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The 8 PM curfew at the KG Hostel, IPCW, not only restricts the students’ basic freedoms, but also shrinks their lives.

 

College hai ya cage?” – anonymous 

 

The curfew time of the girls hostel at Indraprastha College for Women has always been 8 PM. But the ever-so-generous college administration allowed students to walk within the college campus till 11 PM. Only recently, this provision was revoked. Now, students living in the hostel cannot venture into the college premises after 8 PM. The explanation granted was that some students had been seen loitering around the campus past 11 PM, which was outrageous, of course. For fear of this piece turning into yet another personal rant on why I am aggressively opposed to curfews, I spoke to students at IPCW to know how they’ve been faring with this change. 

 

When asked what they feel about the curfew timings, one of the students, Shruti*, said,  

 

Earlier, I didn’t really mind the curfew at 8 PM. I enjoyed going out for walks on the college premises after dinner. My friends and I would buy ice cream from the vendors at the gates. But now that we aren’t even allowed out of the hostel gates after 8, I feel suffocated. It’s an outright brutal move. I feel like I am held captive, caged. It feels like I am back home with the restrictions that my parents imposed.”

 

The curfew grossly hinders students’ academic opportunities. Riya* shared, 

 

Classes end around 5 PM; if I pursue any extracurricular endeavour or offline internship, it gets very difficult for me to be back to the hostel in time. My friend couldn’t take evening coaching classes because the duration between the end of daily classes and curfew wasn’t enough for her to make the journey back and forth.”

 

Aradhya* shared that she harbours no hope from the hostel administration for any change. 

 

You know, we have tried to be radical; we questioned why there needs to be a curfew at all in the first place. We signed a letter demanding a change in timings. All we got in response was a meeting with the warden in which we were told that the curfew could not be done away with as it was for our ‘own good’. It is the same old template of response. I am exhausted. So, now I have come to make peace with it. It would be better if special provisions could be made so curfew can be delayed when a student is pursuing an internship or part-time job.”

 

Shruti* also commented, 

 

I understand that the hostel administration is responsible for our safety, and hence, they feel that curfew is the perfect solution for ensuring that nothing ‘untoward’ happens. But, at least the curfew could be delayed till 10:30 PM every day. I know well enough that it’s wishful thinking. I am thinking of moving out of the hostel in my 3rd year.”

 

In the year 2018-19, within the ambit of the Pinjra Tod movement, students at Miranda House had successfully protested to end the stringent curfew restrictions. Today, the students I spoke to displayed no such resolve. The presence of a stifling institutional mechanism (and a relentlessly indifferent principal) has ebbed their will to keep calling out to deaf ears. They don’t outright reject the curfew but rather request a delay in the curfew timings. Resignation and hopelessness for any change ring heavy in their voice. 

 

Shilpa Phadke writes in ‘Why Loiter’ that a woman’s presence in a public place is fraught with anxiety, an anxiety to prove their reason for being there. Women always act busy in public. It is a performance. A woman without a visible, obvious purpose is seen as soliciting.  While the men, of course, lounge around gawking at every passerby. Why is it that women cannot simply loiter? At a time when the whole of the country has come together in solidarity to demand safety for all, one wonders when women will be able to truly reclaim the night. When will the women loiter? 

 

*Names have been changed to maintain the anonymity of students. None of them were comfortable with their names being used in this piece. They did not want to get into ‘trouble’.

 

Featured image credits : TimesContent

 

Read Also : Mad Women in the Attic: The MH Hostel, A Take

 

Chetna Rani

[email protected] 

Since its debut in 2015, the NIRF has faced ongoing criticism and controversy. Regardless of its widespread criticism, it still continues to be a significant factor in choosing universities and colleges by the students. With the release of the NIRF rankings for 2024, students reflect on the human cost that they hide and the attempt to ‘cover up’.

Trigger Warning:  Mention of suicide

Established by the former Ministry of Human Resources and Development (MHRD) in 2015, the National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF) is a ranking system responsible for annually ranking the various colleges and universities of India on the basis of varied weightage accorded to five parameters, namely: Teaching, Learning, and Resources (30 per cent); Research and Professional Practice (30 per cent); Graduation Outcomes (20 percent); Outreach and Inclusivity (10 per cent); and Perception (10 per cent). The NIRF has been challenged by several scholars and stakeholders in the university space for its one-for-all approach that it imposes on all institutions without taking into consideration the differences in their funding, ownership, location, and courses offered. Further, the ranking methodology has also been widely debated on the basis of lack of verification of the data sent by colleges, lack of qualitative parameters, negligence of inclusivity as a significant factor, and artificial or selective student responses for a better perception score.

Infographic about the NIRF rankings parameters

Image Credits: Factly.in

Though the colleges of Delhi University have been ranked highly in NIRF rankings, concerns persist about the credibility of these rankings. Issues such as the displacement of ad-hoc professors and the increasing corporatization of the academic environment highlight a significant gap between the reported rankings and the on-the-ground reality. Since permanent faculty appointments began in 2022 in DU, the Philosophy Department of Hindu College experienced a tragic case when Prof. Samarveer Singh took his life in 2023 after being displaced twice from his position. Despite this “alleged” institutional death and the precarity of academics in the college and the university, the ranking system clearly failed to reflect this. 

I saw top professors like Prof. Samarveer Singh being displaced. Both students and faculty complained about the heavy curriculum, administrative burdens, poor infrastructure, and irregular classes. If those who drive the institution are exhausted, how did we rank first? This suggests that NIRF’s priorities are misplaced and don’t reflect the real well-being of its stakeholders.

– A recent graduate from Hindu College

On further asking about the availability of accommodation facilities in the college, they added,

I remember outstation students struggling with poor living conditions due to inadequate hostel facilities. The college lacked a boys’ hostel and the girls’ hostel, outsourced to private entities, had exorbitant fees. A friend at Hindu died from jaundice due to poor water quality in the residential areas. I often wonder if he’d still be here if the college had provided better, affordable hostels.

Further, reports have also pointed out how NIRF rankings not only allow but may actively encourage privatization of higher education through their criteria.  On asking from another final- year student from Hindu College (identity withheld for the sake of anonymity), they added,

Most academic blocks at Hindu, including the Sanganeria Science block and the new faculty room, are privately owned. The research center is also owned by Relaxo. The new boys’ hostel, the only one in DU backed by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs, also includes a 500-seat auditorium. However, its potential may again mirror issues of higher fees as seen with the privately owned Smt. Indu Punj Girls’ Hostel.

Grafitti found at Hindu College

Image Credits: Anonymous

In several highly ranked institutions, such as St. Stephen’s, Lady Shri Ram, Hansraj, and Kamla Nehru College, there have been recent incidents of infrastructure failures, including collapsing ceilings, bathroom stalls, and falling fans, which have severely harmed students. Regardless of the severity of the injury caused by these collapses, the rankings of these colleges have remained unaffected, raising questions whether the safety of students’ lives is at all a concern of the NIRF.

Atma Ram Sanatan Dharam College (ARSD) has made efforts to address violent student politics, but its infrastructure remains inadequate and unsafe. The old academic block has cramped classrooms, and the new block, which is still under construction, is extremely fragile. The auditorium, used as a storeroom with broken chairs, has been unfinished for years, with no interest from the administration in completing it. The NIRF rankings overlook these issues and fail to verify the college’s research claims. ARSD’s research facilities and UGC-recommended internships, particularly for humanities students, also fall short compared to other colleges.

-A recent graduate from ARSD

Government ranking frameworks have also been scrutinized due to significant state involvement and potential for corruption, leading to concerns about “gift bags” being given to the authorities conducting these surveys.  Additionally, despite NIRF’s claims of inclusivity, most of its top-ranked colleges are located in North India, with not a single institution from the North-Eastern states appearing at the top. This regional imbalance highlights the NIRF’s failure to implement an inclusive methodology that accounts for differences in ownership, course offerings, and the varying levels of funding received by institutions from state governments and the UGC.  Furthermore, the ‘outreach and inclusivity’ scores for various top institutions in the NIRF remain unchanged despite the absence of functional Women’s Development Cells, Queer Collectives, Equal Opportunity Cells, and SC-ST Cells.

With universities facing threats from privatization, alleged political interference in faculty appointments, limited academic freedom, and severe challenges for students and professors there is a critical need for a more independent, transparent, and inclusive ranking system. Moreover, the focus on celebrating rankings reduces the development of institutions to mere attainment of these rankings which contradicts the purpose of university education. This competitiveness often leads to increased privatization and demands for institutional autonomy, ultimately resulting in higher fees for the students. Hence, the methodology of these ranks fosters a culture of hedonistic celebrations and creates a façade of prestige rather than encouraging critical reflection needed to address the genuine precarity faced by students and academics. 

Read Also: Beyond the Numbers: Understanding and Evaluating the Credibility of NIRF Rankings

Featured Image Credits: Devesh Arya for DU Beat

Vedant Nagrani

[email protected] 

 

 

Despite its high brand value, DU’s limited financial aid creates a privilege bias, preventing many talented students from middle and lower-class backgrounds from participating in international competitions. The Dean Students’ Welfare has existed since years, but how much of ‘actual welfare’ has it offered to the students in need? 

Founded in 1922, the University of Delhi has evolved through various eras since its inception. The education system has modernized, with the university keeping up with updates like the implementation of the NEP. However, outdated traditions and a lack of liberal mindset still prevents a lot of students from pursuing and succeeding in competitions they only can dream of. While the authorities celebrate university’s major jump to 328th position in the QS World Universities rankings, a lot of cards are still left to be explored. Research plays an integral part when it comes to university rankings. But are the students on campus receiving the benefits and research opportunities they really wish to pursue? 

My own experience illustrates the broader issue of inadequate financial aid at DU. In July 2024, I received an acceptance letter to HPAIR’ 24 Asia Conference (Harvard Project on Asian and International Relations). Lacking a dedicated funding cell in my college (ILC, Faculty of Law), I sought assistance from the Dean Students’ Welfare (DSW). Unfortunately, the officials informed me that no financial aid was available,

We don’t have any such provisions for funding students.

The situation becomes even more significant to address when almost Rs. 16,980 are being extracted as the “University Welfare Fund” and Rs. 10,000 are extracted as “Faculty/ Department/ Student Welfare Fund” (According to the prospectus of BA/BBA LLB 2023-24). As a law student in the five-year integrated program, it was shocking to find when the application for financial aid was rejected, with the department citing a lack of provision for funding university students. Ironically, despite extracting substantial amounts from student fees, the department has not yet established a scheme to provide financial assistance to students. Another student from Faculty of Law adds,

As per my knowledge, there is no source of funding here in Faculty of Law. There is a common budget that DU divides amongst its colleges which is further distributed among the college societies and administration. We hardly get anything.

Similar observations can be noticed in the case of Faculty of Technology where students pursuing B.Tech  are paying the same amount for welfare fund.

It is well-known that student societies and cells at DU often struggle with insufficient funding. As a result, these societies often have to rely on their own initiatives, such as hosting inter-college competitions and conferences to raise funds for annual events. On speaking to a few students and alumni of Delhi University, results reveal how the majority doesn’t even know what DSW is. 

Is this something that exists in every college? To be honest, I didn’t even know that something like that exists. As far as competitions and events are concerned, we don’t receive any financial aid from JMC.

-Anonymous (Jesus and Mary College)

While colleges like Hindu have established scholarships for academic achievers, support for competitions and events remains limited.

No, the college doesn’t have a separate society that looks over financial aid for students and we did not reach out to DSW for any help regarding the same.

-Jogaram, a student from Hindu College

While some colleges do offer financial aid, the question remains: Is this support genuinely effective, or is it merely a facade of administrative formality?

Venky has a financial cell, though I don’t know its name. We didn’t need to approach the dean; a Google form was circulated for the application. The freeship is granted based solely on financial conditions such as family income and the death of a father, so there is no competitive process. A friend of mine received the aid, but only half of the fee was waived—despite having no father. The assistance ranged from 30-45% based only on family income. 

-Azmat, a student from Sri Venkateswara College

Research is a crucial factor in university rankings. Delhi University, with its diverse student body, faces a pressing need to enhance financial support tailored to the specific requirements of each academic discipline.  Law students encounter substantial costs for participating in international moot court and negotiation competitions, while commerce students require significant funding for start-ups, incubation programs, and other competitions. Each academic discipline has specific financial requirements. In enabling students to achieve global recognition and enhance the university’s prestige, Delhi University still struggles to provide adequate financial aid and support mechanisms to students.

Read also: DU’s Trend of Collapsing Ceilings Follows St. Stephen’s

Featured Image Credits:  Abhishek Kumar (Google)

Samvardhan Tiwari

[email protected]

 

 

 

The crowded lanes near NG Acharya and DK Marathe College in Mumbai saw a flashback of the memories of 2023. Students took to protests after the college released a notice prohibiting women from wearing burqa/niqab/hijab and ‘revealing’ dresses to maintain uniformity and give them ‘a taste of corporate life’. As the institutional regulation of women’s clothes continues, can we ever be free?

Image Source: The Indian Express

NG Acharya and DK Marathe College, Mumbai banned the students from wearing a hijab or revealing clothes, through a circular released on June 27, 2024. The proposed action by the college administration included prohibiting students from wearing burqas, niqabs, hijab, badges, caps and stoles that could reveal their religious identity. The decision was justified by the authorities on the grounds of abolishing all sorts of discrimination and ensuring uniformity and discipline among them. The step was taken to imbibe professionalism in the students, also forbidding them from wearing ‘revealing and indecent clothes.’ Nine students were particularly dismayed, they challenged the decision and filed a petition which led the Supreme Court to stay the order.    

 

Dress codes in educational institutions have always been a source of conflict. Imposing restrictions and setting a code of conduct regarding dresses to be worn have challenged the basic right of students to wear an attire of their choice. A dialogue with the students of Kamala Nehru College gave a clear image of the importance of this freedom.

 

It’s liberating for the students, particularly for women, as they can wear what they are comfortable in and create an environment that fosters a broad thinking of the worldview,

mentioned a student. 

 

Another student considered it a privilege to be a part of DU, saying, 

 

I have the liberty to choose clothes according to my body shape and size without being conscious about it. School uniforms were usually uncomfortable. 

 

In conversation with DU Beat, Adv. Nivedita Pandit suggested,

 

Hijab ban is not the solution. Rather, at the college level, it should be a choice and not a compulsion. To deal with the issue of non-college students entering the college, it must have proper security checks and student IDs. Moreover in today’s high-tech time, one should incorporate a thumbprint scanner, still, if someone is found without an ID on college premises, then strict action should be taken against them.

 

There has been a constant assumption by authorities and administrations that making women wear non-revealing clothes can ensure safety and security while on their own or traveling. While they claim to empower women, these restrictions actually stand as an obstacle in their lives. In the past, women’s actions have been dictated by men, considered to be the breadwinners of their families. They made decisions for the women, thus restricting their agency over their own lives. This is the reality of many women even today, and these institutional authorities are equally guilty in perpetuating the same.

 

DU professors shared their opinions on the steps taken by the college. In conversation with DU Beat, a journalism professor from Kamala Nehru College completely disagreed with the decision and mentioned, 

 

These are contradictory statements given by the college where students are prohibited from wearing revealing clothes and at the same time covering their head. Their definition of ‘decent dressing’ isn’t correct.

 

Another professor commented, 

 

 Students must enjoy the freedom they get in college after high school and all kinds of restrictions they go through in school life. Self-discipline must be imparted in students instead of dictating rules for them.

 

 Minisha Afroz, a student of Kamala Nehru College expressed her disappointment by saying, 

 

I am proud to be a part of this unbiased institution where we practice inclusivity and I get to wear a hijab without thinking twice. We take pride in each other’s culture and don’t have norms to hold us back. Providing education to students irrespective of what they wear and their religious identities should be the top priority of a college.

 

In 2023, a similar incident had occurred in several medical colleges in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh, particularly Gandhi Medical College, Andhra Medical College, and Osmania Medical College. Students were made to follow strict dress codes including prohibition of tights and sleeveless dresses for women. Meanwhile, male students were asked to wear formal clothing and black leather shoes.

 

In medical institutions, students are required to follow the norm to uphold the professionalism demanded by their field. But arbitrary dress-codes challenge women’s decision-making power over the kind of clothes they wear. The authorities have always been a legislative body for school and college-going women. If not the authorities, the school/college administration takes up the role.

  

It’s hard to believe that it has been decades and not a single place has witnessed all the women being confident about what they wear, without being conscious of their skirts or backless tops. Every year, while the country celebrates independence, women are yet to find their freedom.

 

Read also: Sexism in Kirori Mal College B.Sc Courses 

 

Featured Image Credits: Hindustan Times

 

Taruni Banerjee

[email protected] 

The policy-behemoth of 2020, the NEP, has begun to seep into the cogwheels of the state machinery, and an ugly picture now stands before us. Has the NEP oiled the machine or soiled it?

With its first major revision since 1986, the New Education Policy of India (NEP), cradling promises to remedy the fractured education system and its often dysfunctional multiplicity of boards, targeted skill-sets and examination protocols, has finally started to lose moss as it roars down the steep slope of universities and schools dotting the Indian landscape alike, and needless to say, it poses the threat to obliterate the status-quo hitherto observed. The question remains whether an overhaul of such prodigious proportions should be a welcome change. Do Indian institutions, and in fact, the institute that is India itself, possess the capacity to contain it and not crumble in the process? Perhaps a fortification is imperative. Have we given the political and academic structures adequate time to recalibrate and fortify themselves in order to welcome the change? 

Indeed, having to model the Indian paradigm of education after the Americans presents appealing prospects to those who wish to pursue their higher education abroad. Statistically, we must determine how much of the student population that truly represents. One need not resort to the numbers, however, to infer that it must not constitute a generous portion of the Indian-student demographic. A disparate wealth distribution in the Indian economy continues to persist, consequently shutting a devastating majority of the population out from access to foreign lands. Education in the UK and the US for just one year is almost as expensive as an Indian’s kidney, if one were to pardon the conceit.  Within India itself, private universities cost as much over the course of four years. We may safely say that the structure under the NEP, benefits only a microscopic percentage of Indian students. Simultaneously, it insinuates certain cultural and ideological conflicts. 

Of course, change is daunting, abrasive at times. I desire to direct our attention to the realised change therefore; that is where the NEP stands, four years after its conception and more than  a year after it having been implemented. Lying beyond the theoretical assent and dissent, how has the change shaped itself in practice? 

The syllabi structured under the NEP have introduced subjects such as GE (Generic Elective), SEC (Skill Enhancement Course), VAC (Value Added Course), AEC (Ability Enhancement Course) with the respective departments offering choices from a pool of courses. Some of these courses such as “The Art of Being Happy” may be taught by professors of any and all departments! The obverse side of the coin parades this as ‘holistic development’ that should buttress an individual’s employability. The reverse, practical side of this coin reveals a diluted core syllabus and therein the concomitant and ironic risk of a half-baked education. Can subjects such as ‘Sports for Life’ or ‘Personality Development’ substantially better the depth of a student’s learning, especially at the University level, where courses are supposed to be rather rigorous and demanding? 

Professor Debraj Mookerjee, Associate Professor of English at Ramjas College, reflecting on the Economics Honours syllabus for St. Xavier’s University, Kolkata, says,

Of the eight courses being taught, only one is in the Honours subject paper…are the students learning enough about the core subjects to make them optimally employable? Can the other subjects not be self-learnt in the age of the internet?

A 3rd Year English Honours Student at the University of Delhi, Pema Choekyi Thongdok, in conversation with DU Beat, echoes the same concern

Also, while one may argue that papers like yoga, sports, etc. do help in extra-curricular development, I still believe that this should be the choice of the student. A student should not be forced to study a whole new paper, simply in the name of “holistic development”, if it wouldn’t even be of any help to them in the future.

A critically upsetting point that Pema raises is that these subjects, with the exception of the GE courses, may not be repeated after one semester of having studied it. How does one fathom the idea of learning a subject well enough within the span of four months, with six other such courses to cater to, including 3 core papers, to find any practical or academic use for it later in life? If the practical use is eliminated entirely, an academic use is tenuously possible. Even in that scenario, additional rigorous research must be done to develop a scholarly understanding of the topic in the first place. This research shall only be the qualifying pre-requisite and no more. 

Highlighting another pitfall of this system, Shivam Bhanushali, Assistant Professor of English, B.N.N College ventures,

The policy’s emphasis on student choice in subject selection is commendable. However, large class sizes and an uneven teacher-student ratio make it difficult to offer diverse options. This can lead to schools prioritising feasibility over student preferences, potentially hindering the policy’s objective.

The cause behind such a butchered syllabus coupled with an equally ignominious execution may be ascribed to the inadequate workforce in terms of, on one hand, administrative sections that must be reconditioned to accommodate the changes in the dealings with students and a largely under-equipped faculty.

Many of the universities are facing problems because they do not have the manpower required for proper implementation. This programme has many sub-sections like value-added and skill-based courses. If institutes want to offer these courses, they need to have proper departments in the university.

 says Professor Imankalyan Lahiri, Department of International Relations, Jadavpur University. 

Taking this argument further, Priyanka Mukherjee, third year journalism student at Delhi College of Arts and Commerce laments

NEP, while it boasts of introducing “practical aspects” into the syllabus, doesn’t take into account that several DU colleges lack the basic infrastructure to even accommodate a media lab in their premises.

 In the recent fee hike at JNU and DU postgraduate and doctorate programmes, one of the contentions seemed to be a constantly failing infrastructure that did not reflect or justify the increased fees. If colleges were not being able to handle infrastructural demands even before the NEP was implemented, it is only natural for a massive bottleneck to have been birthed in the wake of NEP’s structural reform demands. For instance, one of the AEC papers offered under the NEP syllabus is “Environmental Science – Theory Into Practice”. As an unfortunate victim of the NEP myself, I may assuredly proclaim that there was nothing generally practical about the course structure exempting the practical waste of my precious time as an honours student. The “practicals” prescribed in the syllabus decreed the making of a practical file, with an arbitrary number of experiments left to the discretion of the teacher responsible for teaching it and a viva-voce at the end of the semester. I trust you have understood that there were no opportunities created for us that warranted leaving the four-walls of the classroom or our living accommodations. Unless I am practically delirious, it bothers me that there are no realised practical, or hands-on aspects to courses that purport to be largely practical. 

Under the NEP, one may skip completely their Master’s and appear for the UGC-NET provided they can meet the criteria of a “minimum of 75% marks or equivalent grades in their four-year undergraduate course”. Additionally, the UGC has already scrapped the M.Phil degree entirely. Commenting on this, Professor Saswata Bhattacharya, Associate Professor of English at Deshbandhu College, University of Delhi, in conversation with Times of India, says,

The 4th year requires a student to acquaint themselves with research methodology and research work. The papers that they have, were previously a part of M.Phil courses, let alone M.A. Speaking of their M.A. courses, which they may now skip, they have a one year programme with not more than 8-10 papers. We had a minimum of 12-16. The length of their M.A courses have been effectively halved. I can vouch for the paramount importance of a two-year course for their M.A. Students who have been introduced to a specialised discipline only recently, and have been studying it for not more than 3-4 years, will find themselves severely ill-suited for serious research. In fact, a 2 year M.Phil course after their master’s helps bridge the large gap in the nature and workload between a Master’s and PhD course.

The hoped expedite is not so much an expedition as it is a hindrance; the process leaves students insufficiently armed and unable to ease into the succeeding steps of their lives. Professor Biswajit Mohanty exposes a dangerous area of quicksand in the exit policy of the NEP undergraduate programmes.

The exit policy is clearly disadvantageous for the underclass category students because it is easy to exit and difficult to gain re-entry into the system, considering the fact that the poor students would find it burdensome to expend energy and financial resources for four years to get the desired degree. Earlier three years seemed achievable but it seems a distant goal for them. This has manifested in the form of one of my students from Rajasthan now contemplating a move to SOL as he cannot afford to study in Delhi because of his family’s financial situation. This will also be disadvantageous for girls, as they would be the first to be taken out of school.

Certainly, given the India now, in an attempt to dig new pathways, the NEP has run the drills under whole residential areas without relocating the inhabitants. It has done so under the influence of a flimsy vision and a threadbare execution. The damage control has been pitiful because it lacks the work-force and the resources to acquire said workforce. In simple words, India is not ready to so radicalise its educational wireframe. It is not simply the universities that have failed, but the government responsible for funding them. “It is, however, not a big surprise that the present government has implemented yet another ambitious policy without taking into account the ground-reality of our academic institutions.” concludes Priyanka. While the students suffer from not having been eased into degrees in a rush to acquire them, the academic institutions suffer from not having been eased into the NEP. One cannot deny the NEP’s transformative capacity. However, a ceramic bowl cannot contain oversized bricks. There is hope for the NEP, but the damage done to the first batches in its inchoate stages seems irremediable. 

Read Also : The Good, Bad, and the NEP: A Far Dream?

Featured Image Credits : The Times Of India Website

 

Aayudh Pramanik

[email protected] 

Sorry, the old RaGa cannot come to the PressCon right now. Why? Oh, cause he’s dead. Let’s explore his journey from the Prince of Political Dynasty, to Pappu, and then Beyond.

Perhaps one of the most interesting things about the General Elections of 2024 was the escalated and expeditious participation from Generation Z, a large strata of whom finally got a direct vote in the election of the Government. This participation was also rooted in the Twitteratis and their constant political pundit-esque commentary that remained persistent throughout this apparent festival of democracy. From the viral “Dimple Bhabhi Hatiye…” tweet to the pookie-fication of Narendra Modi, nobody escaped the brunt of the internet folks. A leading player in the battle for the seat of prime minister was Rahul Gandhi, who displayed a staggering transformation. From him being posted to the edits of ‘Daddy’s Home‘, his subsequent babygirlification and portrayal as the Batman of Indian political scenario et.al., RaGa seemed to be a Twitter favorite; pre, midst, and post the election season. And this, comes as a surprise for someone who has long been ridiculed by both, the politicians and the masses, as ‘Pappu’.

When the National Democratic Alliance, on its third subsequent win, boasts about a new era of Modi 3.0, it is notable that this also embarks the beginning of RaGa 3.0. Something that is even more remarkable is how every epoch of his political career draws a direct parallel to the state of the current opposition in the country. In retrospect it might appear to be a vague statement, however, this opinion piece attempts to substantiate the same, and for that, the political trajectory of Rahul Gandhi needs to be analyzed in a trifactorial manner.

In a political climate that was being conditioned for Priyanka Gandhi to be the new face of the Indian National Congress, with the re-emphasization of her parallels to Indira Gandhi, the launch of Rahul Gandhi as the face of INC was a rather unanticipated change for the politicians and the masses alike. In a direct parallel to Rajneeti (the 2010 Prakash Jha Directiorial’s) Samar Pratap, played by Ranbir Kapoor, ‘a foreign returned relatively less-known to-and-of the political scenario‘ heir was placed into the position of a party supremo. However, that is where the parallels end, while Samar goes on to become a force to reckon with, RaGa displayed a relatively inconsistent political profile. His political prowess at that time focused largely upon as the ‘uniter’ of the nation, working on reducing the caste and religion-based divisiveness in the country. Subsequently, he won from the ancestral seat of Amethi and was popularised as the Yuva Neta, and harbinger of justice, by the media. However, despite this popularised imagery that he had cultivated around himself, he refused to hold positions of power within the INC and rather struck to the youth wings. The launch of RaGa drew a parallel into the INC as it witnessed a rejuvenation of the Gandhi Parivaar within the leadership positions, after 14 years of absence, albeit in an indirect mannerism with Manmohan Singh being the Prime Minister then.

Post the smooth and apparent surged political prowess, the era of Rahul Gandhi 2.0 comes into play with the elections of 2014 and beyond; the General Election of 2014, posed a drastic change in the climate of the Indian Political Scenario, wherein the 10-year streak of the INC was fiercely shattered by the National Democratic Alliance and its figurehead, present Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The dramatic downfall of the INC marked the beginning of RaGa as the undisputed King of Bloopers and the face of Indian Political Memes, the person who was hailed as the Prince of the Politically Dynastic Gandhi Parivar was now ridiculed as ‘Pappu’, and worse. The lack of a proper redressal mechanism from the INC upon the same, and RaGa’s subsequent infamous statements like the ‘potato-gold‘ alchemy theory, the hug in the parliament, misgendering of the Speaker, et.al., cemented the NDA alliances claim of the ‘Shehzada’, in attempts to mock his lack of proper developmental work despite the privilege he was equipped with. A subsequent political debacle also surrounded the Indian National Congress, as it witnessed the lowest-ever tally of 44 seats post the 206-seat mark they achieved in 2009.

Post the 2019 stint of the National Democratic Alliance, and its subsequent chants of Abki Baar, 400 Paar; the public expectation from the erstwhile political bigwig declined, and an absolute majority of the present ruling party was largely accepted and anticipated. Despite the anti-heroic downfall that the INC witnessed, he kept walking (quite literally) and conducted two Nyay Yatras, which is speculated to have become a source of connection between the common man and the INC, and the reason for its subsequent victory in certain places. His newfound oratory skills and social media tactics labeled RaGa as the herald of the change of the apparent de-Modicisation and Democratization of the country. The connection that he attempted to build at a grassroots level, and better redressal skills, led to a surge in the INDIA vote bank, and a subsequent declination in the expected votes for the NDA.

However, RaGa’s relatively newer 3.0 trajectory did not stop there, the 1st July speech in the parliament, ended the era of his silence and negligence regarding the political climate and the flaws of the NDA, as he delivered a speech outlining the very same. The Speech won him further accolades over social media, as the netizens proclaimed that the tectonics of the Indian Political Scenario witnessed a shift that day, the void of an improper Leader of Opposition seemed to be filling. This is followed by his recent visits to places that have been impacted by violence and improper governance like Manipur, Assam, site of Hathras Stampede, loco pilots of Delhi, et.al. This is a clear indication of a political consistency, which he is infamously unknown of. The transition from Pappu to the Leader of Opposition, depicts a shift in the political ball game of the country, a probable subdued indication of the resurgence of the INC, and a new arena into his political trajectory. However, it remains long to be seen whether this political conundrum turns out to be a sham, or has Prime Minister Narendra Modi finally found an able competitor.

Read Also: Saffron Politics: A Path To Majoritarianism

Featured Image Credits: X

Shikhar Pathak

[email protected]

Hours before the LLB examinations were scheduled to start on Thursday, 4 July, 2024, the Faculty of Law, University of Delhi, released a notice informing the students about their postponement.

The Delhi University’s Faculty of Law postponed the LLB end-term exams scheduled to begin on July 4, 2024, in an official notification released a night before the planned date. “Under the orders of the Hon’ble Vice Chancellor, the examinations of LLB II, IV,  and VI term scheduled from 4th July are postponed,” it said, without citing any reasons. “Fresh dates would be notified in due course of time,” it added. The exams were scheduled to start on July 4 and end on July 26. 

As per the PTI reports, Vice Chancellor, Yogesh Singh, explained that the exams were postponed due to a significant number of students being unable to attend, citing low attendance. He stated,

Students will need to attend two weeks of classes to make up for the shortfall in attendance. After this period, new dates for the end-term examinations will be announced.

Raunaq Bali, a final semester student, expresses their anguish on X, about the potential delays in the academic and professional journey of students.

Hundreds of us in the final semester have been stranded now and won’t be able to join our law offices and LLM programs on time.

Sonakshi Gaur, another user on X criticized the institution for delayed teacher appointments and highlighting that students suffer due to these management failures.

The appointment of teachers is inexplicably delayed by 1-2 months, exacerbating the problem. How can the Faculty of Law, which prides itself on being a premier institution, lag so far behind in these critical areas? Students are bearing the brunt of these management failures.

Students also voiced their concerns about the unfairness towards those who attended classes regularly, as the decision seems to be driven by some students failing to meet the attendance requirements. Speaking to DU Beat, a student from the Faculty of Law, who wished to remain anonymous, said, 

This is not a new issue. Students are detained almost every semester, but it is unfair to make others sacrifice and disrupt their future plans.

As per the The Indian Express reports, Megh Raj, an assistant professor at Faculty of Law, adds,

The postponement of examinations for even semesters in the Law Faculty by V-C will create difficulties for students. Some of the final-year students who already have taken provisional admission in LLM courses at different universities will not be able to submit their final degree within time. Also, there will be a delay in the completion of the LLB degree; and consequently, the registration before the Bar Council as an advocate. Moreover, this decision would disturb the next academic session as well.

Raj is also a DU academic council member.

This abrupt postponement is part of a series of recent disruptions, including the postponements of the University Grants Commission – National Eligibility Test (UGC-NET) and the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test – Postgraduate (NEET-PG). It also comes on the heels of several reported irregularities in the NEET Undergraduate (UG) exam conducted by the National Testing Agency (NTA).

Read Also: Heavy Rainfall Exposes Infrastructure Failures in Premier Institutes

Featured Image Credits: Himanshu for DU Beat

Dhairya Chhabra

[email protected]

Recent heavy rainfall in the capital on June 28 has exposed severe infrastructural issues, particularly at the Arts Faculty, where the reading room experienced significant water leakages and short circuits. Additionally, other esteemed educational institutes like IIT Delhi and AIIMS Delhi are also witnessing an equally miserable fate.

As Delhi University continues its yearly ritual of exorbitant fee hikes—110% in PhD courses and 40% in annual postgraduate courses—it is important to note that the condition in which DU students have to study remains deplorable. These problems clearly reflect the university’s incompetence and disregard for student safety.

The Students’ Federation of India (SFI) DU’s Instagram page, @sfiduspeaks, posted a reel highlighting the miserable state of one of India’s premier institutions. Captioned “Save Public Education! Save Delhi University! Fee Must Fall!”, the post called for immediate action from the university to address these infrastructural issues. SFI Vijay Nagar has also demanded urgent measures to fix these problems and ensure student safety, noting that the lack of basic amenities like air conditioning in classrooms becomes unbearable when temperatures in Delhi soar to 48 degrees Celsius. The third building, made with makeshift materials like tin roofs and asbestos-lined walls, exacerbates the heat issue, creating an uninhabitable learning environment.

Simran, from SFI DU, in a conversation with DU Beat, said, “Since there is no maintenance in these reading rooms at Arts Faculty, due to heavy rain, the ceiling started to leak and then a short circuit happened, and soon fire also occurred out of nowhere. The main problem is that despite increasing fees they are not improving infrastructure and maintenance at all.”

Additionally, a press release by SFI Delhi University, dated June 27, 2024, highlighted student protests against the fee hikes in postgraduate courses. Students criticized the apathetic Delhi University administration and the ABVP-led Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) for their silence on the rising education costs. It showcased how fee hikes place a heavy financial burden on students, undermining the principles of publicly funded education and limiting opportunities. Despite the fee hikes in previous academic years, there has been no corresponding improvement in infrastructure. Students of the well-known Law Faculty often find their campus without even a single functioning water cooler, all while bearing Delhi’s scorching heat.

In addition to Delhi University, other premier institutes in Delhi have also been severely affected by the heavy rainfall. AIIMS Delhi experienced similar issues with severe water leakage on June 28, highlighting the widespread infrastructural problems across top educational institutions in the city.

At IIT Delhi, a viral video showed a pillar collapsing in the placement cell building following the heavy rainfall. This incident led to the disconnection of electricity in some areas for safety reasons. An official email from the Institute Engineer detailed the flooding on campus and stated that maintenance teams are working to restore services. The email requested cooperation from the campus community and apologized for the inconvenience.

These incidents at Delhi University, AIIMS Delhi, and IIT Delhi highlight the urgent need for infrastructural changes and better maintenance protocols, it’s indeed high time that these educational institutes make upgrades to ensure the safety and well-being of their student body, who have come from faraway places in the country to study in “premier institutes” in the capital. Despite significant fee hikes, these institutions have failed to invest adequately in their infrastructure, leading to dangerous and unacceptable learning conditions. As students and stakeholders wonder, “Where is our money going?”, they are now demanding accountability and immediate improvements to their educational environments.

Featured image credits: Devesh for DU Beat

Read Also: TISS Dismisses and Reinstates Staff Following Funding Assurance from TATA Education Trust

Kavya Vashisht

[email protected]

Delhi University’s postgraduate courses’ fees skyrocketed after a steady climb over the last few years, right after the 46% annual fee hike announced last year. The Student’s Federation of India (SFI) organised a protest at the Arts Faculty on June 27, 2024, against the inhuman hike in fees that has been implemented across courses from Bachelors through Doctorate programs. 

Amidst controversies about Delhi University’s alignment with the ruling party and its consequent reflection in the University’s alleged negligence towards a larger goal of education, its students among minorities and its relatively indiscreet partisanism, questions about the University’s financial framework have surfaced. Over the last two years, the University has experienced mammoth hikes in annual fees, including a 46% increase announced last year, a prodigious 1100% hike in PhD course fees and a further increase in the already high fees of Postgraduate courses. 

The English Department at both the PhD and M.A. levels has noticed a notoriously exorbitant hike, compared to other departments where the hike has not surpassed an amount of Rs. 2000. The PhD course has seen an increase to Rs. 23,968 from Rs. 1,932 last year, which was revised to Rs. 17,118 after protests. While Delhi University South Campus Director Shriprakash Singh opines that the fee has been “rationalised” and that they have not received any complaints from the students, DU faculty member and secretary of the Democratic Teachers Front, Abha Dev Habib, took to social media to express her strong disapproval of the mandate and that “the revision is not satisfactory.” Similarly, for the postgraduate courses in the English Department, the fees have been raised from an already hefty Rs. 15,000 in the academic year 2022-25 to Rs. 25,000 in the academic year 2024-26. 

In light of the brutal fee hikes and its grim ramifications for the majority of the student demographic at the varsity, the SFI unit of Delhi University called for a protest on the 27th of June at the Arts Faculty in the North Campus of the university, agitating against, what they term the “arbitrary and whimsical” hikes. It released a statement on Instagram condemning the silence and “the inaction of ABVP-led DUSU, for their lack of accountability and failure to address student concerns”. The slogan “fee must fall”, popularised during the protests against the fee hike at Jawaharlal Nehru University, reverberated in the captions of the Instagram post, with concerned and targeted students expressing solidarity with the sentiment of SFI. 

I’m a PhD scholar at Delhi University. I took my admission in October 2023. Where my seniors had to pay a thousand-four hundred, I had to pay twenty-four thousand”, a PhD scholar was recorded saying by the SFI organisers at the protest. Another lamented, “For my graduation, my fees were 13,000. When I speak to my juniors now, I discover that you will find no college with fees below the margin of 21,000.

While the University is torn apart under a regime characterised by a tumultuous power-politik and unaffordable fee structures throughout educational institutions that follow the NEP course framework, students continue to voice the injustice they face across various campuses of Delhi University.

 

Read also : JNUTA March Against Arbitrary Fee Hike

 

Featured Image Credits : SFI Delhi Instagram Page      

 

Aayudh Pramanik

[email protected]

Student political groups, under the aegis of Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), hold nationwide protests against the irregularities in the NEET UG and UGC-NET examination organized by the National Testing Agency (NTA).

The cancellation of the UGC-NET examination, in continuation of the alleged paper leak of the NEET examination in the centers of Gujarat and Bihar, has furthered the academic debacle that NTA finds itself surrounded by. The NEET UG exam, which was conducted on May 5, 2024, had its results released on June 4, 2024, which was 10 days prior to the initially programmed date. The early results were met by protests over the alleged aberration and paper leaks, as 67 people achieved a perfect score of 720, with 7-8 students from the same center. In consequence, petitions for retests were filed in the Supreme Court, wherein the body approved the retest of 1563 students within a short span of the retest being on June 23rd. This was followed by the alleged claims of a paper leak and the Supreme Court’s refusal to postpone the counseling process for the same. On June 19, 2024, the National Testing Agency canceled the UGC-NET exam for 2024 after its alleged successful conduct on June 18, 2024, followed by questions raised about the integrity of the examination.

Amidst this scholastic wreck, the opposition of the nation raised questions upon the ruling party, wherein Rahul Gandhi held a press conference addressing the debacle and stated that:

It was being said Prime Minister Modi stopped the Ukraine-Russia war and the Israel-Gaza war, but he is either not able to stop exam leaks or doesn’t want to.”

The backlash and protests are nationwide, and even from within the Sangh Parivar, wherein its student wing, Akhil Bhartiya Vidya Parishad (ABVP), questioned the integrity and credibility of the NTA. In an interview with Indian Express, its National General Secretary, Yagyawalkya Shukla, raised opposition to the same by stating that:

There is a perception of mismanagement by NTA. How is it that question papers are reaching 15–20 minutes late in certain centers? How is it that 7-8 students from the same center get 100% marks? How did 67 students get 720 marks? There is a question mark on NTA’s credibility.”

Shukla, in regard to the government’s apparent silence and delayed responses, further added:

Aur jab praja ke taraf se sawaal hai, to sarkar ke taraf se jawab hona chahiye.

The General Secretaries of ABVP held a meeting with, first the chief of NTA, and then the present Education Minister, Shri Dharmendra Pradhan, discussing issues pertaining to grace marks and demanding an internalized as well as CBI probe against the accusations. (Source: Harsh Attri, State Secretary, ABVP Delhi)

ABVP further organized a protest on June 10, 2024, at the NTA Office in Delhi, against the irregularities and corruption in NEET UG results and other paper leaks. The student organization demanded a CBI inquiry against the aforementioned. Different wings of the student organization from varied parts of the nation have held daily protests against NTA and its incompetency in holding NEET UG and UGC-NET, as stated by Harsh Attri, the State Secretary for ABVP Delhi. He further mentions how ABVP would continue to take steps such as the present ones if the distortion around the examinations conducted by NTA continues to take place.

Read Also: Delhi University to Introduce Biannual Admissions Next Year

Featured Image Credits:  ABVP Official Instagram Page

Shikhar Pathak

[email protected]