The University of Delhi has discharged assistant professor Saripalli V Ravikiran amid controversy over references in undergraduate study material. The Delhi University Teachers’ Association (DUTA) announced a one-day strike and total shutdown across the university on 3 November 2026 in response.
Saripalli V Ravikiran, an assistant professor in the Department of Political Science at the Centre for Distance and Online Education (CDOE), formerly known as the School of Open Learning, was discharged by the University of Delhi. The controversy relates to self-learning material prepared by Ravikiran for BA Political Science students. The content reportedly consisted of remarks and references concerning Dr B.R. Ambedkar, women, feminism and terrorism, which drew objections from sections of the university community.
According to the order, the discharge was carried out under Clause 7(9) of Ordinance XVIII and Point No. 7 of the Form of Agreement of Service of College Teachers under the Annexure to Ordinance XII of the university. The CDOE Governing Body recommended the professor’s removal with immediate effect, which the DU Vice-Chancellor, Yogesh Singh, approved.
The order stated that Ravikiran was appointed on 23 May 2023 against an advertisement and joined the university on 29 February 2024. The university stated that his performance during the initial probation period was not satisfactory, following which his probation was extended by one year on 7 February 2025.
According to the order, his performance remained unsatisfactory during the extended probation period, and he was informed of the shortcomings from time to time and apprised of the action being taken by the centre. The university also maintained that the professor was provided with multiple opportunities to submit written explanations and attend personal hearings.
Meanwhile, the DUTA opposed the university’s action and called a one-day strike and total shutdown on 3 November 2026. The decision was taken unanimously at an emergency meeting of the DUTA executive on 2 November, where it was also decided that classes would remain suspended.
DUTA argued that the action was unjust and asked associations to mobilise teachers to ensure participation in the shutdown.
Hindu College staff protest reaches Rashtrapati Bhawan; President’s Secretariat writes to Education Ministry over alleged ECA and Sports admission irregularities.
Delhi University’s Hindu College Staff Association Protest, demanding an independent inquiry into the alleged admission irregularities reached Rashtrapati Bhawan in late October.
The significant development came after Lok Sabha MP Sudhakar Singh, representing Buxar constituency in Bihar and a top leader of Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), joined the staff association protest on 6th October. Sudhakar Singh, after being apprised of the allegations regarding the ECA admission process raised the complaint with the President.
Following this complaint, Rashtrapati Bhawan sent an official communication to the Ministry of Education over alleged excess admissions under sports and ECA quotas. The staff association now awaits the ministry’s response.
The development has raised hope amongst the staff association of an independent enquiry. It has raised expectations of the protesting teachers that the alleged violations in the college’s 2026-27 admission process will be independently investigated. Hindu College’s staff association has been protesting since September 14, alleging that Hindu College admitted more students than the prescribed 20 per cent limit under the combined sports and ECA quotas in B.A. (Honours) Political Science and B. Com (Honours). Apart from admissions, concerns about financial transparency, appointments, procurement and the functioning of the college’s Staff Council have also been raised. The general demand has been greater transparency in administrative decisions.
The staff association had also passed a no confidence motion against the Principal, professor Anju Srivastava, a formal expression that a group has lost trust in the person holding the position of responsibility. The administration response to the protest has involved issuing show cause notices against the protesting teachers, which has been named an attempt to “discourage dissent and suppress their demand”.
The University in response to the admission allegations attributed these discrepancies to a technical glitch in the algorithms used during the admission process, a reasoning that has been rejected as “insufficient” by the staff association.
The recent development has raised expectations amongst the staff association as the ministry’s response is eagerly awaited. It remains to be seen whether the demand for independent enquiry of the association will be met almost two months after the protest began.
Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI) shifts all academic classes to an online mode until further notice. This administrative decision comes as the protest reaches its fourteenth day.
Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI) in New Delhi has officially shifted all academic classes to an online only format until further notice. This administrative decision was triggered by rising tensions on campus, caused by the student-led protest and an indefinite hunger strike that had stretched into its thirteenth day.
The primary catalyst for the agitation is the students’ ongoing demand for the reinstatement of the university’s student union, a body that has remained inactive since being dissolved back in 2006. While the hunger strike continued to draw attention, the campus atmosphere turned volatile following physical confrontations between protesting students, university staff, and security personnel. Reports and footage from the grounds indicated attempts by authorities to dismantle portions of the protest site, which quickly drew sharp backlash from student organisations.
According to an official notice issued by Registrar Prof. Md. Mahtab Alam Rizvi on 24 October, “In view of the ongoing situation and to ensure the safety and security of bonafide students on the university campus, the competent authority, JMI, has decided to conduct classes of all courses of the university through online mode with immediate effect until further notice.” Moving classes online was deemed a necessary precautionary step to safeguard the safety and security of the student body. The administration highlighted concerns regarding campus stability, the preservation of institutional property, and the smooth continuity of the academic calendar.
Student groups like AISA have criticised these actions, especially after the blockage of an emergency gate on campus and the alleged detainment of multiple protestors and hunger strikers.
According to the Hindustan Times, a 22-year-old master’s student, who requested anonymity, alleged that the administration was attempting to divide the student community by using the term “bonafide students.”
The student further added,
The protest has been going on for around two weeks, and students have remained peaceful. People are joining the movement of their own free will. By claiming that the shift to online classes is aimed at ensuring the safety and security of bona fide students, the administration is only trying to divide students who have united to demand the restoration of the students’ union.”
At present, the physical campus remains heavily regulated, with regular teaching entirely moved to an online mode.
Tensions continue to rise at Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI) in New Delhi as student protests demanding the restoration of the Jamia Millia Islamia Students’ Union (JMISU), discontinued since 2006, enter their second week.
Tensions have escalated at Jamia Millia Islamia (JMI) in Delhi as students have intensified campus demonstrations demanding the immediate restoration of the Jamia Millia Islamia Students’ Union (JMISU). Multiple students have been staging a hunger strike since October 12, demanding the restoration of students’ union elections that were last held in 2006. To press for campus democracy and democratic representation, students organised a General Body Meeting (GBM) on campus.
In response to the growing unrest and gathering crowds, the JMI university administration implemented strict security measures to control student movement and limit campus access. Administrative officials sealed an emergency gate with bricks that is situated near the Ibn-e-Sina Block following heightened tensions on campus as the movement progressed. This decision received a large amount of backlash, raising concerns about student safety and movement, because the gate was traditionally used as an emergency passage during monsoons in times when there was severe waterlogging. Additionally, main entry points such as Gate No. 7 were locked, and heavy security personnel were deployed alongside local police officers.
Severe disciplinary action has also been taken. Ebin Basil, the NSUI unit general secretary at JMI, claimed that he received a one-year rustication period and Jasim Ali, a postgraduate student, received a six-month campus ban order. A Jamia unit of the NSUI said, “Approximately 60 security guards, accompanied by the chief proctor and security advisor, arrived at the protest site and forcibly dragged away the students.”
The movement also gained momentum across multiple academic departments. In a show of solidarity, law students from JMI took out a peaceful “black coat” march across campus wearing their official legal attire on Thursday, 22 October.
On the 12th day of the hunger strike, the Rampur MP Maulana Mohibullah Nadvi, a prominent member of the Samajwadi Party, visited the university to extend his solidarity to Jamia students and was detained by the police on 23 October.
In the past week, multiple MPs have written to the Vice Chancellor, Mazhar Asif, demanding restoration of the students’ union and withdrawal of all actions against the students on hunger strike. The situation of the protests within the campus continued on Friday, and a large number of students gathered at Gulistan-e-Ghalib to offer Juma prayers.
Amidst the ongoing protests and hunger strikes, the JMI administration formed a seven-member committee on 17 October to confer with and understand the demands of the student protesters. Further, a committee, chaired by Prof. Zubair Meenai, was created on 21 October. The committee has been tasked with drafting a constitution for the JMISU by 20 December 2026.
Protesters from Jamia Millia Islamia fighting for the establishment of student unions were allegedly manhandled and forcibly evicted at dawn time before being taken into custody following fresh protests at the same university.
An early morning operation at the Jamia Millia Islamia University on Saturday, October 17, witnessed students on hunger strike being forcefully evicted from the protest site by security officials of the university, before police arrest during the protests at the university.
As per The New Indian Express, security personnel arrived at about 5.30 am at the protest site near Gate Number Seven. Allegations from the students were that about 60 security guards, along with the chief proctor and the security advisor of the university, forcibly removed the students’ setup and protesters from the campus.
The students alleged that the eviction exercise involved physical assault and injuries to some protesters. One of the protesters on hunger strike, Ebin Basil, reportedly told The New Indian Express that he was physically assaulted during the eviction. The other hunger striker, Jasim Khan, who started hunger strike on October 12, was reportedly hospitalized.
This incident further sparked more demonstrations, as the students protested against the way in which the hunger strikers were being treated. As per ThePrint, several students were detained when protesters made their way into the university through Gate No. 7. It is reported that those students who were detained were released after around an hour.
The detentions have caused further complications in the case of the protest, as the student organizations questioned the application of force by police. The All India Students’ Association (AISA) called for an investigation regarding the assault on the students and demanded that the chief proctor of the university Asad Malik resign.
However, the administration of the university stated that the security officials of the university used force in self-defense as per The Times of India. In light of conflicting statements from the administration and the students, it is unclear whether any action will be taken against the force used against students.
As long as the slogans of resistance have echoed in the history of our nation, ‘Azaadi’ and ‘Inquilab Zindabad’ have remained at its core. Today, however, the same chants and the same spirit of protesting that had given rise to us as a Sovereign, Socialist, Secular, Democratic, Republic, become the biggest threat to the ‘rulers’ (or in better terms, government) of our land.
The year is 2026, and it is only the second week of October; the year is yet to be over, and the people are yet to be heard. Some decades earlier it was 1975, and it was the early month of March; the Emergency had been declared, and the people were already enraged. About 79 years ago it was 1947, and the month of August; the colonial rule was soon to be over, the people were soon to be heard.
There is never a democracy, at least a true one, where there isn’t dissent. What fundamentally makes a nation a democracy is the existence of a thesis, an anti-thesis, and ultimately a synthesis, in the middle of which functions a government—one that must not only heed to its voters, but also its non-voters and dissenters. It is these dissenters, that often take shape of the opposition party, an Instagram/X page, or people marching on the streets with concrete demands that make the ruling government earn respect; not by brutally detaining the people who march with their voice and placards, but by letting people resist, dissent, and protest, while addressing them democratically.
The changing face of our democracy is probably reflected at its highest coverage in the capital city. For decades, the urban residents of Delhi have quietly witnessed the atrocities breaking across Manipur and Kashmir, along with the labouring and farming class of rural India who have by now learnt to live with internet shutdowns, gunfires, brutal detentions, complete lockdowns, and a long list of restrictions that could be debated as constitutionally wrong—the Delhites remained quiet for they never once believed the same atrocities could come knocking at their doorstep. They, just like all of us, were wrong.
Today is 10th October, 2026, and somehow it feels like the 1920s as a lot of the youth who’ve only heard of those days in the stories, histories, and documentaries of the yesteryears would say. Some have even gone to the extent of calling this a remembrance of Indira Gandhi’s 1975 Emergency, but possibly worse. Shashi Tharoor in his wordplay of affairs writes,
“Gen Z deserves better than an undeclared Emer-GenZ.”
Image Credits: Shashi Tharoor on X
Delhi is officially, on papers, locked down—45 metro stations have been closed, X numbers of individuals from across the city have been detained, leaders of opposition parties like CJP, CPI(M), AISA, and more have been detained, incoming trains have been cancelled, and roads have been closed throughout the city with the Delhi Police doing the best job they have ever done in making sure order, safety, and ruliness is maintained. If this isn’t a declaration of Internal Emergency, one is to wonder what truly is.
Irony remains here, that the citizens who leave the comfort of their homes to walk on the streets amidst the brutal sun and police, are here protesting for answers on the integrity of elections—the same medium through which the current government remains elected by a majority, as they continue to maintain.
Just like the Delhi Police, even the University of Delhi has tried its best to keep its students in the classroom. While Zakir Hussain College (Evening), Satyawati College (Evening), Shaheed Rajguru College of Applied Sciences, and SBSC have let its students stay at home and attend online classes, women’s colleges of Delhi that happen to be regarded as “apolitical spaces” have once again risen to the occasion—Maitreyi College assured double attendance for all students who came to classes while Lady Shri Ram College witnessed more discussion on cancelling its Garba Event than on addressing concerns of offline classes. The issue here is more than just students wanting to attend the protest—DU doesn’t just have hostellers or students occupying nearby PGs, it has a larger number of day scholars who commute from as far as Faridabad and Ghaziabad to the city. With roads closed, main metros restricted, buses a less than feasible option, and Rapidos unable to function without a massive fare hike, the concern is about reaching college on time before the teachers shut the door on your face for an 8:45 A.M. lecture.
Screenshot of a Maitreyi College Official Group Chat (Credits: AISA Maitreyi)
Yet, despite the fear of RAF and CAPF being called in, the attendance bribery offered to students, and the detention of leaders right from their residence or the airport the morning of the protests, people are on the streets. They, however, are confused.
If there’s one thing India should have learnt from its history of protesting, it is that a disorganised movement has no outcome. On the 4th of October, the protestors walking from India Gate to Jantar Mantar, after losing its leader, Neha Bora and her fellow AISA comrades to the detaining police force began to scramble—they ran after the detaining buses shouting and in a spur of confusion ended up getting detained themselves. 10th October, one can only hope, has been different.
Scenes from the 4th October Protest (Credits: Mananya for DU Beat)
Abhijeet Dipke, founder of CJP—detained.
Neha Bora, AISA President—detained.
M.A. Baby, CPI(M) General Secretary—detained.
Ronak Khatri, Ex DUSU President—detained.
Arvind Kejriwal, Ex Delhi CM and National Convenor AAP—detained.
Lawyers and Journalists—detained.
Common People—detained.
While the leaders sit in buses at undisclosed locations, the public, that is, the ordinary people, many of whom have risked travelling from across the city if not other states, remain in a state of perplexity. From Jantar Mantar and ITO to Dilli Haat and Safdarjung Flyover, the people have taken to brainstorming new routes with the city’s auto bhaiyas and rickshawalas being the biggest supporters of the mass resistance. As disorganised as it may be, the people—both the ones sitting in detention vans since 11:30 AM and the ones running from the police and sitting down wherever the protest location next evolves—are angry. In fact, they are furious, tired, and hopeless. They demand a change, one that should be larger than simply a resignation but systematic, and shouldn’t vanish the minute one demand is met. In July it was for NEET. In October it is for Anti-CEC and SIR, and in the future, the right to protest shouldn’t be one that is met with brutality and disapproval, but one that is welcomed with peace, dialogue, resolution, and hopefully a Prime Minister’s Press Conference with media houses that are yet to be bought—a utopia, one day we hope our nation achieves.
As 10th October slowly closes and midnight approaches, one is to wonder, if at the stroke of midnight, Delhi will awaken to lesser restrictions and more freedom to dissent. If at every moment of dissent the government calls machinery of the state like the Police and Army to back it up at the cost of brutality towards its dissenting citizens, who will suffer—their non-dissenting citizens. If this is indeed the State’s ‘divide and rule’ policy: that they shall use the “inconvenience” caused by the protesting public to the non-protesting crowd, then one is to wonder about the success rates of it.
Today the protest may die down. Tomorrow it will rise again. Today might’ve been a Saturday with fewer offices and colleges open. Monday will be a weekday with more offices and colleges open.
One can only hope that the people stay, no matter the level of brutality, detention, and hiding away of leadership. One can only hope that this rage at being attacked, simply for being on the streets demanding accountability for a wrong, can be cultivated into a peaceful resistance that is met with systematic changes and not the sacrifice of only one member of the ruling party. It is through these hopes that protests like these sustain, and when a country finally awakens after years of being silent, one can expect the government to finally realise that its people will be exhausted, not by the protests, but by their lack of empathy, response, and accountability.
Students of the Delhi School of Journalism protested, demanding the resignation of OSD Dr. Sanjay Verma over alleged gender and caste discrimination, alongside fundamental changes in faculty recruitment, internal assessments, student funds, and infrastructure facilities.
On October 8, 2026, students of the Delhi School of Journalism (DSJ), University of Delhi, organized a walkout during a lecture part of the weekly lecture series, as soon as the Officer on Special Duty (OSD), Dr. Sanjay Verma, took the stage for his address. The students stood on their seats, raised posters and slogans for the resignation of Dr. Verma, before proceeding to walk out in front of the dignitaries and guest speakers.
The students allege persistent gender-based harassment, including the use of sexist, abusive language; gender harassment; and psychological torture specifically targeted against female students. The students have also accused the faculty and administration of engaging in caste vilification, victimisation of marginalized students, as well as breaches of academic ethics that warrant immediate punitive termination.
The professors allegedly threatened students with academic failure and arbitrary marks if they challenged authority.
The students have also raised concerns regarding arbitrary evaluation and opaqueness in the calculation of Internal Assessment marks, demanding a standardised, transparent grading measure to avoid personal vendettas and institutional corruption. Moreover, the lack of transparent re-checking and re-evaluation procedures makes students vulnerable to malicious grading. Students also allege manipulation of attendance records and are raising demands for a real-time, tamper-proof digital attendance portal to prevent arbitrary academic disqualifications.
The students have also raised complaints regarding infrastructure collapse, especially the uninhabitable state of female washrooms. According to the students, the female washrooms lack locks, have shattered doors, and are unhygienic, exposing students to privacy breaches and health hazards. Students also report a lack of basic medical or first-aid facilities, hazardous electrical wiring, broken furniture, and decayed academic spots.
According to the students, the media studio lacks any operational functionality, alongside a deficiency of basic functional laboratories such as broadcast production, digital editing, and audio engineering, creating obstacles in practical media training.
Additionally, students have to rely on contaminated or non-functional drinking water units due to negligence in servicing water coolers. The students also report heavy library fees despite limited access to research databases, literature, or physical infrastructure.
According to a student, the college lacks basic infrastructure, which negatively affects academics. Despite repeated complaints, the authorities have not taken any action, which affects students’ overall college experience. The student asked the authorities how long they would have to wait before any serious steps are taken.
However, the authorities refused to negotiate with the students, and the lectures reportedly continued to function normally despite students carrying out the protest. From the college campus, the protest moved to the Vice-Chancellor’s office as students raised demands for reform. According to many students, these instances of gender and caste discrimination have been occurring for over a year with no action by the authorities. The protest was then joined by the Vice President of Delhi University Students’ Union, Deepanshu Shokeen, who reportedly broke the college gate lock to enter the premises, and the Joint Secretary, Lakshay Raj Singh.
A team of students’ representatives was later allowed to meet the Dean of Students’ Welfare as they raised their concerns and demanded immediate reforms, including the resignation of Dr. Sanjay Verma. The students later returned to the college with the reassurance of an inquiry into the matter.
Delhi Police detained over 700 protesters, including opposition leaders and student activists, on October 2, as roads were sealed and Metro stations shut ahead of a demonstration at Jantar Mantar.
Delhi Police detained over 700 protesters on Friday, 2 October, as demonstrators attempted to reach Jantar Mantar to demand the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar over alleged irregularities in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. According to Outlook, protesters put the figure at over 600 by the afternoon, while police officials later estimated around 700. Earlier reports, including one by The Logical Indian, cited more than 100 detentions.
Among those detained were Aam Aadmi Party leaders Atishi, Saurabh Bharadwaj and Sanjay Singh, All India Students’ Association (AISA) president Neha Bora, activist Yogendra Yadav and RJD’s Manoj Jha. According to South First, CPI(M)’s MA Baby and Brinda Karat, along with SFI and NSUI members, were also held. DY365 reported that some detainees were taken to the Badarpur and Outer North Delhi police stations, while Atishi posted from Fatehpur Beri police station.
The Week reported that around 350 students and activists had set out from the Vice-President’s House but were stopped before reaching the site. The Quint reported that 50-60 people continued protesting around Janpath.
Police had imposed prohibitory orders under Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita across the New Delhi district. It was reported by sources that 11 Metro stations were closed, internet services were suspended in and around Jantar Mantar, and Delhi Police, the Rapid Action Force and the CRPF were deployed. Police denied permission for the gathering.
The Logical Indian reported that an AISA delegation had submitted an intimation to the Parliament Street police station earlier in the week. Bharadwaj said police told protesters that permission had not been granted, and questioned why it was required at a designated protest site.
Bora alleged that police dragged citizens off the streets, and claimed on X that detained protesters were being released by people on the streets. The SFI alleged a “mass crackdown” on its activists. The Delhi Police had not issued an official count or detailed statement at the time of publication, according to the reports reviewed.
The Print reported of a similar protest on 25 September that had also led to detentions. A parallel demonstration was held at Mumbai’s Shivaji Park under heavy police deployment.
Clashes erupted across DU’s North Campus during the final day of DUSU campaigning; a teacher from Motilal Nehru College was allegedly assaulted.
On 16th September, the final day of campaigning for the Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) elections, physical clashes were reported at several locations. A brawl broke out between two election-party member groups at the North Campus around 5 p.m. A student campaigner allegedly assaulted a teacher at Motilal Nehru College (Evening).
Faculty members at Motilal Nehru College said campaigners clashed with teachers while attempting to enter the premises and that several teachers were injured. More clashes were reported at Sri Aurobindo College, while altercations were reported at other colleges as well.
Faculty members at the college staged a protest following the incident and demanded action against the student. The demands remain intact as both the faculty and administration demand judicial punishment and justice for the heinous act. Faculty members also said they were considering filing a police complaint andboycotting election-related duties, according to the PTI.
A teacher said that the faculty member who was allegedly assaulted was seriously injured and was receiving medical attention.
A DUSU campaigner beat a faculty member. He is grievously injured and is receiving medical attention”,
the teacher told PTI.
Due to the physical altercations, several students and campaigners were mobilised in a single area near the arts faculty. The state police and security guards also got involved to resolve the confrontation. Unfortunately,faculty members could not immediately establish which student organisation the alleged campaigner represented.
Sources told Times Now that the altercation intensified as rival groups barged through the main gate. Teachers who intervened were allegedly hit repeatedly by campaigners.
Denouncing the incident, the Delhi University Teachers’ Association (DUTA) termed it a “grave” infringement of teachers’ safety and dignity, and sought disciplinary and legal recourse against those responsible.
No election-related activity should be permitted to compromise the safety, dignity or academic functioning of the college community”,
DUTA said.
The police and the administration are yet to resolve the matter, with further action against those responsible for the violent brawl much awaited.
The Allahabad High Court on Wednesday quashed Noida Police’s detention of a DU Law student and activist, Aakriti Chaudhary, under the National Security Act (NSA).
Aakriti Chaudhary, a 25-year-old history graduate from Delhi University, who recently enrolled in Law, was accused of instigating arson and stone-pelting by industrial workers during a protest in the city on April 13 demanding an increase in minimum wages.
She was arrested on April 12 before the unrest near Botanical Garden and has been behind bars ever since.
Aakriti was named in 11 FIRs, and a month later, the NSA was invoked against her.
While the court’s order has set aside her NSA detention, describing it as “arbitrary and vague”, it does not automatically bring an end to the FIRs in which she was arrested.
Her lawyer, Manik Gupta, said Aakriti had been arrested in multiple FIRs linked to the episode. She has secured bail in some of the cases, but remains in custody as proceedings in others continue.
Out of the 11 FIRs against her, Aakriti has secured bail in five FIRs, while six bail pleas are yet to be heard in the High Court
The police also allegedly relied on WhatsApp groups of which Choudhary was a member. Gupta said these were old groups comprising Delhi University students and that, despite having access to her phone, the police could not produce before the court any message or video showing her calling for violence.
Aakriti’s counsel Manik Gupta said police had failed to produce any evidence in court to support their arguments that she was instrumental in instigating mobs on April 13. Pointing to all the “illegalities” of the state police and showed photos of the Karawal Nagar event where children participated in a cultural programme, being framed as a conspiracy meeting.
Allowing her habeas corpus plea after finding several procedural lapses when it examined the sequence of her arrest and issuance of notices by police under BNSS, a division bench of Justices Atul Sreedharan and Achal Sachdev ordered compensation of Rs 5 lakh for Aakriti and directed her immediate release if arrest was not warranted in any other case.
For Aakriti, however, the legal battle is far from over. While the DU student still awaits a trial in the remaining FIRs, she is still actively advocating for the trials of other people detained and arrested in the Noida Protest.
