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Unlawful Detentions, Custodial Torture. Delhi Police Faces Scrutiny Over Crackdown on Student Activists

By DU Beat July 24, 2025

Seven youth activists were allegedly detained without due process, tortured in custody, and later released, raising serious concerns over legality and institutional silence.

Over a span of 11 days in July, seven students and youth activists were detained by the Delhi Police Special Cell in a manner that civil liberties groups allege have amounted to enforced disappearance. The arrests, which began on July 9, have drawn criticism over alleged procedural violations, custodial torture and intimidation, including threats of sexual violence.

The detained individuals were affiliated with student-led platforms such as the Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch and the Forum Against Corporatization and Militarisation.

On July 9, Delhi Police detained Gurkirat, Gaurav, and Gauraang, members of the Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch, without issuing any formal arrest warrants or prior notifications, an action that appears to violate procedural safeguards outlined under Sections 35 and 36 of the BNSS. Two days later, activists Ehtmam-ul Haque and Baadal were also taken into custody under similar circumstances in Delhi.
Samrat Singh, a psychologist and social worker based in Yamunanagar, Haryana, was reportedly picked up from his residence without any involvement from the local police, raising concerns over the legality of cross-jurisdictional action by Delhi authorities.

While all seven activists were released by July 21, rights groups have said that the circumstances of their detention and treatment in custody merit closer scrutiny. The use of coercion, threats of sexual violence, and blatant disregard for due process remain matters of serious concern.

Legal groups and those detained allege that the arrests were made without warrants, and that standard procedures—including informing the accused and producing them before a magistrate within 24 hours—were not followed. Family members and legal representatives claim that for several days, they were unaware of the whereabouts of the detainees, effectively making the situation one of enforced disappearance under international human rights norms.

The Campaign Against State Repression (CASR) said the detentions violated Article 22 of the Constitution, which guarantees the right to be informed of the grounds of arrest and to consult legal counsel. The group also said there was no adherence to the Supreme Court’s D.K. Basu v. State of West Bengal (1997) guidelines, which mandate the preparation of arrest memos and timely communication with families.

A report by Maktoob Media, based on interviews with the released individuals and legal advocates, stated that several of the detained activists alleged they were subjected to custodial violence, including beatings, electric shocks, and verbal abuse.

The Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch (BSCEM) stated to DU Beat:

This level of repression with abduction, week-long illegal detention, and custodial torture including electrocution, being forced to strip naked, sexual harassment, heads being dunked into unflushed toilet bowls is not an isolated incident.”

The statement continued, “These actions reflect the broader crackdown on democratic voices under the Surajkund Scheme, which aims to criminalise and silence all forms of dissent.”

Among the most serious allegations were threats of sexual violence directed at female detainees, who were allegedly warned they would be raped with rods if they did not comply with police demands. In some cases, activists claimed they were coerced into signing declarations renouncing political involvement or agreeing not to return to Delhi.

The Campaign Against State Repression (CASR), in its statement, alleged that the treatment meted out to the detainees amounted to sexualised violence and custodial abuse in breach of both Indian legal provisions and international human rights obligations. The group urged the courts to initiate an independent judicial probe into what they described as unlawful detentions, disappearances without disclosure, custodial torture, and gender-based threats made against the activists during their confinement.

Among the seven detainees, the case of Rudra, a 20-year-old student of Philosophy (Honours) from Zakir Hussain College, Delhi University, has received particular attention. Rudra disappeared shortly after boarding a train to Delhi on July 18. His phone was switched off within hours, and no information about his location surfaced until he was released on July 21. Activist groups say Rudra’s temporary disappearance typifies an emerging tactic of off-the-record detention meant to silence political speech while evading legal scrutiny.

Twenty-nine civil society and human rights organisations issued a joint statement demanding an independent judicial inquiry into the detentions. The signatories included the People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), the Association for Protection of Civil Rights (APCR), Women Against Sexual Violence and State Repression (WSS), and student organisations such as AISA, SFI, and BSF. According to a report by Maktoob Media, the statement described the detentions as part of a broader attempt to criminalise student and youth dissent, particularly among those opposing state policy in conflict-affected regions.

The joint statement urges the need for judicial oversight, accountability for police actions, and an end to the use of preventive detention in such cases.

The All India Students’ Association (AISA), which led demonstrations in Delhi following the arrests, framed the incident as an alarming expansion of authoritarian practices under the guise of national security. In a statement to DU Beat, spokesperson Anjali said:

The rapid erosion of civil and democratic rights has only accelerated in recent times as the ‘war against Naxalism’ spreads into cities. Any and all dissenting voices are being hunted and persecuted… This pattern must end immediately and a judicial inquiry must be constituted into the abductions, enforced disappearances, custodial torture, and threats of sexual violence faced by the detained activists.”

Other campus groups have called on university administrations and the University Grants Commission to take a stand in defence of student rights and institutional autonomy.

Despite the severity of the allegations, the case has received minimal coverage in major national dailies and television media. Only a handful of independent outlets have documented the timeline of events, first-hand accounts from the activists, and statements from rights organisations. This limited media scrutiny, observers argue, reflects a broader pattern of silence when allegations involve state agencies.

Lawyers representing the activists have announced plans to seek legal redress, including filing compensation claims and writ petitions questioning the legality of the arrests. These legal proceedings, if admitted, could require the Delhi Police to account for their conduct during the 11-day detention period and explain the apparent procedural lapses.

Simultaneously, rights organisations are exploring formal complaints to the National Human Rights Commission and relevant State Human Rights Commissions.

According to Maktoob Media,

“Legal support networks are also preparing to escalate the matter internationally, citing the custodial torture and enforced disappearances as violations of India’s obligations under international human rights law.”

The detention and alleged torture of Delhi-based youth activists has raised serious questions about the state’s adherence to democratic norms and constitutional protections. While all seven individuals have been released, rights groups argue that the manner of their detention and treatment warrants urgent institutional scrutiny.

Failure to address these concerns, they warn, could deepen distrust in law enforcement and weaken public confidence in democratic institutions. With civil society seeking accountability, the onus is now on the judiciary and human rights commissions to ensure due process is upheld.

Also Read: DU Student Activist Missing Amidst Alleged Police Detention, Speculations Spark Concern

Image Credits – Himanshu for DU Beat

Eram Asrar

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Jamia Millia Islamia administration cracks down student-led protests; imposes arbitrary disciplinary proceedings

By DU Beat February 14, 2025

Following the lead of several universities banning student activism on campus, Jamia Millia Islamia has intensified its crackdown on student-led protests.

A circular was issued by the college administration dated 29 November 2024, explicitly banning protests, dharnas, sit-ins and any form of sloganeering against constitutional dignitaries, days after students raised slogans against the current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi. In lieu of these supposedly new guidelines, students requested permission to hold a sit-in protest on 15 December 2024, commemorating five years of the anti-CAA protests held at Jamia, which turned violent when a protesting student, Shadab Najar, was shot. Permission for holding this event was denied, and the college shut down the library and the canteen on the said date, citing “maintenance reasons,” which was allegedly done to suppress dissenting student voices.

Despite this, approximately 300 students participated in the peaceful protest after class hours, so the said demonstration did not disrupt any academic activities.

– Saurabh, a PhD student at Jamia via EdEx

The administration, however, quickly responded by issuing show-cause notices to Saurabh and four others, accusing them of disrupting campus order and pushing certain political agendas. On 6 February, 2025, the administration further issued Disciplinary Committee hearings against the concerned students, stating that their responses to the show-cause notices were unsatisfactory. In response to this, students began a sit-in protest demanding an immediate revocation of these show-cause notices and a withdrawal of Disciplinary Hearings issued against protesting students. Larger demands of the protesting students include a revocation of the guidelines issued on 29 November, 2024 and 29 August, 2022.

When students know that standing up for their rights could cost them their education, it forces self-censorship, making the environment even more repressive. This decision reinforces the ongoing erosion of dissent, making it evident that critical conversations, even within academic spaces, are no longer welcome.

– Azhar via Youth Ki Awaaz

The administration further refused to engage in dialogue with the students and responded by increasing barricading around campus, deploying 20+ security personnel armed with lathis around the protest premises. In a gross violation of the protesting students’ right to privacy, their names along with their addresses and phone numbers have been pasted outside the university’s front gate.

This incident is not an isolated instance but part of a larger pattern of crackdowns on student activism and academic freedom, especially across public universities in India, reflecting the Center’s broader attempt to suppress dissent by directly attacking intellect.

Featured Image Credits: The Observer Post

Sakshi Singh

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Activist Sonam Wangchuk along with other Ladakhis detained at Delhi border

By DU Beat October 2, 2024

Sonam Wangchuk, along with 150 other Ladakhis, was detained by Delhi Police at the Singhu Border while leading the “Chalo Dilli” constitutional and climate march.

On 30 September, Sonam Wangchuk was detained by Delhi Police for allegedly violating prohibitory orders. Wangchuk, along with 150 other padyatris, was detained under Section 163 of the BNS. The march, organized by the Leh Apex Body (LAB) and led by Sonam Wangchuk, began in Leh on 1 September. It was set to conclude at Delhi’s Rajghat on Gandhi Jayanti, 2 October, with a public gathering planned at Jantar Mantar on 3 October. The march aimed to peacefully advocate for key demands, including statehood for Ladakh, constitutional safeguards under the Sixth Schedule to protect the interests of Ladakh’s tribal population, the establishment of a Public Service Commission, job reservations for Ladakhi youth, and the creation of separate parliamentary constituencies for Leh and Kargil.

“We thought we were being escorted, but instead we were being detained,” said Wangchuk in a video posted on Instagram.

Delhi CM Atishi claimed that she was disallowed from meeting the detained leader at Bawana police station. She emphasized an end to LG rule in both Ladakh and Delhi. Atishi, in a post on X said,

“This dictatorship is not right. Sonam Wangchuk ji and the people of Ladakh are also fighting against LG rule, fighting to get full statehood status for Ladakh. The people of Delhi stand with the people of Ladakh.”

Reactions from other party leaders, including Rahul Gandhi, also surfaced, with Gandhi condemning the detainment as unacceptable. Ladakh MP Haji Hanifa Jan expressed disappointment, stating it was unfortunate that the people of Ladakh were denied the right to carry out a peaceful march in the capital and were stopped at the border. “We urge the government to provide us a place where we can submit a memorandum to PM Modi or hold talks with the leadership to resolve this issue”, he said.

Section 163 of the BNS, which restricts gatherings of four or more people, has been imposed in Delhi until October 5th. Among those reportedly detained are elderly citizens and army veterans, who are now being held in various police stations across the city. Previously, in March, Wangchuk also held a 21-day hunger strike, dubbed a “climate fast,” to raise the same four key demands.

Featured Image Credits: Sonam Wangchuk’s X profile

Bhavana Bhaskar

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Over 30 teachers detained in Delhi during anti-NEP protest

By DU Beat September 8, 2024

Approximately 30 teachers were detained by police in Central Delhi’s Mandi House area while they were participating in a unity march to protest against NEP 2020, paper leaks, and other issues.

On 5th September 2024, also celebrated as Teachers’ Day, over 30 teachers from Jawaharlal Nehru University, Jamia Millia Islamia, Delhi University, and others were detained from Mandi House for protesting against the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, the National Testing Agency (NTA), paper leaks, and the undermining of reservations in educational institutions. The Federation of Central University Teachers’ Associations (FEDCUTA), All India Federation of University & College Teachers’ Organisations (AIFUCTO), and Joint Forum for Movement on Education (JFME) organized a joint march from Mandi House to Jantar Mantar to address the increasing government interference in the autonomy of educational institutions. However, before the teachers could reach Jantar Mantar, FEDCUTA President Moushumi Basu and former President Nandita Narain, among others, were forcibly detained.

As per The Federal reports, a senior police officer stated that the teachers were arrested as they attempted to move towards the Embassy area.

The teachers were permitted to protest, but when they tried heading towards the Embassy area, the police had to detain them. The protestors at Jantar Mantar were allowed to continue their protest,” he said.

However, Moushumi Basu stated that although the police promised to drop them at Jantar Mantar, they dropped them to Kapashera Police Station near the Gurugram border, far from the protest location. The teachers’ association also issued a statement condemning the detentions and calling it a clear violation of democratic rights.

On the day that the nation observes as Teachers’ Day, senior teachers and students were forcibly detained by the police in order to prevent the March. The action of the Delhi Police today…is a shocking demonstration of the continuing assault on Indian democracy and the utter contempt with which the state views education, learning and the teaching community”, the statement read.

As per the reports, FEDCUTA President and JFME Coordinator, Moushumi Basu spoke about the incident,

The police action today only serves to vindicate the very sentiments behind this teacher-student Unity March. This protest is about the unity of those engaged in the teaching-learning process who are standing up against the destruction of the nation’s future through the erosion of public education. NEP 2020 threatens high academic standards and makes education inaccessible to all, particularly marginalized groups.”

She further added and said, “By detaining teachers and students on a day meant to celebrate educators, the government has shown its utter contempt for the teaching community. The Delhi Police has been used to silence our voices, but our fight continues.”

The Democratic Teachers’ Initiative (DTI), in a statement issued following the detentions also condemned the government’s actions.

Look at how teachers are being humiliated on Teachers’ Day! Today’s protest, held on FEDCUTA-AIFUCTO-JFME’s call, was meant to demonstrate our collective resistance to NEP 2020. Yet, instead of listening to teachers and students, the government has chosen to suppress us by force. This is how we are celebrating Teachers’ Day—by being detained for fighting for the future of education!”

Despite being detained, the senior leaders have asked for continued demonstrations. Professor Nandita Narain, former FEDCUTA president, said,

This is a critical moment for education in India. Our public education system is under attack, and teachers, students, and citizens must stand together to protect it. We will not be silenced.”

Meanwhile, student groups from different universities, including Delhi University and Ambedkar University, continued the protest at Jantar Mantar. The protestors also raised slogans, placards, and posters to highlight the issues of NEP and paper leaks, among others. The demonstration reflected the increasing dissatisfaction within the academic community over educational policies and other systematic issues. The detainment of the teachers highlighted the growing tension between the teachers and the government over the crisis in the education sector.

Featured Image Credits: The Hindu

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DU Admin Cancels Event by ‘Brahmins of DU’

By Shikhar Pathak May 12, 2024

An event by the student group ‘Brahmins of DU’, sponsored by the University of Delhi, was supposed to be held on May 10, 2024, i.e., Friday. However, the event faced protests from the left-bloc of student politics, alleging casteist and discriminatory sentiments, causing the event to be consequently canceled.

In the continual skepticism over the democratic nature of Delhi University and the inherent ‘saffronization’ and ‘brahmanization’ that is allegedly being promoted by the university, there was yet another DU-Admin-sponsored event organized by the student wing, ‘Brahmins of DU’. The university-wide association announced an event titled ‘Brahmins and the Tapestry of Hindu Civilization: Weaving Bhartiya Heritage and Calling Astikas to Fulfill Rșiṛṇa’ that was programmed to take place on May 10, 2024, at the Conference Center of the North Campus, along with a campus-wide ‘Shobha Yatra‘ on the same day.

The event received widespread backlash from the student community, citing its alleged casteist approach. This was further vitalized by claims from Professor Abha Dev Habib, an Assistant Professor at DU, who, in conversation with EdexLive, cited a recent example of how events are being ‘policed’ and ‘restricted’ and a poetry reading session on the Palestinian crisis that was supposed to be held on April 15 was canceled by the university ‘without citing any valid reason’. In opposition to the event by ‘Brahmins of DU’, the Students’ Federation of India (SFI), under the umbrella of Humans of DU, organized a parallel event on the same date, i.e., May 10, 2024, at the Arts Faculty. The event organized was a photo exhibition and open mic themed around the ‘Saffronization’ of DU and against the ‘Normalization of Casteist Politics on the Campus’. Students university-wide joined the event in solidarity with the cause and presented their ideas, pieces, and writings, and the words of prominent Dalit writers like Omprakash Valmiki were also echoed.

Aditi, State Committee Member SFI Delhi, adds about how the undertakings in the university are a “direct reflection of the societal tapestry of our country”, expressing her fear over an ‘uncertain future’ wherein incidents like the “recent TISS debacle could be replicated in Delhi University”. She further states that, with opposition events like this:

we will not let them destroy the dissent, debate, and other progressive nature of our campus.

Besides SFI, the All India Student Association, AISA, also made a post on Instagram condemning the event, stating:

Their ideologies promote hatred, discrimination, and division, which directly contradict the values of equality, solidarity, and social justice.

While the SFI Event was an alleged success in presenting their opposition to the events and undertakings held by the group Brahmins of DU, the event organized by Brahmins of DU did not materialize. In a consequent press release, SFI states that fervent backlash and dissent from “progressive student pressure groups” and political bodies compelled the administration to call off the event organized by ‘Brahmins of DU’ eventually.

Featured Image Credits: SFI Official Instagram

Shikhar Pathak

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Delhi University’s Swift Response to Sexual Harassment Allegations Garners Campus Solidarity

By DU Beat May 1, 2024

In a swift response, Delhi University takes action against a staff member accused of sexual harassment, reflecting a commitment to student welfare. As students rally for justice at the Central Institute of Education, officials ensure a thorough investigation by the Internal Complaints Committee, prioritizing safety and transparency.

The University of Delhi’s Establishment Branch has terminated the employment of a non-teaching staff member who was allegedly involved in the sexual harassment of a student at the Central Institute of Education (CIE) earlier this month. The incident occurred in the Department of Education’s new building, per the student’s official complaint with the Head and Dean of CIE. The defendant is alleged to have engaged in several inappropriate behaviors, such as unwanted approaches, invasive personal inquiries, and acts that created a great deal of discomfort and fear for the student’s safety.

The student has asked for her peers’ support, expressing how the encounter violated and deeply distressed her. She also expressed fear for her safety because the harasser was walking around the department unhindered. Students came together to plan a demonstration at CIE on Wednesday to support the student’s right to justice.

The Indian Express was notified by Pankaj Arora, Head and Dean of CIE, that the Internal Complaints Committee was notified of the student’s complaint as soon as it was received on Monday. The accused, who worked for the company under a contract, was let go early on Wednesday.

We have engaged in extensive discussions with the students and have assured them that the university’s ICC will handle the matter with care.” Arora said in response to the protest.

While the ICC investigates the case, questions remain about the student’s ongoing safety and the support system available. Did the University offer counselling services or connect her with external support groups specializing in trauma recovery? Transparency regarding the ICC process would also be beneficial. What are the expected timelines for the investigation? Are there resources readily available to explain the process to students involved in such cases?

The case is presently under review by the ICC, and until the process concludes, it would be challenging to disclose specific details of the proceedings.” said DU Proctor Rajni Abbi.

The Students’ Union or other student committees at CIE likely played a crucial role in supporting the student and organizing the protest. Including a statement from a student representative would amplify the students’ voice and highlight the collective stand against harassment. The incident serves as a stark reminder of the prevalence of sexual harassment in educational settings. By creating a culture of support, ensuring a fair and transparent investigation process, and implementing robust prevention programs, universities can foster safe learning environments where every student feels empowered and respected.

Featured Image Credits: India TV News

Divya Malhotra

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Kerala’s SIO Protests Against PM Modi’s Anti-Muslim Comments

By DU Beat April 26, 2024

The Kerala unit of the SIO (Students Islamic Organization of India) took to the streets of Kochi to protest against Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s rhetoric targeting Muslims during the election campaign in Rajasthan.

On Wednesday, April 24, activists from the Students Islamic Organization (SIO) in Kerala organized a protest rally in Kochi. The demonstration aimed to condemn Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s hate-filled speech targeting Muslims during his recent Lok Sabha election campaign in Rajasthan. The activists fervently raised slogans and demanded action against the prime minister during the protest.

During the protest, a group of students was seen carrying torches and a large banner that read, “Punish the hatemonger. Disqualify Narendra Modi’s candidacy… Resist Islamophoia… Resist Hindutva. etc.” Throughout the protest march, activists raised slogans against PM Modi and the RSS.

The protest stemmed from the Prime Minister’s remarks made during a rally in Rajasthan’s Banswara, where he hit out at the Congress over its wealth redistribution survey promise and said that the party, if voted to power, would distribute the country’s wealth to “infiltrators” and “those who have more children,” an apparent reference to Muslims. “It will be distributed to the infiltrators. Should your hard-earned money go to the infiltrators? Do you approve of this? The Congress manifesto says they will calculate the gold with mothers and sisters, get information about it, and then distribute that property. They will distribute it to whom? Manmohan Singh’s government had said that Muslims have the first right on the country’s assets,” PM Modi said.

In the wake of the hate speech that sparked widespread outrage across the nation, opposition leaders vehemently criticized PM Modi’s remarks, particularly those aimed at a specific community. Additionally, some leaders also urged the public to petition the Election Commission of India in response to the concerning statements made by the Prime Minister. Previously, the SIO Kerala Unit had also participated in a similar protest at Providence Girls Higher Secondary School in Kozhikode, where students were forbidden from wearing hijabs. The protest highlighted a broader issue regarding religious freedoms within educational environments.

Featured Image Credits: SIO Kerala

Dhairya Chhabra

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From the Dissent Stifling Toolkit

By DU Beat March 14, 2024

With the recent acquittal of former Delhi University Professor G.N. Saibaba after a torturous 10 years of imprisonment under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), we take a look at one of the most important tools in the market of India’s barely-there-democracy: the UAPA.

In the Athenian State of 621 BCE, lived a statesman named Draco. Draco prescribed death for all criminal offences. Laws that were written in blood, not ink. Think of the word ‘draconian’ named after this infamous statesman, but in the Indian context, and perhaps what comes to mind is the notorious Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) of 1967.

Student activist Umar Khalid spent a total of three years behind bars in Tihar, with his bail pleas rejected consistently. The case moved from bench to bench. 84-year-old Stan Swamy, booked under the Bhima Koregaon case during his imprisonment, had asked for a sipper and straw in jail, citing Parkinson’s disease. It took the authorities a month to approve his request. On July 5, 2021, he passed away in jail, still awaiting trial. Journalist Siddique Kappan, on his way to cover the Hathras rape case, was arrested and detained similarly for a period of two years without trial.

What brings these cases together is UAPA. Stringent conditions for bails (the accused will not be given bail if the first impression of the court is that they are guilty), the ability to declare an individual ‘terrorist’, and detention without producing any incriminating evidence have ensured the overturning of the precept of innocent before proven guilty. The investigating agencies are allowed to take up to 180 days even to file a chargesheet, which, in the case of Kappan, he claims to never even have received firsthand.

The process thus becomes the punishment. The asymmetrical power balance between citizen and state is clearly exploited to the citizen’s disadvantage. Dissecting the acquittal judgement of Professor G.N. Saibaba, Karen Gabriel, and PK Vijayan write for The Quint that the law comprises both the set of legislation that the state has to enact and uphold as well as the rules of procedure that the state must adhere to while doing so. They assert, “Procedure is an invaluable protective measure, not an incidental convenience.”

A Brief History

In the year 1967, the Indira Gandhi administration sought to bring out a law against the secessionist activities that the government observed in the country. The Parliament thus passed the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act. What initially emerged as legislation to counter the problem of secessionist tendencies, however, would quickly assume an altogether different colour.

After the Prime Minister’s death and with the advent of the Punjab insurgency, the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities Prevention Act (TADA) was introduced. Criticised widely by human rights organisations for its arbitrary tendencies to centralise the onus of justice, it was later withdrawn. TADA trickled down in 2001 to POTA (the Prevention of Terrorism Act) in 2002, which met with concerns of misuse and was scrapped by the UPA government in 2004. The provisions of POTA, however, were in essence transferred onto the UAPA, which was the first introduction of anti-terrorism into the primarily anti-secessionist legislation. The central government could now overlook rules of evidence when it came to interception of communication and vested in its hands the power to declare any organisation as a terrorist organisation without trial.

In 2008, the Act was further amended to include longer police custody, longer jail time, and harder bail provisions. The latest and most important amendment in 2019 empowered the NIA further and gave the government powers to declare individuals terrorists.

But It Works, Right?

The hardlined stringency should then naturally warrant efficiency in curbing the “disturbances” that it claims to protect us from. The Home Ministry’s 2020 report, on the other hand, tells us that only 212 of the 24000 convicted in UAPA cases in 2016–2020 were found guilty. As Kappan puts it, “a conviction rate of less than 3%.”

Acquitting DU professor G. N. Saibaba, who has been in prison for 3600 days, the Bombay High Court noted:

No evidence has been led by the prosecution by any witness to any incident, attack, act of violence, or even evidence collected from some earlier scene of offence where a terrorist act has taken place, in order to connect the accused to such an act…

The court further stated that there had been an evident “failure in justice” in the flouting of mandatory provisions in Saibaba’s case. The appalling conditions of his imprisonment, along with those of many others, lead one to wonder whether the crushing impact that callous state persecution has on an individual’s life can ever be undone with mere acquittal.

The persecution of intelligentsia, which asks difficult questions of institutions, is no new phenomenon. Considering, however, that as we function under that nimble concept of what is known to some of us as a democracy, the state would do well to clothe its atrocities better and be less conspicuous about them. The UAPA, with its in-your-face authoritarian tendencies, does not seem to be helping in that front.

Deevya Deo
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Mad Women in the Attic: The MH Hostel, A Take

By DU Beat December 15, 2023

This is a narrative of dissent, dissatisfaction, and a culture of resistance.

On a sunny winter morning, five young women sit on the bricked steps of Miranda House (MH) with a single tiffin in their hands. Inside the tiffin are meagre portions of flaxen Lauki and three stiff rotis. This is food they have collected from the hostel mess, and it is food, they decide, that must be served to the college principal. Not out of the graciousness of their hearts but out of an overwrought sense of frustration that they allege has been building up since their first semester at the Miranda House hostel.

Dissent runs rampant in the history of the hostel. The Pinjra Tod movement arrived at its gates in 2018. Demands for the removal of curfews were initially met with a pity extension of 30 minutes. Today, the MH hostel stands as one of the only DU hostels that does not lock up its women at night. The strain of resistance that went into this achievement belongs solely to its residents. Today, however, it has been reduced to a tussle for basic necessities.

Food. It is truly as basic as it gets. The major grievances put forward by the hostel residents include two-pronged complaints of quality and quantity. General complaints of food quality have now pervaded the hostel for quite some time, with instances of people falling ill after having consumed the mess food. In one instance of the burner supposedly having broken down, the residents claim to have been served partially cooked chicken, paneer, and later burned food. On the other hand, I am told that food getting over before the end of meal times is a regular occurrence.

Even as I write this piece, a message circulates in the hostel WhatsApp groups about “uncooked aloo” having been served for dinner. At night, under the lofty palm trees that feature vibrantly in every single equally vibrant photograph of the illustrious institution, residents sit and compare the circumferential edibility of the rotis. Some claim to have stopped eating in the mess altogether.

These grievances are met with rationalisations on the part of the authorities, which residents cite as ranging from “taste is subjective” to, at times, blatant denial. While the gallows-humour approach adopted by the residents is indeed laudable, what of those who cannot afford to eat outside? Must they be punished for entrusting reliance on promised subsidised food and quality residence? A second-year resident aptly asks,

After such a competition to get a seat in the hostel, why do we have to face issues regarding basic things on a regular basis?

Hostellers claim that they are reminded, upon complaints, that they are paying less and hence should learn to adjust. While a comparative analysis of hostel fees in the North Campus domain confirms the assertion that the 27000 (rough per semester standardisation) being paid by Miranda Hostellers is indeed moderate, whether nominal fees are justification enough for compromise on basic tenets of existence is left to the discretion of the reader.

To track the quality of water, some residents recounted a diarrhoea outbreak in the month of January. Such an account is provided with the backdrop of the NAAC visit in mind.

In doing so, residents recall the Student Federation of India’s (SFI) threat to protest in front of the NAAC delegation should their needs remain unmet. The memorandum containing the same was said to have been signed overnight. This raises another point of contention on the part of the hostellers, wherein the authorities are credited with being responsive to concerns, but only after the residents have reached a point of saturation, which only precipitates dissent.

An analysis of this point of contention rings true, as one observes that UV filters have been installed since the last few months had featured reports of illnesses and mass mailing. Rat holes were filled, and hair strands in Dal were addressed with plastic caps for the mess workers. The fact that authorities address issues only in the face of dissent is perhaps emblematic of larger, more systematic problems.

The hostel union, for instance, consists of third- and second-year residents. As a medium of communication between the administration and the residents, the existence of a student body makes complete and perfect sense. What does not, however, make sense is the delegation of responsibilities for looking after the hostel to the students, who are also burdened with their hefty academic degrees, which is what ex-union members allege has been happening. This has led more than once to multiple resignations, even, at one point in time, the dissolution of the union, as well as an unwillingness on the part of the residents to be part of the hostel’s students’ bodies.

It is easy to dismiss these grievances with the refrain of ‘controlled expectations’ from all things ‘Sarkari’. In doing so, however, we reward structural and governmental complacency. Resistance thus has a degree of inflated importance within the walls of the hostel because things are scarcely resolved without it. As residents grapple with the resolution of basic necessities, it only makes sense that they uphold the legacy of the hostel, as they appear to have been doing: the letter accompanying the tiffin calls it “a signal of distress.”

Featured Image Credits: Telegraph India

Deevya Deo
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ABVP Stages Protest at Aryabhatta College

By DU Beat June 25, 2023

The Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad organised a protest at the Aryabhatta College on 21^st June, in order to express concerns regarding student safety and student welfare in the campus. The college administration received condemnation from the protestors for apathy and indifference towards student issues.

On the 21^st of June, the Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) organised a protest at Aryabhatta College in the South Campus of the University of Delhi. The protest was reportedly organised in order to condemn the inability of the college administration to ensure student safety in and around the college campus. On 18^th June, a 19-year-old student named Nikhil Chauhan was allegedly stabbed to death outside the Aryabhatta College. The protestors blamed administrative negligence and poor security conditions around the college campus for the murder.

The protest, which was scheduled at 10:30, finally began at 11:30 and lasted for about 2 hours. The protestors reportedly bolted the college gates, not allowing students and faculty members to enter the campus. The protestors raised ‘vande mataram’ slogans and ‘bharat mata ki jai’ chants while asserting their demands.

The members of the ABVP made a list of demands that included – recruiting more female security guards, ensuring the availability of sanitary pad vending machines, renovating washrooms across the college campus etc. While some of the demands were specific and aimed at student welfare, other demands such as – “proper and strict action should be taken against incapable and abusive admin staff” were vague and incomprehensible. The protestors were mostly men and very few women were present at the site.

A student getting murdered right outside our college is a big deal. This could have been prevented. No action was taken by the admin staff even though they were aware of the fight between the victim and the accused that happened a week before the murder. The administration has been apathetic to student concerns. Students have to struggle for days even to solve minor issues. Our sports ground has been out of use for the past four months. We have made a list of demands addressing these concerns that we intend to place before the principal.” – Tarun Yadav, ABVP President for Aryabhatta College

The students, after staging the protest outside the college, marched inside the campus, raising slogans and vocalising their demands. The members of the ABVP expressed that they intend to place their demands in a meeting with the principal. There was tussle between the members of the admin and the protestors that resulted in chaos. Four representatives of the ABVP finally met with the principal and a meeting was held in order to discuss the concerns raised by the protestors. After the meeting, the members informed the protestors that almost all their demands had been readily accepted by the principal.

There was considerable police presence at the protest site. On being asked about how they feel about the deployment of police forces at the college, an ABVP representative stated that the police was present to help them carry out the protest without interference.

The police forces are not here to suppress our protest. They are here to ensure our security and to prevent any unwanted interference from other parties.” – Tarun Yadav, ABVP President for Aryabhatta College

Featured Image Credits – Pratik for DuBeat

Tulip Banerjee

tulipbanerjee2@gmail.com

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