your Dragon are just among the few who are going through a revamp. 

 

Sometimes a remake can truly turn the tide. Take the Dune series for one – upon the announcement of the new movie’s release, many naysayers criticised its arrival and stood steadfast with the David Lynch version of 1984. Now, Dune reigns as one of the highest-grossing movies of the 2020s. Reimaginations and different interpretations are all well and good but when it actively stops real stories from being told, is when the problem arises. The people of today are facing different issues than say, the 1990s. Simply changing the set of actors will not erase the fact that modern audiences need their problems and true selves represented on screen. This means letting writers take creative risks, exploring and portraying a whole range of human emotions and experiences that were closed off to us before. Certain production houses like A24 have taken this step, and it has paid off phenomenally for them. With a guaranteed Oscar nomination (or win) under their belt every year, the media house has proven that good and original stories can be told without a multi-million dollar budget. Trusting your audiences to recognise talent and effort can go a long way to build faith among both parties across the screen. This is the model A24 followed with their films, and now they have a reliable demographic that looks forward to their work; their creative risks have paid off big time. 

 

Hopefully, in the coming years, as producers see pieces like this, or read any social media comment section ever, they might realise that audiences would rather invest and feel excited about something new, than watch the same regurgitation just for the sake of it. 

 

Read Also: The Fault in Our Movies 

 

Featured Image Credits: 

The Stanford Daily 

 

Anvesha Tripathi

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