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Rethinking the Left in DUSU Politics

By Sakshi Singh October 2, 2025

The electoral landscape of Delhi University continues to be marked by a paradox that has persisted for more than a decade. Left organisations such as SFI, AISA, and more recently DISHA, gain marginal votes. The results of the 2025 elections reinforce this trend: the ABVP secured three of the four principal offices, the NSUI captured the remaining post, and Left candidates trailed far behind the dominant blocs.

“On paper, the manifestos of all parties appear strikingly similar,” says a student. “Whether from SFI, AISA, ABVP, or NSUI, promises of affordable hostels, grievance redressal mechanisms, campus Wi-Fi, and improved gender-safety structures recur with regularity,” adds another. The difference, thus, lies in framing and perception: Left organisations articulate these demands through the idiom of democratisation and anti-privatisation, whereas ABVP and NSUI frame them as pragmatic matters of service delivery. The convergence of manifestos places the burden on credibility and trust. In this respect, students, based on our conversations, often regard the Left as effective in critique but deficient in demonstrating administrative efficacy.

The numerical results from 2025 starkly illustrate the challenge. The ABVP presidential candidate, Aryan Maan, won with approximately 59,882 votes; the NSUI contender followed with 15,500, while Anjali, the joint SFI-AISA candidate, polled a mere 5,385. In the vice-presidential race, NSUI prevailed with 29,339 votes, ABVP followed at 20,547, and the joint SFI-AISA alliance again remained in the low thousands. Similar patterns held in the contests for Secretary and Joint Secretary. Turnout, hovering around 39–40 per cent, suggests that disengagement remains a significant feature of DU’s electoral culture, with NOTA itself garnering several thousand votes in some contests. “This not only underscores the marginality of the Left but also highlights a pool of disaffected voters whose dissatisfaction, if organised, could alter the electoral balance,” adds a student from Lady Shri Ram College.

The deeper problem, however, lies less in raw numbers and more in institutional culture. Over the past 10–15 years, DU has been characterised by what many students themselves describe as a “career-first” ethos, an emphasis on examinations, placements, and credential-building. In this environment, the Left’s reliance on protest, sit-ins, marches, and symbolic agitation generates moral capital but also fatigue. A master’s student remarked that “these protests often felt alienating, repetitive, and disruptive.” The protest per se is not rejected; rather, its frequency and abstraction, particularly when extended to global or national issues, like the Gazan genocide, for instance, are perceived as less directly relevant to the everyday student experience. In this sense, DU contrasts sharply with JNU, where protest is understood as integral to intellectual life and is woven into the rhythm of hostel meetings and general body debates.

The perception of elitism compounds these structural disadvantages. Several college sub-groups of left-leaning parties belong to debating clubs and circles where English-speaking and politically articulate students dominate. While these networks provide rhetorical sophistication, they alienate a larger, more diverse student body. As one student put it, “it always feels like the debating society kids tell the rest of us what to think.”

The paradox is thus reinforced. At DU, the Left embodies critique, but critique does not convert into electoral capital. Unless the Left in DU can transform its style, demonstrating delivery, it will remain what it has been for over a decade: an articulate counterpublic, but not a governing force.

Image Credits: Sharanya for DU Beat

Sakshi Singh
[email protected]

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Interview with Sohan Yadav | SFI Candidate | DUSU Elections 2025

By DU Beat September 16, 2025

DU Beat in conversation with Sohan Yadav, contesting for the post of Vice President for Delhi University Students Union (DUSU) 2025, from the Students’ Federation of India (SFI), as a part of the AISA-SFI panel. This interview was originally taken in Hindi and has been translated into English.

S: What, according to you, is the biggest challenge that university students face, and how would you work on improving it?

S: There are three to four very common but major issues. Lack of Hostels and privacy are huge issues. Quality food is not available in most colleges, and colleges where quality food is available offer it at such a high price point that it is not affordable for many. At SFI, we believe that just like we succeeded in curbing the issue of fee hikes at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), as a part of DUSU, we will do the same at Delhi University. We will provide metro passes to students, just as we have done at Hyderabad University. Additionally, we want there to be quality and affordable food at all colleges. Another huge issue is the degrading state of academics in the university. Our demands also include making the SEC and VAC papers completely additional and optional to allow students to focus on their main areas of interest.

S: . What are some key points within your election manifesto?

S: Right. So our first point is the democratisation of the Internal Complaints Committee (ICC) in all colleges, which is not the case in many colleges. The second point is the issue of hostels. Our third pointer is the issue of fee hikes. Our fifth pointer is about ensuring the functioning of a quality and affordable canteen in every college, and our sixth is the demand for concessional metro passes for students. Lastly, our seventh point is to increase student safety in and around campus spaces – we observe students being murdered and committing suicides around us, and we would like to take steps to curb this. Another demand that is closely tied to this is the creation of quality medical facilities within colleges. In many colleges, while a medical room exists, psychiatrists, nurses, doctors and other professionals are not present in those rooms. Especially in today’s times, where so many students are suffering from mental health issues, it is necessary to ensure the presence of mental health professionals within the medical room of each college.

S: With increasing financial pressure on students, what steps would you advocate for better affordability?

S: See, there is only one solution to this. Firstly, the fee hikes that we face have already separated the oppressed classes and alienated them. When I used to study at Zakir Hussain College, every year, I used to fill the fees for at least six students by sourcing and collecting funds through my organisation. I myself have worked part-time jobs to fill the fees for two semesters after the fee hikes. So I fully understand the ripple effect of issues created after the fee hikes. So our main demand is putting a complete stop to fee hikes while simultaneously creating new policies and systems of support to help students from oppressed backgrounds who may not be able to pay their fees due to multiple reasons.

S: With increasing financial pressure on students, what steps would you advocate for better affordability?

S: Basic needs and amenities need to be targeted first. For instance, if a student is able to get affordable hostels and accommodation, costs will be reduced there; if they get concessional metro passes, travel costs will also be reduced; if they can get affordable food within their canteens, costs will also be reduced for food. So our continuous attempt after coming into DUSU will be the creation of a university where students get affordable travel, affordable food, affordable accommodation and affordable education to decrease financial burdens on students. It is our dream to create such a university space, just as we have done in JNU over the years.

S: What specific, achievable changes can you realistically deliver within your one-year term if elected, and how will you show that progress to students?

S: Right, so firstly, one of our immediate steps is to curb a very common issue, which is the lack of clean and functioning water coolers in colleges. This issue has not been settled until now, since coolers in many colleges stop working after every two months. We will also work towards maintaining quality and affordable food in every college canteen. Lastly, South Campus students have been facing this issue for a long time. The administration does not sit in the South Campus building, and as a result, they have to come to North Campus for many administrative issues. We will ensure that an administrative body also sits in the South Campus building, and lastly, we strongly believe that “keval chunaavi vaasi na chalein” (only vote-based actions should not prevail), so the special U buses should run even after the elections, and I will ensure that that happens.

Image Credits: DU Beat

Interview by Sakshi Singh
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DUSU

Interview with Abhinandana Pratyashi | SFI Candidate | DUSU Elections 2025

By DU Beat September 16, 2025

DU Beat in Conversation with Abhinandana Pratyashi

Abhinandana: So, hello everyone! My name is Abhinandana, and I am from North East, Assam. Assam is very popular for its floods, right? You must know Assam like that, but it is much more than that, because today I have become the first ever North Eastern Tribal person to contest for DUSU. I did my schooling in Assam, and I was the state topper both years. Now, I’m in Hindu College, pursuing Sociology Honours. I’m from SFI (Student Federation of India).

Neeraja: Thank you for the introduction! I would like to start with, what do you think is the biggest challenge that DU students face right now? And how do you think you could improve on it?

A: See, the biggest challenge that Delhi University is facing right now is the hegemony of muscle and money politics that we see everywhere, right? We understand how the status quo prevails. People who are part of the hierarchy never want anybody else from below or outside the hierarchy to come and take space. And this is what that is personally, and that’s why socially and organizationally happening to me as well. Being a queer and being a Northeastern person, right? So, all these muscle and money politics and organizations that we see around ourselves, they are so visible. They have the money to visibilize themselves, right? So, they always take power over issues that are much more grounded. Those issues that need to be addressed, right? Like, for example, any of these issues that SFI is picking up. We can talk about fee hikes, we are talking about metro passes, and we are talking about women’s safety. But all of these issues, most of the time they are either co-opted by people who are not really affected by them or like just overpowered by muscle and money politics. So, this is like the biggest issue that we have right now. And the only way to challenge this or to combat this is with ground-level work. Unless there is proper education, there won’t be agitation. And unless there is agitation, there won’t be an organization. And only when we have an organized mobilization of people, and only then, can we have some real change. And which is visible right now. So, right in front of me in my team, that’s Sneha, right? Sneha is standing right there. So, Sneha, without muscle and money politics, without the visibility of muscle and money politics, she was contesting last time; she gained 9000 votes. And the person who won instead of her gained around 12,000 to 13,000. Look at the margin; this is a very small margin. So, this is the ground-level work we are talking about while combating the muscle and money politics that we see around ourselves.

N: Absolutely, thank you so much. Can I know some insights into the key pointers within your election manifestos?

A: Election manifestos, see, we are very grounded in the common student problems. First of all, the fee hike. Not many can afford to pay the fee that we are seeing right now. And that too, that is hiking, right? So, in Hindu College, in sociology honors, I am paying above 25k. If I had not had the scholarship that I have right now, I would not have even dreamt about coming to Hindu College and studying. I would have had to drop my education. And this is happening everywhere. Like in the Law Faculty, the fee before the new education policy, 3-4 years back, was Rs. 3000; now it is Rs. 8000. We see this constant fee hike. And in equivalence to that fee hike, we don’t even have basic to basic facilities. Like I said, I am from the North East, and Hindu College does have a girls’ hostel. But even there, I did not have the chance to get a seat in the hostel. So, if a girl from the North East is not getting a seat, then who will? You know the very popular case about the Hindu college boys’ hostel? It’s been privatised to such an extent that it’s been under construction for the past five years. In comparison, it took six years to build the Burj Khalifa. And this is a problem everywhere. We are talking about affordable hostels so that the children do not have to commute so far, so that the students are not exploited by the PG mafia, the flat mafia. So, affordable education, first of all, means there is no fee hike. There should be a choice of accommodation. There should be a choice. There should be good and cheap food in the canteen. There should be a metro pass. See, a common student like us cannot afford to have our commuting prices go as high as 60 rupees in a single day. 100 rupees in a single day. That means, in a month, that is 3000 rupees, 2000 rupees. And you will see that the organizations with muscle money politics are roaming in big cars, BMWs, Thar, etc. What difference will it make to them that a common student like us cannot pay so much, right? So, this is one of the biggest issues we have been picking up in our manifesto. Because the students should at least get a concessional metro pass. Because it is simply very visibly non-affordable for our students, right? And apart from that, if we go to some branches of the points, Northeastern representation, of course, queer representation, of course. Because this is our space. Queer people say that half the sky isn’t enough. Of course, it’s not enough for us. We want representation. We want at least some kind of reservation. In the Hindu College Parliament, we have reservations. We are demanding the reservation of queer individuals, not just women, right? Not just cis-hetero women, but queer individuals, like I said. Along with that, basic issues, basic humanitarian issues. That xenophobia shouldn’t be there. That homophobia shouldn’t be there. That transphobia shouldn’t be there. So, these are some of the issues we are talking about. Like, basic to basic issues we are talking about in our manifesto.

N: That sounds amazing. As you said, there are increasing financial crises that are happening. Like, the metro price hike, a fee hike, and hostel unavailability. How are you going to advocate for someone who is, like you said, the common student?

A: See, this is a very relevant question. Because this is seen everywhere. You must know that when we were contesting, the contestants who were contesting for the election had to sign a bond for 1 lakh. Right? So, a common student who comes from a marginalized background, the background I come from, I can’t even dream of contesting and having some representation in Delhi University Students’ Union. Because if you are signing a bond for 1 lakh, how will I pay the money? The people who are roaming around in cars can, of course, pay for it. But the one who is coming from a marginalized background, the already ostracized, is being continually ostracized. When you are putting up such bonds, when you are putting up such demands. So, this is a success of the panel that we are standing in, SFI AISA, our coalition of progressive organizations. So, you must know that the High Court has taken back this bond. Because we protested, we submitted a memorandum. So, when you ask how we combat these financial issues, that is combating. Combating can only happen through organization. As I said, until there is no education, there will be no agitation. Without agitation, there will be no organization. People will have to organize on these common issues. Not just this 1 lakh bond. See, the rule passed by the Lyngdoh Committee this time, that people can’t throw around pamphlets. Because these pamphlets name people, reminding them, who can do that? The one who has muscle and money power, who has such funds, who has resources. So, people like us, coming from an ostracized background, have very little chance. Right? If we can’t have pamphlets flying around, how will people remember our name? How many times can we campaign, going from person to person? We can’t hire people to give away flyers. You must have seen, outside the college, people wearing Doraemon’s costume, Nobita’s costume, distributing flyers. We can’t hire such people. So, this time the Lyngdoh Committee has passed, so you can’t have such defacement. It can’t happen anymore. So, this is something that is, on a very minute level, combating the muscle and money politics, combating the financial discrepancy that we see. And, like, that’s why we are moving towards a more egalitarian election this time.

N: Like you said, this is something that might be personal to you also. DU has a diverse student culture across campuses, cultures, etc. How do you think you can represent people from all factions if you get elected?

A: See, even if you are from Bihar or if you are from Manipur, everyone is getting a free hike. Just because you can afford it, doesn’t mean you should have to. Because education is a fundamental right. Student mobility is a fundamental right. Students’ safety on campus is a fundamental right. So, the question of diversity pushes it further in a better direction. Here, fighting elections in a diverse environment, it’s much more inspiring because we see that, even after having a diverse background, these people are facing the same issues. So, it reinstates our power, in the idea, in the concept of the common student. Free hikes are happening with everyone. When a woman is exploited here, it’s not just about what background she is coming from; on the way, anyone can be catcalled. Right now, the background I come from, if a classmate from a different background comes from the North-East, she will be called a chinky here. I am queer, visibly queer, if a rich queer, or a poor queer, whose visible representation is queer, they will be hurled with homophobic slurs. So, I understand how class can have an impact on the discrimination we face, but just because of class differences, there is no discrimination against anyone. It’s not like that. Discrimination can be in different hierarchies. Like, a Dalit woman is more exploited, right? But that doesn’t mean that an upper-caste woman is not being exploited. So, in SFI, we believe in the organisation, until all of us are free, none of us are free. So, when I talk about diversity, diversity is one of the most positive things that we can have, when moving, when we are talking about our common student issues.

N: What are some of the specific, achievable targets with which you can show your progress to students? How can you measure it, and how can you show it, in a specific sort of way?

A: When we say achievements that we have had as a common students’ organisation, first of all, I can talk about Hansraj. In Hansraj, the administration got land to make a girls’ hostel, right? And this is the case, everywhere. I mean, there is a space in SRCC, there is land in MLNC, to make a hostel, but the hostel is not being made. So, when this happened in Hansraj, then the admin said, No, we will make a cow shed here. Then, SFI, the common students’ organisation, protested that yes, you can make a cow shed. Of course, you are doing a good deed. Do a good deed outside the college. What is the right inside the college? What is the fundamental right of the girls? To make a hostel so that students are not exploited by the PG mafia. Expensive, unsafe PGs should not be there. Today, because of these protests, in Hansraj, a girls’ hostel has been set up. This is the power of a common students’ organisation. In JNU, you will see that the SFI AISA union has won many times in JNU. A left panel always wins in JNU. In JNU, you will see, every single student has access to the hostel. What they pay in a month for the room rent is 10 rupees. This is the power of a common students’ organisation. In Miranda, you will know, Miranda’s hostel fees are very popular for their low cost, right? And why is that? When in the middle of the night, the fee in Miranda went up 5000, right? See, 5000 might not mean much to people with BMWs and Thars, but 5000 means a lifetime to us. When it went up, SFI protested,in the middle of the night, and the fee was lowered, I mean, so this is the power of a common student’s organisation. And we were talking about concessional metro passes, right? At Hyderabad University, SFI has formed a union. Now, every single student in Hyderabad University has a concessional metro pass. They get 60% off. The 80 rupees we pay here, they pay 35 or 40 rupees there. This is the power of a common students’ organisation. So, when you say achievable things, when we talk about achievements, it is also an inspiration for us, that yes, when a common students’ organisation comes to power, things can happen. Now, I am from Hindu College. In Hindu College, there was a very regressive culture, V-Tree Pooja, Virgin Tree Pooja. When I came in my first year, in Virgin Tree, they used to hang water-filled condoms. They used to paste pictures of women whom they wanted to break their virginity with. When I came in the first year, my picture was also pasted there. It’s clearly a type of harassment, right? So, along with SFI, I had protested, and today, V-Tree Pooja doesn’t happen there anymore. This is the power of a common students’ organisation. Be it fee hike, be it affordability, accessible hostels, metro passes, or be it misogyny. All of these fights have been achieved, all of these things have been achieved, with SFI being in the union, without SFI being in the union. Because, whether it is an election or not, whether you are a common student or not, if you are a common student, then you have to fight, always.

N: Absolutely. Thank you so much for the interview!

Neeraja Unnikrishnan

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Campus Promises: ABVP, NSUI, and SFI–AISA Manifestos 2025

By DU Beat September 15, 2025

With the Delhi University Students’ Union elections approaching, major student organisations have released their manifestos announcing promises, reflecting issues, and revealing both overlaps and contrasts in priorities.

There are significant variances as well as obvious parallels between the ABVP, NSUI, and SFI-AISA coalition manifestos. The goals of these three parties are to solve persistent problems in Delhi University politics, such as women’s safety, campus infrastructure, and affordability. However, each uniquely presents its strategy, answering critiques of earlier DUSU terms and reflecting its ideological foundations.

Student health and welfare have been foregrounded more strongly this year. ABVP explicitly promised, “subsidised health insurance schemes for students”, a measure that responds to recurring demands for affordable healthcare after years of rising living costs. NSUI brought the conversation into the gendered domain, with its women’s manifesto pledging, “helpline numbers, menstrual health awareness, sanitary pad vending machines, and proper gender sensitivity measures.” The SFI-AISA alliance combined health and gender justice, promising menstrual leave and insisting on institutional structures like, “elected Internal Complaints Committees and gender sensitisation cells in all colleges”.

The only organisation to make a specific commitment on digital access is ABVP, which has pledged “free Wi-Fi access for university students.” Although the Left alliance and NSUI did not use the same language to emphasise Wi-Fi, they both emphasised infrastructure and accessibility in more general terms, implying a move away from band-aid technological solutions and towards structural reforms.

The affordability debate remains central, carrying forward unresolved issues from past years, such as fee hikes and opposition to the National Education Policy (NEP). The SFI-AISA alliance has taken the clearest stance, stating that it has, “pledged to oppose fee hikes” and presenting its programme as ‘a true student-centric manifesto.’ NSUI echoed this with calls for, “public funding for equitable education” and a rejection of NEP-linked restructuring. ABVP, while not quoted as directly opposing fee hikes, emphasised subsidised schemes and improved facilities.

Women’s safety and inclusion, an issue repeatedly raised after incidents on campus in previous years, has again appeared prominently. NSUI’s separate women’s manifesto is notable in its detail, listing concrete measures like, “helpline numbers, menstrual health awareness, sanitary pad vending machines, and proper gender sensitivity measures.” The SFI-AISA alliance, in line with its activist tradition, focused on structural reform: “elected Internal Complaints Committees and gender sensitisation cells in all colleges.” ABVP’s framing was broader, with its candidate speeches highlighting campus safety and “accessibility audits for students with special needs.”

Finally, housing and hostels continue to be a major theme, reflecting perennial shortages and past protests by outstation students. ABVP’s manifesto directly included, “construction of new hostels to accommodate growing student needs.” NSUI’s broader call for inclusive infrastructure implicitly covered hostel provisions, while SFI-AISA explicitly folded hostel expansion into its demands for resisting privatisation.

While all parties echo recurring demands like safety, hostels, and digital access, their manifestos also respond to past gaps, some promising continuity, others pledging fresh reforms to long-standing student concerns.

Image Credits: Manan for DU Beat

Anjali Kumari Jha
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SFI and AISA Forge Alliance for DUSU Elections, Vow to Challenge ‘Money and Muscle Power’

By DU Beat August 30, 2025

SFI and AISA announce an alliance for the upcoming DUSU elections, fighting fee hikes, privatisation, and money power in DU politics, with their campaign focusing on affordable education, student welfare, and resisting RSS-ABVP influence on campus.

In a significant development ahead of the Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) elections, the Students’ Federation of India (SFI) and the All India Students’ Association (AISA) on Wednesday announced a pre-poll alliance, declaring their intent to counter what they termed the dominance of “money and muscle power” in campus politics.

At a joint press conference held at the Press Club of India, the two Left-affiliated student outfits said they would contest the polls on a common platform, highlighting issues of affordability, quality education, and student welfare. Under the seat-sharing arrangement, AISA will field candidates for the posts of president and joint secretary, while SFI will contest the vice president and secretary positions.

Aishe Ghosh, SFI’s Delhi State Secretary, underlined the alliance’s commitment to challenging the prevailing campus political culture. She further added that,

SFI and AISA have been the frontal forces against the domination of money and muscle in DU politics. Last year, too, our panel polled nearly 9,000 votes, asserting a strong third pole in DUSU. This time as well, fighting for accessible and quality education, the AISA and SFI will contest on a joint platform of student struggles.

Echoing this sentiment, AISA’s Delhi University president Saavy criticised the current education policies, alleging that universities were facing “an all-out attack” under the present dispensation.

The four-year undergraduate programme has diluted the content and quality of education. There are rabid fee hikes across courses and colleges. The recent metro fare hike will hit students the hardest. Both organisations have come together to make this election a struggle for affordability and quality in the university.

The alliance has announced a “DU Mahapanchayat” on September 2 to press for their demands. These include the rollback of fee hikes, concessional metro passes for students, adequate hostel facilities, functional internal complaints committees in every college, and an end to what they described as “bogus SEC and VAC courses” and the current internal assessment scheme.

The leaders of SFI and AISA also accused the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and its student wing, Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), of using Delhi University as a “laboratory” for the past decade. They pledged to challenge what they termed the “RSS-ABVP nexus of privatisation and saffronisation of education”.

With the alliance positioning itself as a “third pole” in DU politics, the upcoming elections are expected to witness a keen contest, as issues of accessibility, affordability, and academic quality take centre stage.

Featured Image Source: DU Beat

Richa Choudhary

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SFI Delhi Committee Condemns Expulsion of Member from AUD, Calls It “Undemocratic”

By Siddharth Kumar August 17, 2025

SFI Delhi condemns AUD’s expulsion of Comrade Nadia and the suspension of activists, calling it undemocratic repression; it demands reinstatement, a fair inquiry, and the protection of students’ rights and campus democracy.

The Delhi State Committee of the Students’ Federation of India (SFI) has strongly condemned the expulsion of one of its members, Comrade Nadia, from Dr. B. R. Ambedkar University Delhi (AUD) along with the suspension of five other student activists. The federation termed the action as an “undemocratic student repression” and vowed to fight against what it described as the stifling of dissent and student rights on campus.

The AUD administration expelled Comrade Nadia, while five other students—including SFI Delhi State Committee member Shefali, along with Shubhjeet, Ajay, Sharanya, and Keerthana—have been placed under prolonged suspension. The committee alleged that these punitive measures were being used to silence demands for a more student-friendly campus.

The statement read:

It seems that the AUD administration considers demanding a student-friendly campus and accessible education to be ‘crimes worthy of the highest punishment.’ What we are seeing in the case of Comrade Nadia’s expulsion, particularly, is just this.

The SFI argued that such incidents were part of a larger trend of repression in Delhi-based universities. “This pattern of student repression mirrors what the past few years have shown us in other Delhi-based campuses like JNU, JMI and DU,” the release noted, adding that governments led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had not hesitated to express “vindictiveness against students.”

Highlighting that protest has historically been integral to the democratic spirit of Indian universities, the student organisation warned that attempts to quash dissent would only invite greater resistance. It further informed that SFI Delhi had already approached the courts of law to challenge what it called the “arbitrary expulsion and suspension” of its activists.

The condemnation came on India’s 79th Independence Day, a date that the SFI said must remind the nation of its founding ideals. A day that calls for the reiteration of our country’s basic ideals; of “democracy, of justice, of liberty,” the committee stated, linking the students’ struggle to broader constitutional values.

The SFI has demanded that the AUD administration revoke Comrade Nadia’s expulsion and initiate a fair and transparent inquiry into the cases. It alleged that due process had not been followed and urged the administration to “see the light of reason and logic.”

AUD has been and shall remain a campus that fosters debate and discussion. If the Administration refuses to ensure this, we shall reclaim what is rightfully ours.

As of now, AUD authorities have not issued an official response to the allegations or clarified the reasons behind the disciplinary action.

Featured Image Source: The Week

Madhav Choudhary

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Campus Central

“Anti–Common Student Nature”: DUSU Election’s ₹1 Lakh Bond Rule Faces Student Backlash

By DU Beat August 17, 2025

As the much-anticipated DUSU elections dawn upon Delhi University, the administration’s decision to impose a mandatory ₹1 Lakh bond on contesting candidates has triggered a storm of protest. What the administration portrays as a measure of accountability is being widely condemned as a deliberate financial barrier that strikes right at the heart of campus democracy. For decades, DUSU has stood as a microcosm of Indian democracy, producing leaders who went on to shape national politics. By attaching a steep financial cost to participation, the administration risks rewriting that history.

The policy has ignited rare partnerships as long-time rival student organisations come together to protest. While major organisations like ABVP and NSUI have historically housed high-profile candidates and expensive campaigns, they, too, have accused the new policy of being undemocratic and regressive. NSUI President Varun Chaudhary termed it a ‘political weapon’ that works in favour of their adversary, ABVP.

Leftist student organisations like the Student Federation of India (SFI) also demand the withdrawal of the bond, describing it as “a regressive move that is nothing short of an elitist barrier designed to exclude ordinary students from democratic participation and stifle genuine student voices”. SFI calls out the university for their “anti–common student nature”, and highlights the growing concern over the integrity of free and fair student politics in India.

The imposition of this bond also raises much larger questions, especially those that target the identity of the university itself. The protesters claim that while administrations often justify restrictions in the name of discipline, the cumulative effect is a systematic narrowing of democratic participation. In an institution renowned for its inclusivity, the bond seems like a gatekeeping tool and risks silencing those very voices the union is meant to represent. Rather than strengthening electoral integrity, the bond tethers participation to monetary capacity, shrinking democracy to those who can afford it.

With the DUSU election process now officially announced for September, the ₹1 lakh bond feels like more than just a procedural rule. For many students, it seems like a statement of who is considered fit to participate in democracy and who is not. As the elections draw closer and the campaigns gather pace, the debate over the bond is likely to remain at the centre of campus politics.

Image Source: The Hindu

Navya Chandok
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DUB News

SFI terms ABVP a ‘Rapist Organization’ ; Stages a Protest at Arts Faculty, DU

By DU Beat August 6, 2025

SFI staged a protest at the Arts Faculty, DU on 6th August 2025, demanding action against ABVP for its alleged role in multiple campus sexual violence cases across India.

SFI (Student Federation of India) members led by Sohan Yadav, President of SFI Central Delhi area, demonstrated a protest at the Faculty of Arts, University of Delhi on 6th August 2025. The demonstration was held in solidarity with a student from Fakir Mohan Autonomous College in Balasore, Odisha, whose tragic death in July has sparked national outrage and renewed scrutiny of the alleged misconduct and impunity associated with members of the BJP-affiliated student group, ABVP.

The 20-year-old student died after self-immolating on campus in July 2025. The victim had reportedly faced sexual harassment from a faculty member and had filed multiple complaints, which were allegedly ignored by the college administration. The case took a shocking turn when the Odisha Crime Branch arrested Subhra Sambit Nayak, the state joint secretary of ABVP, and Jyoti Prakash Biswal, a student and initial “witness” who had recorded the incident instead of intervening. Both were charged with abetment to suicide and criminal conspiracy. The arrests drew intense backlash and further highlighted the alleged impunity enjoyed by ABVP leaders across educational institutions.

Coming on the heels of the IIT-BHU rape case, this incident has fueled growing public concern over the ABVP’s repeated involvement in campus violence and sexual abuse allegations. The accused—Kunal Pandey, Saksham Patel, and Anand (alias Abhishek Chauhan)—were later identified as members of the BJP’s Varanasi IT cell, with Pandey and Patel holding convenor positions. The delayed arrests and eventual bail granted to two of them in July 2024 sparked nationwide outrage. Protests by students and civil society groups demanded institutional reforms and the implementation of gender-sensitisation mechanisms. Allegations also surfaced that ABVP even attempted to disrupt campus protests

Further, recently the Rajasthan police booked three ABVP members, who were accused of canvassing for a student leader seeking a ticket from the ABVP for students’ union elections in the university.

Sohan Kumar Yadav addressed the crowd and importantly, pointed out

Why was there such a wilful negligence by the Chief Minister’s Office who had received all the complaints? This shows very clearly the involvement of the state government.

Sohan Yadav further claimed in the protest that ABVP’s alleged involvement in multiple rape cases in University campuses across the country is a recurring trend, and the body must claim responsibility for the same.

SFI Student members demanded strict action against the alleged involvement of ABVP in these rape cases and termed it a ‘rapist organisation’ which shields people who outrage the modesty of women, especially on educational campuses.

Featured image credits- SFI Instagram page

Madhav Choudhary

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Students demanding concessional metro passes led by SFI-Delhi detained by Delhi Police

By DU Beat November 13, 2024

Despite receiving 60,000 signatures, SFI-Delhi’s campaign calling for concessional metro passes for students seems to have been ignored by central authorities. When the students took to the streets of Nirman Bhavan, peacefully protesting to showcase their demands, they were allegedly manhandled by the police and detained.

On Tuesday, November 12th, the Students Federation of India (SFI)—Delhi led a demonstration demanding concessional metro passes for students, which the Delhi Police cut short. The Delhi Police detained over 30 students, “manhandled” several others, and stopped them from continuing the demonstration. Moreover, SFI was denied the ability to address what they claimed to be basic demands through a delegation. Sooraj, President of SFI-Delhi stated:

It’s clear how threatened the authorities are by students, as they are even blocking our demand for something as basic as a metro pass.

The Delhi Police, on the other hand, refuted these allegations. A senior police officer told the Times of India that the students were told not to march in the area since it was reserved for VIPs:

We also told them to march in the Jantar Mantar area, but they did not listen.

Anamika, Joint Secretary Candidate at SFI, DUSU remarked,

It is a shame that while the Delhi Metro has been classified as the second-most expensive metro in the world, the government refuses to hear students, who are entitled to the city, just as much as all citizens.

The campaign started in 2022 with the DMRC slotting their demands for the fare fixation committee. The Delhi Transport Minister also met a delegation of SFI-Delhi in 2023 to further address this issue. Even now, despite having 60,000 signatures to their campaign, which eventually culminated in the protest, their demands were ignored.

Avijit, Vice President, JNUSU commented on this issue:

We are always willing to cooperate within reasonable limits. But this does not mean that the government cannot even allow us to send a delegation. Are they telling us that the voices of 60,000+ students mean nothing?

The allegedly “draconian” handling of these peaceful demonstrators is another strategy commonly employed by authoritarian, fascist regimes to stifle dissenting voices and deflect criticism, creating an illusion of a perfect governance system, the students further claimed.

Image Credits: SFI CEC via Instagram

Sakshi Singh

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DUSU 2024: An Election in Waiting

By DU Beat October 20, 2024

Characteristic of DUSU elections, the DUSU elections for the session 2024–25 were also a display of money and muscle power, tearing up of nomination forms, and a rather irreverent attitude towards the Lyngdoh Committee guidelines for the elections. The emergence of identity-based parties, an SFI-AISA alliance, and the Delhi HC directive to postpone counting of votes augur major changes. Despite this, the voter turnout remained abysmally low at 35.2%, the lowest of the past 4 elections, and from what students claim, this reduction seems to be manufactured by the administration.

Slated to start its counting post the 21st of this month after the court hearing scheduled on the same date, this year’s DUSU elections were different from all previous elections. From the alliance between the Left and the emergence of identity-based parties like Ambedkar Students’ Association (ASA) and Fraternity Movement in DUSU to the last moment introduction of special buses, the inauguration and removal of a miniature Ambedkar statue by the DUSU, and eleventh hour changes in presidential candidates of major parties, this election saw it all and was, by far, one of the most happening elections of all times. Despite these developments, it seems unlikely to have such a low voter turnout. Though the hostile nature of the campus during elections and the rather short time frame for voting discourage a lot of students, especially female students, and thus, voter turnout appeared unnaturally low.

According to Hindustan Times, the voter turnout for this year was 35.2%. It is important to remember how the voter turnout is calculated in order to understand the trends for this election, as the figure measures the number of votes cast as a percentage of the eligible voters rather than the number of voters who come to their institutions to cast votes. It is the gap between the number of eligible voters who show up on the day of voting and the number of votes cast, reflecting the number of voters who were unable to cast their vote despite showing up on the day of elections. While this gap has emerged in the previous elections too, it seems to have widened rapidly in this election, making it seem ‘manufactured’ by the administration to decrease the number of votes cast, as per the claims of the students. This gap was exacerbated by issuing last-minute notices in several colleges that set out the eligibility criteria to vote in the elections and made students stand in long queues in administrative offices on the day of voting, to update their ID cards that took hours, leading to situations where the voters were unable to cast their vote past, despite their early arrival in college. Further, in several colleges, only a handful of polling booths were allotted for the entire institution despite the availability of more polling booths, making 1000s of eligible voters poll from a single booth. These booths were also changed at the last moment, creating confusion around the venue for voting.

A third-year student from Ramjas College notes:

I couldn’t vote because I was 2 minutes late. There was a big jam on the campus, and no auto was able to make it through, and as soon as I got to the college gate, they didn’t let us in. I waited there for a while to enter, and as soon as I did, there was so much confusion with the venue of the voting; some said the auditorium, and some said other classes. When I finally found the classroom, they didn’t let me join the line as I was 2 minutes late. The faculty was rude, and they were shouting at us without listening to a word we said. I wasn’t the only one who was left out, and there were a lot of other students as well.

Though several colleges had sent out last-minute notices about verification of fee slips and upgradation of ID cards for all voters, in stark contrast, it turns out that at several institutions, the faculty was not checking whether the ID cards of students had been upgraded.

Another third-year student from Ramjas notes:

Though the college had notified students to verify their ID cards, several students, including me, were only asked about our courses and year of study and were allowed to vote even regardless of whether our ID cards were updated or not. The faculty members at the polling booths were not following the rules as a lot of students were in the queue to vote. While I was voting, the DUSU presidential candidate of a major political party entered our booth and was openly campaigning, and no faculty members present in the booth stopped him, despite this being a clear violation of the guidelines. They rather allowed him to speak.

Though bureaucratic mismanagement and chaos are natural in such a large election, a lot of the aforementioned incidents seem deliberate and conscious attempts to dissuade students from voting. Even while the students were verifying their ID cards, the candidates were openly campaigning and helping those in queue using their contacts in the college administration to get their ID cards verified faster to garner more votes. This ensures that only a selective and chosen crowd gets to vote in the elections, and a large crowd of students is not allowed to exercise their right to vote despite their attempts to do so.

A student from Miranda House notes the manufactured chaos in the order of voting in the elections:

Students remember the ballot numbers of each candidate, and that’s how polling booths are supposed to work. In Miranda House, in the initial phase when the elections started, the order of positions in the polling booth was informed to us as President, followed by Vice President, Secretary, and the Joint-Secretary but later on, as the elections went forward, they altered the position. The Joint-Secretary’s position was moved to the first, and the President’s position was moved to the last in the polling booth which caused a lot of confusion among students because that is not how you come memorising the numbers.

Though bureaucratic mismanagement led to a further decrease of voter turnout, the developments in this year’s elections will have a long-term impact. With the strict action taken by the Delhi High Court to ensure that counting doesn’t begin until public defacement is removed, it could potentially tamper with the results but might result in lesser defacement and a violation of rules next year. Further, the directive to ensure 50% reservation of women in DUSU would also have a positive impact. In terms of party politics, sudden changes in candidates of major parties post-nominations and the withdrawal of community support following the same might lead to a reflection about the role of caste politics in DUSU. The emergence of identity-based parties and the alliance among the Left would also ensure that the ABVP-NSUI binary is challenged in the upcoming years.

Picture Credits: Nehal for DU Beat

Vedant Nagrani

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