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Fear is no longer just felt; in markets, it is priced, traded, and increasingly powerful enough to shape the very crises it anticipates, turning speculation into a force that predicts instability and begins to manufacture it.

Modern economies do not wait for crises to unfold. They react to the anticipation of them. Long before supply chains might be disrupted or infrastructure damaged, markets begin to shift. Pricing in possibilities, hedging against risks, and responding to signals that may never fully materialise. In this sense, fear, beyond being an emotion, turns into an economic force.

At the heart of this lies a simple truth: markets are driven as much by psychology as by data. Investors imagine themselves as rational actors responding to clear signals and curated insights, but in moments of uncertainty, behaviour tells a different story. The possibility of loss weighs heavier than the promise of stability, prompting swift, often exaggerated reactions. Our natural herd behaviour compounds this effect. In a state of confusion, we naturally look to others for cues, and fear spreads collectively rather than independently. What begins as caution quickly escalates into a broader sense of panic.

This is where the economics of fear becomes generative in its nature. The expectation of instability begins to produce instability. Investors withdraw, or over-invest, prices fluctuate, and systems adjust defensively. In doing so, the anticipated risks start to take shape in real terms. The line between speculation and reality blurs, as actions taken to avoid a crisis begin to resemble the crisis itself. Hence, the economics of fear is driven by self-fulfilling prophecies.

The ongoing conflict between the United States, Israel, and Iran offers a striking illustration of this dynamic. Even before sustained, large-scale supply disruptions fully materialised, global energy markets began reacting sharply. Oil prices surged, in part due to fears surrounding the Strait of Hormuz. The mere possibility of disruption in this region was enough to send shockwaves through the commodity markets.

What is striking, however, is that commodities can become expensive without actual scarcity; perceived uncertainty is sufficient. In response to that uncertainty, traders speculate, governments stockpile, and suppliers adjust pricing strategies. In attempting to prepare for disruption, the system begins to create conditions that resemble it. The anticipation of a shortage begins to produce the shortage.

Fear has long shaped markets; what has changed is how it is now measured, priced, and increasingly traded.

Layered onto this is the rise of prediction markets, where expectations themselves are traded. These platforms assign probabilities to future events, such as the likelihood of escalation or prolonged disruption, the results of elections, and economic shocks. In doing so, they transform abstract anticipation into visible signals. When a potential conflict is given a price, it ceases to be a distinct probability and evolves from a belief into a signal.

This creates a feedback loop. Expectations influence behaviour, behaviour influences markets, and market movements reinforce the original expectations. The distinction between forecasting and shaping outcomes becomes increasingly difficult to maintain.

Prediction markets complicate this dynamic further. When the subject of prediction is not a corporate merger but a military operation, the implications shift dramatically. Recent developments suggest that this is no longer hypothetical. Israel has arrested several individuals, including army reservists, for allegedly using classified information to place bets on military operations on Polymarket. According to Shin Bet, the country’s internal security agency, these individuals used insights gained during their service to inform wagers on the timing of Israeli action against Iran.

As Alex Goldenberg writes:

When markets enable profiting from war, they create incentives to prolong it. … When classified information becomes tradeable alpha, the entire decision-making apparatus of national security becomes vulnerable to corruption.

At its most benign, this system risks indirectly disclosing sensitive information. At its most troubling, it creates incentives that are fundamentally misaligned. If individuals can profit from predicting conflict, the boundary between observing events and influencing them begins to erode. The idea that someone might benefit from escalation even marginally introduces a distortion that is difficult to ignore. 

Fear, that was once an internal reaction, has become externalised, quantified, and amplified. Countries far removed from the conflict bear its economic weight, not through destruction but through the pressure of anticipation. Hence, in an economy driven by expectation, fear does not simply follow crises; it precedes it, amplifies it and now, even rewards it. 

The modern economy endures conflict while beginning to experience its effects long before the full reality of that conflict is known. As markets grow more capable of pricing belief itself, the question becomes harder to answer: at what point does anticipating war begin to look uncomfortably like participating in it? 

If anticipation can move prices, shape behaviour, and leak fragments of what was meant to remain secret, then it carries consequences that extend beyond analysis or forecasting. At some point, drawing a line becomes necessary. Markets can process information, but they cannot be allowed to reorganise the incentives around conflict. 

 

Image Source:  The New York Times

Read Also: The Game Theory of Dirty Dishes and Nuclear War

 

Suansh Dembla

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The death of Sumit Sarkar at 87 marks the loss of a major historian of modern India, remembered for his scholarship, teaching and influence on generations of students.

Renowned Marxist historian and scholar of modern Indian history Sumit Sarkar died at a private hospital in New Delhi on Thursday, August 13, 2026. He was 87.

Sarkar was known for his extensive scholarship on modern Indian history, particularly nationalism, social history, caste, gender and political movements. He spent several years teaching History at the University of Delhi and was also a Fellow of Wolfson College, Oxford. He served as a visiting professor at several universities in the United States and Europe.

Born in 1939, Sumit Sarkar completed his BA (Honours) in History at Presidency College, Kolkata, before pursuing his Master’s and PhD at the University of Calcutta.

His scholarship included Swadeshi Movement in Bengal, 1903-1908 (1973); Modern India (1989); and Writing Social History (1998). He also co-edited Women and Social Reform in Modern India (2007) and Caste in Modern India (2013) with his wife and fellow historian, Tanika Sarkar.

Beyond his written scholarship, Sarkar was remembered for his distinctive approach to teaching. Journalist Ravish Kumar, who studied History under him in the mid-1990s, recalled attending his classes, which were often packed with students.

“He never entered like a professor. He always came into the class like a shy student surrounded by questions,” Kumar recalled. 

He described Sarkar as a teacher whose “range of knowledge stretched like the Himalayas,” while noting that he “never imposed himself” on his students.

Kumar also remembered Sarkar’s use of humour in the classroom, saying that “amid the flow of scholarship, he would suddenly check through little stops of sarcasm” to see whether students were paying attention.

Reflecting on Sarkar’s influence on generations of scholars, Kumar said, “Being Sumit’s student was medal-worthy in itself.” He described his teaching style as “Gandhian” and “Democratic,” adding that many students who passed through his classes later became prominent historians.

His former students and colleagues also remembered him for his warmth and accessibility. Ravikant, a professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies and Sarkar’s student from 1988 to 1991, recalled his “scintillating” lectures and said Sarkar could look at “one word and speak a full paragraph at one go,” reflecting the concision of his summaries.

Historian Anirban Bandyopadhyay described Sarkar as “one of the rare Marxist historians to delve deeply into culture and emotions as opposed to the economy”. He also recalled Sarkar’s contribution to the study of Bengal, saying, “With regard to 19th and 20th-century Bengal, there was nothing that he did not write about.”

For Bandyopadhyay, Sarkar’s death was both a personal loss and a loss for students of history. He remembered how Sarkar “always listened to younger people, and always had a smile”.

He leaves behind an extensive body of scholarship and generations of students and historians influenced by his work. The death of Sumit Sarkar at 87 marks the loss of a major figure in Indian historiography, as well as a teacher remembered for bringing intellectual depth and humility into the classroom.

Read Also: The Republic of Restless Youth

Aarushi Chaubey

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As we celebrate the 80th Independence Day of India’s gaining freedom from The Raj, it becomes important to remember those youth, too, whose names we seem to forget when counting the innumerable heroes who laid down their lives for the nation that now is—India.

It is time to celebrate the 80th anniversary of a moment that comes but rarely in history—the day India freed herself from decades of British rule. But it is worth noting that the names we hear every day associated with this historic day were certainly not the only ones behind it. Long before Delhi University or Jawaharlal Nehru University became spaces synonymous with protests, Indian students were already doing so. They were walking out of classrooms and going to jail before most could vote. Universities were not the inventors of the culture of student protests, but rather its inheritors. That culture was built decades earlier by students whose names rarely make it past a footnote in history books.

University of Delhi itself was born inside this tradition. When the University of Delhi was formally established in 1922, its founding colleges—Hindu College, St. Stephen’s, and Ramjas—were already deeply entangled in nationalist politics. Hindu College had been a hub for Swadeshi and Quit India activity, with figures such as Lala Har Dayal among those associated with its early history. A group of Ramjas students were jailed during Quit India, their names reportedly inscribed on a plaque near the college auditorium. St. Stephen’s counted freedom fighters like Asaf Ali among its alumni, and its principal corresponded directly with Gandhi.

When Bengal was partitioned in 1905, the British responded with the Carlyle Circular, which threatened to cut off government grants to institutions whose students joined the agitation against Partition of Bengal. But the students walked out anyway—students walked out and built new institutions themselves: the Bengal National College, with Aurobindo Ghosh as principal, and the National Council of Education, established in 1906 to run schools free of British control. This was arguably the first time Indian students demonstrated that they could build alternative institutions rather than simply protest within existing ones.

Non-Cooperation Movement (1920)

Mahatma Gandhi launched the Non-Cooperation Movement in 1920, appealing specifically to students over sixteen to leave government-aided schools and colleges. An estimated 90,000 students across India responded, enrolling instead in roughly 800 newly formed national institutions. This is also how several Delhi institutions came into being: Jamia Millia Islamia was founded in October 1920 after a group of nationalist teachers and 300 students walked out of Aligarh Muslim University’s MAO College, rejecting its pro-British character. Dr Zakir Hussain, later President of India, was among them. In Bengal, Subhas Chandra Bose gave up a secured position in the Indian Civil Service to become principal of Calcutta National College.

Civil Disobedience Movement (1930)

By the time of the Salt Satyagraha, colonial administrators had learned to see students as a genuine threat. In Assam, the British issued the Cunningham Circular, forcing students to sign loyalty pledges to the Raj. This order, however, backfired almost immediately for them, triggering mass protests and picketing inside schools across the province. Students also took part directly in salt-law defiance, picketing, and the boycott of foreign cloth alongside peasants and women who, for the first time on a mass scale, joined the movement in large numbers.

Quit India Movement (1942)

It was in 1942 that the role of students became particularly prominent via the Quit India Movement. With most senior Congress leaders arrested within twenty-four hours of Gandhi’s “Do or Die” call, students took charge. In Ballia, Uttar Pradesh, college students shut down their institutions and organised a complete market shutdown by mid-August, briefly losing the British administration’s control of the district. In Cuttack, 200 students stormed their college on 14 August, burning government records and setting up an underground bulletin network called the Secret New Service. At Banaras Hindu University, students raised slogans calling for police stations to be burnt and railway stations to be torched, spreading the movement’s message to surrounding villages.

Among these students, perhaps the most striking example is Usha Mehta; not a leader in any formal sense, but a 22-year-old master’s student at Bombay’s Wilson College. Days after Gandhi’s arrest, she set up a clandestine radio transmitter, Azad Radio, also known as Congress Radio, broadcasting nationalist messages across India and, briefly, into Japanese-occupied Burma. She ran it not as a trained revolutionary but as a student who refused to let the British monopolise the airwaves.

The most frequently remembered names from the freedom struggle are those of men and adults. But some of its youngest, least-resourced participants were teenage girls with no institutional backing at all. Kanaklata Barua, a 17-year-old in Assam, was shot dead by police in 1942 while leading a procession to hoist the national flag at a police station. In Chittagong, Pritilata Waddedar and Kalpana Dutt, both students, trained in combat and helped plan an armed raid on a British-only club in 1932. Waddedar died by suicide rather than be captured; Dutt was arrested the following year and sentenced to life imprisonment while still in her twenties.

By 1936, the scattered energy had coalesced into a formal organisation. The All India Students’ Federation, founded in Lucknow, became India’s first nationwide student organisation, a sign that students were building their own political infrastructure.

Then came the eve of 15 August 1947, when students who had spent their college years in and out of jail cells inherited a country whose borders were being redrawn in blood through Partition. But it is important to note, lest we forget—India’s student movements didn’t end in 1947; student protest culture descends directly from this lineage of asking questions, debating, dissenting, and demanding what’s theirs.

Image Source: Enroute Indian History

Also Read: The Game Theory of Dirty Dishes and Nuclear War

 

Sheetal Mishra

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The Bar Council of India directs DU and other law universities to enrol law graduates covered by the SC order despite attendance shortfall.

The Bar Council of India (BCI) has instructed the University of Delhi (DU) to process the enrolment applications of law graduates protected under a recent Supreme Court order, stating that applications should not be rejected or terminated solely on the ground of attendance deficiencies. The BCI has circulated the order to all State Bar Councils, recognised universities, and approved Centres of Legal Education for implementation during the 2026–27 academic session.

The order was issued by Justice Rajendra Menon, Co-Chairperson of the BCI’s Legal Education Committee. The Committee noted that the Supreme Court’s order of 21 July 2025 granted one-time protection to students whose academic sessions were in progress when the Delhi High Court delivered its judgment.

The decision comes against the backdrop of the CAP Round I option form deadline having been extended until 11 August. The BCI stated that an “immediate and exceptional arrangement” was necessary to ensure that eligible law colleges and students were not excluded by the time required to complete the statutory approval process.

Institutions must upload all required documents, furnish the prescribed information, and pay all applicable fees. The order states that failure to complete the process could result in the withholding, modification, suspension, or withdrawal of approval, along with further action in accordance with the law. The BCI has clarified that the current conditional approval neither waives nor regularises any pending approvals or financial liabilities relating to previous academic years.

The Supreme Court directed that students covered by its order should not be denied the opportunity to sit their final examinations solely because of attendance shortfalls. It also permitted those who were unable to appear, either wholly or partly, in their final examinations to sit supplementary examinations for the relevant academic session.

The BCI has further clarified that attendance shortages arising after enrolment with the Bar Council are not covered by the relief. The benefit is strictly confined to the students and academic sessions specified in the Supreme Court’s order of 21 July 2025 and does not extend to future admissions.

To qualify under the scheme, a candidate must have been admitted to a recognised LL.B. programme and permitted to sit the relevant final or supplementary examination. The candidate must also have successfully completed the LL.B. course and fulfilled all other statutory requirements for enrolment.

Rajarshi Ghosh 

[email protected]

Image Credits – Lawstreet.com 

Read Also – Ramjas College’s Students Win PETA India Award for Vegan Leather Innovation 

 

Students from DU, JNU, AUD, Jamia and schools joined SFI’s ‘Students of India Rally’ on Tuesday, demanding NTA’s scrapping, fee rollback, hostel facilities, concessional metro passes and voting rights for all DU students.

The Students’ Federation of India (SFI) organised a ‘Students of India Rally’ at Delhi University’s North Campus on Tuesday, August 11, bringing together students from Delhi University (DU), Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), Ambedkar University Delhi (AUD), Jamia Millia Islamia and schools across the capital. The rally was organised as part of SFI’s ‘Azadi Week’ celebrations. 

The rally brought together a range of demands concerning access to education, affordability and student representation. Among the key demands raised were the scrapping of the National Testing Agency (NTA), rollback of fee hikes, withdrawal of the proposed Viksit Bharat Shiksha Adhishthan (VBSA) Bill, concessional metro passes for students, hostel facilities for all and voting rights for all DU students in the Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) elections. 

The event was addressed by Lok Sabha MP Amra Ram, who called for a united struggle involving students, workers and farmers against what he described as a “divisive” agenda. According to SFI, the rally also commemorated the martyrdom day of freedom fighter Khudiram Bose, the anniversary of the organised students’ movement, the birth centenary of Cuban revolutionary Fidel Castro and India’s Independence Day. 

The rally also focused on the impact of recent changes in higher education. SFI Delhi State Committee member Sakhi alleged that the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 had failed to address students’ concerns at universities such as DU. She pointed to an increase in dropouts following the implementation of the Four-Year Undergraduate Programme (FYUP), alongside what she described as inadequate seats in the newly introduced one-year MA programme. 

According to Careers360, a DU student Agrima called for students to unite behind a “progressive education system” and criticised what she described as the influence of “money-muscle politics” in university elections. The demand for voting rights for all DU students in DUSU elections comes amid continuing debates over representation and participation in the university’s student politics.

The rally followed SFI Delhi’s 20th State Conference, where the organisation resolved to intensify its campaign against the “privatisation, centralisation and communalisation” of education. The organisation said it plans to reach students across Delhi, including those enrolled in private institutions and coaching centres, to advocate for what it calls an inclusive and equitable education system. 

Image Caption: Students participate in SFI’s ‘Students of India Rally’ at Delhi University’s North Campus 

Read Also: Ramjas College’s Students Win PETA India Award for Vegan Leather Innovation

Image Source: SFI Delhi Instagram account 

Tarunima Tayal

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Five Ramjas College students have won PETA India’s Youth Changemakers for Animals Award for developing an eco-friendly vegan leather from discarded banana peels. 

Five students of Ramjas College, University of Delhi — Kanishka Yadav, Naman Rajpal, Aryan Mittal, Daksha Lohani, and Vrinda Gupta — have been honoured with the Youth Changemakers for Animals Award by People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) India for developing “Sehar,” an innovative eco-friendly vegan leather made from discarded banana peels. Developed for nearly a year, this durable and flexible material gives food waste a second life while offering a sustainable alternative to animal-derived leather. 

The students are members of Enactus Ramjas, a student-led group committed to creating a more sustainable world and uplifting communities through entrepreneurial action. The group focuses on developing innovative solutions to social and environmental challenges while promoting sustainable practices. 

Kanishka Yadav, President of Enactus Ramjas, explained the motivation behind the innovation, stating, “The poor conditions endured by cows and buffaloes during transport and in slaughterhouses deeply affected us and inspired us to look for a compassionate alternative to animal leather. At the same time, through our work in waste management, we saw the environmental challenges posed by discarded fruit peels.” 

PETA India Director of Corporate Affairs, Ashima Kukreja, praised the students’ innovation, stating, “By creating an innovative material from food waste, these students have shown that young people know future businesses must incorporate animal and environmental protection.” 

In PETA India’s statement on the need for such innovations, it raised concerns regarding both the treatment of animals in the leather industry and the environmental impact of leather production. The organisation states that animals transported for leather in India may be subjected to overcrowded conditions, resulting in severe injuries and, in some cases, death during transit before being taken to slaughterhouses. It also highlights the environmental concerns associated with leather tanning, which uses toxic chemicals and can generate waste that contaminates local waterways. 

At the same time, the organisation points to the growing availability of vegan and animal-free leather alternatives made from materials such as pineapple leaves, cork, fruit waste, recycled plastics, mushrooms, mulberry leaves, teak leaves, coconut waste, and tomato composites. These alternatives can reduce reliance on animal-derived leather while also creating opportunities for agricultural and waste-based enterprises. It also cited Meghalaya’s consideration of pineapple-leather production as an example of how plant-based leather alternatives could benefit both sustainability and local farmers.

Read Also: Delhi Cabinet Approves Private University Bill, Proposes 25% Quota for Delhi Students

Image Source: PETA India Official Website 

Bishakha Gogoi

[email protected] 

Delhi Police has asked Delhi University for land to replace Maurice Nagar police station’s crumbling tin-roofed building, citing rising security needs for students, especially women, in DU’s North Campus. 

Maurice Nagar police station, tucked inside DU’s North Campus is still running out of a “temporary” tin-roofed structure, one that may have just outlasted its shelf life. A distance of merely 500 metres from Miranda House college and SRCC, students who walk into the police station to report a stolen phone, a harassment complaint, or scuffles during college fests and DUSU elections sit amidst damp ceilings and peeling doors. 

Delhi Police has now formally asked Delhi University, which owns the land, to allot space for a permanent building. In at least two letters to vice-chancellor Yogesh Singh over the past three months, police, including DCP (north) Raja Banthia, have stressed that growing security needs, especially for women students on campus, make a permanent structure “essential.” 

A committee has reportedly identified two possible plots and shared them informally with DU, but officials say they’re yet to receive a response. The Land & Development Office was approached first but had no suitable plot available, pushing the matter up to Delhi Police headquarters. Notably, the lease for the existing structure was extended in April by another decade, through 2034, even as the push for a new building continues.

Built in 2004 after being shifted from Bonta Park (where it operated since 1988), the station sits on 944 square yards beside the Najafgarh drain, a spot that has widely been flagged as hazardous once the monsoon sets in and the drain swells. In addition to that, a recent spell of rain exposed just how badly the building itself has deteriorated; with the tin roof letting water through in multiple spots, moisture stains spreading across the plaster, and some wooden doors reduced to broken frames with flaking paint.

 A police officer who has spent two years posted at the police station in question, in conversation with the Hindustan Times, warned that the leaks pose a genuine hazard to the computer equipment kept in two rooms, potentially triggering electrical faults.

Crowd management is another sore point. With no proper seating area set aside for the public, people filing complaints end up perched on benches by the entrance or squeezed onto the low wall ringing a small patch of green inside the compound, an arrangement that one officer claims becomes an inefficient workspace during times of higher footfall, during the DUSU election season or the university’s annual fests, for example.

Read Also: DU Students Among Many Injured as Police Crackdown Haunts Jantar Mantar Protesters

Image Source: The Indian Express

Manya Marwah

[email protected] 



Close to 11,000 candidates accept their seats as Delhi University’s third round of UG CSAS allocations comes to an end.

The University of Delhi has released Round 3 seat allocations for undergraduate admissions under the Common Seat Allocation System (CSAS) 2026-27.

The university reports that 10,680 candidates have been allotted seats across 956 programmes with available vacancies. Those who received a seat in this round have been asked to log in to their dashboards and accept their allotment.

The acceptance window closes at 11:59 pm on Tuesday, August 11, 2026, and candidates must complete the process before this deadline.

Allocation status can be checked by signing in to individual dashboards on DU’s official admissions portal.

As the admission process for this session comes to an end, the number of available seats in popular courses such as B.A. (Hons) in Political Science, History, Economics; B.Sc (Hons.) in Chemistry, Physics, Mathematics, and B.Com (Hons) are limited.

In the Unreserved (UR) category, the Average cut-off in the 3rd round ranges between 770 to 850 for the B.A. (Hons.) courses, 500 to 700 for the B.Sc. (Hons.) courses, and 850 to 900 for B.Com (Hons.)

The cut-off for the reserved categories (SC/ST/EWS/OBC-NCL, etc.) ranges similarly to the UR category, with a margin of 50 to 200 less.  

The university has further directed candidates to check the admissions website for the list of Minimum Allocation Scores, along with other details concerning Round 3 of CSAS UG admissions.

 

Read Also: Delhi University Lab Attendant Among 7 Held in Government Exam Cheating Racket

Image Source: University of Delhi (via X)

Aridaman Singh 

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From dirty dishes to nuclear deterrence, game theory explains why we cooperate, defect, and sometimes make decisions that leave everyone worse off.

Your roommate hasn’t washed the dishes for three days. You could wash them yourself, confront her, or simply wait and see how long she can tolerate the smell. The problem? She is probably running the same calculation in her head. Congratulations. You are playing game theory.

It turns out that the standoff in your shared kitchen, the checkout queue at a supermarket, and the Cold War all have something surprisingly in common. They are situations where what you do depends on what someone else might do. So, What Exactly Is Game Theory?

In very simple terms, game theory is the study of strategic decision-making. It looks at how people, companies, governments, animals, or even computers make choices when the outcome depends not just on what they do, but also on what others do. If you are deciding whether to carry an umbrella on a cloudy day, your decision depends mostly on the weather. But if you are deciding whether to wash the dishes, your decision depends on whether your roommate will wash them first. That is where game theory begins.

It asks a deceptively simple question: given what the other side might do, what is the smartest move for me?

Modern game theory has a more definite starting point. In 1944, mathematician John von Neumann and economist Oskar Morgenstern published Theory of Games and Economic Behavior, laying much of the mathematical foundation for the field. Their work argued that many economic and social decisions cannot be understood by looking at individuals in isolation; they have to be understood through strategic relationships between people. And perhaps the most famous idea in game theory is the Prisoner’s Dilemma. 

Imagine Tanya and Cinque have been arrested for robbing the Hibernia Savings Bank. They are placed in separate cells, unable to see or communicate with each other. A clever prosecutor gives each of them the same choice: confess or remain silent. If Tanya confesses while Cinque stays silent, Tanya goes free while Cinque receives a heavy sentence. The same applies in reverse.

Now imagine what is going through Tanya’s head.

“If Cinque confesses and I stay silent, I’m doomed. But if I confess and he stays silent, I walk free. Either way, confessing feels like the safer choice.” 

Cinque is probably thinking the same thing. So, both confess. And that’s the trap. From an individual perspective, confessing appears to be the rational choice. Yet when both players make that choice, they end up worse off than if they had both stayed silent. The paradox is simple: what seems rational for each person individually can produce a worse outcome for everyone collectively.

Source: Britannica

The classic Prisoner’s Dilemma was developed in 1950 by mathematicians Merrill Flood and Melvin Dresher at the RAND Corporation. It was later formalised and given its famous name by Canadian mathematician Albert W. Tucker.

And suddenly, a story about two fictional criminals starts looking a lot like your kitchen.

Your roommate probably knows that even if she doesn’t do the dishes, you will eventually get tired of looking at them and wash them yourself. From her perspective, doing nothing has an obvious advantage: she gets a clean kitchen without having to do the work. And if you stop washing the dishes to send a message, you might simply create another problem. What if she thinks the same way?

Nobody washes the dishes because nobody wants to be the only person doing all the work. The plates pile up, the glasses disappear under a layer of something suspicious, and eventually your kitchen starts looking like a biological experiment. Neither of you necessarily wants a dirty kitchen. The problem is that both of you have an incentive to wait for the other person to act.

This logic appears in places far removed from your kitchen, too. We’ve all done this at a supermarket. You walk towards the checkout, scan the queues and instinctively choose the shortest one. But here’s the funny part: everyone else is doing the same thing. The shortest queue attracts more people. As more people join it, it becomes slower. Eventually, switching queues may no longer seem worth the effort.

This is close to the intuition behind one of game theory’s most famous concepts: Nash equilibrium. Named after mathematician John Nash, a Nash equilibrium is a situation in which no player can improve their outcome simply by changing their strategy while everyone else keeps theirs unchanged. Everyone is trying to make the best decision for themselves. Yet because everyone is responding to everyone else’s choices, those individual decisions shape the outcome for the whole group.

The stakes get considerably higher when the “roommates” are two nuclear superpowers.

During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union possessed nuclear arsenals capable of devastating each other. Neither side could simply assume that the other would hold back. Each had to consider the same terrifying question: What happens if we attack first? The answer was deterrence.

At the heart of this was the concept of Mutually Assured Destruction, or MAD. The basic logic was brutal. If one side launched a nuclear attack, the other could retaliate. That retaliation could be devastating enough to destroy both sides. The point wasn’t that the United States and the Soviet Union trusted each other. They didn’t need trust.

They needed the certainty that attacking first would come with an unbearable cost. In this sense, the Cold War was shaped by a strategic equilibrium. Neither side could safely improve its position simply by attacking, because the other side had the ability and incentive to retaliate. The result was a strange kind of stability: peace maintained not through friendship, but through the fear of mutual destruction. The war stayed “cold” because the consequences of making the first move were almost unimaginably high.

Game theory isn’t some abstract concept buried inside an economics textbook. It is playing out every day – in your kitchen, at the supermarket checkout and in the decisions made by governments armed with nuclear weapons. Your roommate may not be thinking about John Nash when she leaves the dishes in the sink. But she is still making a strategic decision.

The supermarket queue may seem like a trivial choice, but it follows the same basic logic: your best move depends on what everyone else is doing. And nuclear deterrence takes that logic to its most consequential extreme. But the underlying question is remarkably similar: What should I do when my outcome depends on what you do?

That is game theory.

 

Arshia Sharma

[email protected] 

Image credits: vecteezy.com

Read Also: Delhi Cabinet Approves Private University Bill, Proposes 25% Quota for Delhi Students.

 

The Delhi University Teachers’ Association (DUTA) has warned of a strike over the regularisation of ad hoc faculty in twelve Delhi University colleges fully funded by the Delhi government, announcing an “Action Programme” if the long-pending demand is not addressed.

The Delhi University Teachers’ Association (DUTA) has announced an “Action Programme” seeking the immediate regularisation of ad hoc and temporary faculty working in twelve Delhi University colleges fully funded by the Delhi government, warning of strikes and a mass movement if the issue is not resolved soon. The decision was taken at a meeting of the DUTA Executive Committee on 6 August, where the association finalised its strategy on the long-pending demand for absorption of teachers who have served in these colleges for years.

DUTA said teachers in these institutions have been made to work under what it described as “an atmosphere of uncertainty”, alleging that delays on the Delhi government’s part have left their professional futures unresolved.

After repeated appeals to the Delhi chief minister and education minister went unanswered, DUTA said it would now approach the Lieutenant Governor with its demand. The association said a decision on further action, including possible strikes, would be taken at its upcoming General Body Meeting if the matter remained unresolved and called it unfortunate that teachers who have served for over a decade in these colleges continue to face uncertainty over their employment status.

This is not the first such warning from DUTA on the issue. In May 2026, teachers affiliated with the Academic for Action and Development Delhi Teachers’ Association staged a protest at DU’s North Campus over the same demand, calling for implementation of the Delhi High Court’s 2025 verdict in the Namita Khare case, which favours permanent status for long-serving ad-hoc teachers.

DUTA said it has informed both the Delhi government and the university administration of its action programme and has appealed to the wider teaching community to participate if the agitation proceeds. The DUTA ad hoc faculty strike warning comes amid continued uncertainty over the employment status of teachers who have served in these colleges for years. Neither the Delhi government nor the Delhi University administration has issued an official response at the time of publication.

Read Also: V-Dem Report Flags Century-Low Academic Freedom in India

Image Credits: Education Times 

Vidhi Ramchandani 

[email protected]