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Delhi University’s first One-Year PG Programme offers just around 1,068 seats across 45 programmes, despite thousands of students completing the fourth year under the NEP. An examination of the seat matrix, admission policy, and student experiences reveals a widening gap between institutional promises and reality.

For Delhi University’s first NEP batch, students were persuaded to stay for an additional year on a straightforward promise: complete the fourth year, earn an Honours with Research degree, and fast-track into a one-year master’s instead of the conventional two. The seat matrix, released just a week before this year’s application deadline, tells a very different story: roughly 1,068 seats across 45 programmes for tens of thousands of students who completed the fourth year.

The Bulletin of Information (BOI) for the One-Year Postgraduate Programme 2026–27, published on July 4, 2026, lists 45 programmes across seven faculties. Adding the category-wise seats (UR, SC, ST, OBC-NCL and EWS) gives an approximate university-wide intake of 1,068 seats. M.A. Urdu tops the list with 50 seats, while M.A. English, Hindi, Sanskrit, Philosophy, History, Political Science, M.Sc. Chemistry, Physics, Mathematics and M.Com. appear capped at 45 seats each. At the other end, M.Sc. Biochemistry and Microbiology offer just three seats each.

Another important point is that the one-year PG programme is not spread across multiple colleges, unlike the conventional two-year route. M.A. English alone offers more than 500 seats through the two-year programme when the allocations across colleges are combined. The one-year route compresses that entire intake into a single university department for each subject, explaining much of the apparent seat shortage.

The University also released its official guidelines in December 2025, stating that each department’s one-year PG intake would be a minimum of 20% of its existing pre-NEP-sanctioned two-year intake, capped at 45 seats. Smaller humanities departments could increase intake to 40%, while laboratory-based science departments remained capped at 20%. Crucially, the intake formula is based on a department’s pre-existing sanctioned strength – not on the number of students who actually completed the fourth year.

On August 1, 2025, Delhi University’s Vice-Chancellor told PTI that roughly 55% of the 71,000 eligible students – around 40,000 – had opted for the fourth year. DU’s own figures have since varied, with a later report citing a 30% retention rate for the same cohort. Humanities and language departments nevertheless reported the highest participation, with colleges such as Lady Shri Ram College recording 70–80% fourth-year retention in subjects including English and Psychology. Ironically, many of these are the very subjects capped at 45 seats, suggesting that the seat ceiling and the size of the applicant pool move in opposite directions.

The one-year PG intake formula was finalised only in December 2025, months after most students had already committed to the fourth year. The actual seat matrix was published on July 4, 2026, after students had already completed that additional year.

This is what Aanchal, a fourth-year B.A. (Hons.) English student at Hansraj College had this to say about the programme’s implementation:

I enrolled in the fourth year because DU promised it would lead to a smooth one-year M.A. pathway. Instead, the entire year was poorly planned. We weren’t even properly introduced to our syllabus; professors themselves were often confused, and we were buried under assignments, dissertations, presentations and exams. Despite all this, DU never officially informed us about the one-year M.A. admission process; we had to learn about it through a podcast. The biggest betrayal came after we’d already finished the year. The Bulletin came out on July 4 with shockingly few seats. We invested an extra year, our hard work and our trust, only to discover that a two-year master’s will now effectively take us four.

Another student from Kirori Mal College described fourth-year students as experimental props, pointing to delayed syllabi, faculty shortages and assessment rules that changed midway through the academic year. Teachers’ associations have also separately objected that the one-year PG resolution was passed without adequate consultation with faculty.

The bottom line is this: as of July 11, 2026, when registrations closed, Delhi University had still not released the number of applications received for the one-year PG programme – either overall or subject-wise. Without those figures, it is difficult to calculate the applicants-to-seats ratio for any programme.

Whether this amounts to negligence or simply the turbulence of launching a new programme is open to debate. What is harder to dispute is the mismatch between student numbers and available seats, and the University’s failure to communicate that reality in time to students who based an entire year’s academic decision on a promise that Delhi University could not fulfil.

 

Name-: Arshia Sharma

Email- [email protected] 

Image credits: DuBeat

Read Also: The Search for a Third Place

The University of Delhi has revised the credit structure for fourth-year undergraduate students under UGCF 2022, increasing the weight of academic tracks from six to ten credits per semester with effect from 2026-27.

The University of Delhi released a notification, dated 10th July 2026, restructuring the distribution of credits in Semesters VII and VIII for students enrolled under the Undergraduate Curriculum Framework (UGCF) 2022. The changes will come into effect from the academic session 2026-27. 

The most significant change concerns the credit weight assigned to academic tracks. Previously, tracks such as the Dissertation, Academic Project and Entrepreneurship carried six credits per semester. Under the revised structure, four credits previously assigned to Discipline Specific Core (DSC) courses in Semesters VII and VIII will be transferred to these tracks, raising each track’s credit value from six to ten. Academic tracks will now carry a total of twenty credits: ten in Semester VII and ten in Semester VIII.

Alongside this, DSC courses in the two final semesters will no longer be listed as core requirements. They will instead be moved to the Discipline Specific Elective (DSE) pool for the respective semesters. Students will be required to choose three courses from this broader pool each semester, with the following combinations permitted: three DSEs, two DSEs and one Generic Elective (GE), or one DSE and two GEs.

This is not the first revision to the fourth-year credit structure under UGCF 2022. In January 2026, the university had permitted students in Semester VIII to take up to eight additional credits, thus raising the per-semester cap from 22 to 30 to enable students who had not yet completed core discipline requirements to qualify for a major. That change applied to students enrolled in the 2025-26 session. The July notification, by contrast, applies from 2026-27 onwards and addresses the internal distribution of credits rather than the overall cap.

Rishika Jain

[email protected]

Read Also: NCWEB applications open for B.A. (Prog) and B.Com

Image Caption: Official Notification, dated 10th July 2026 

Image Source: University of Delhi

 

 

The students of Delhi School of Journalism have raised their concerns regarding the functioning of the institution via a student-run Instagram account (@concernsofdsj) Students have raised concerns relating to academic practices, infrastructure, and faculty appointments. 

Students of Delhi School of Journalism, University of Delhi, appear to have raised several concerns regarding the functioning of the institution via an Instagram account (@concernsofdsj) created by the student community. The page features allegations relating to academic practices, infrastructure, and faculty appointments. 

One of the primary concerns highlighted involves the transparency of the Internal Assessment (IA) and Tutorial (TU) evaluation process. According to the allegations, students are not provided with an opportunity to verify their internal assessment marks before they are uploaded as final on the Samarth Portal. Several students have also claimed that grievances regarding discrepancies in marks are not adequately addressed by the concerned authorities. These allegations stand in contrast to the University of Delhi’s provisions, which allow students to approach teachers regarding concerns related to internal assessment and seek clarification. 

Another issue raised on the platform concerns the utilisation of student fees. Students claim that fees collected, including those for library resources, studio facilities, and equipment, have not translated into visible improvements in infrastructure. According to the allegations, despite regular fee collection, there has been little noticeable addition of new equipment or development of academic resources within the department. 

Students have also expressed concerns regarding faculty appointments. They allege that the number of vacancies for permanent faculty has declined over time, while dependence on guest faculty has increased. According to the students, this has affected academic continuity and the overall learning experience. However, the college administration had not issued an official response to these allegations at the time of publication. 

Speaking to DU Beat, a student from Delhi School of Journalism said, “We believe the main issues are the frequent change of Heads of Department and the lack of permanent faculty. We have had three Heads in the last one and a half years, which has affected stability. Since most teachers are guest faculty, they leave after the session ends, making it difficult for students to reach them later. I also feel the concerns about the library and ICT lab are valid, as our college library has limited resources despite the fees we pay.” 

The Instagram page has emerged as a platform for students to share their experiences and raise issues that they believe require institutional attention. 

Another student at DSJ claims, “Students are tired of complaining but no response from the authority and they don’t even reply, no transparency in internal marks even those students who submitted all the assignments and tests got less marks as well. Everything started when they updated the internal marks on Samarth portal.

The main demands of the students include greater transparency and accountability in the functioning of the Delhi School of Journalism. Their demands include clear marking criteria and transparency in the Internal Assessment (IA) and Tutorial (TU) evaluation process. 

In addition, students have called for transparency in the utilisation of fees collected for academic resources and seek information on improvements and fund utilisation. According to the posts, the students state that their objective is not to seek inflated marks or concessions, but to ensure a fair academic and administrative system. 

Tarunima 

[email protected]

Read Also: Myanmar Refugee Challenges DU Passport Requirement in Delhi High Court 

Image Credits: DU Beat




The single-most important factor when it came to travel opportunities used to be money. Now, a growing number of Gen Z travellers are proving that meaningful journeys are shaped less by how much they spend and more by the choices they make along the way.

Budget travelling is no longer just about spending less. For Gen Z, it is about spending smartly. Instead of choosing luxury at every step, young travellers are becoming selective about where they want to indulge. What travel looked like a few years ago has changed. Today, luxury is less about a five-star hotel and more about having an experience that feels worth the money.

This shift is often called à la carte travelling. Simply put, it means building your own trip. Instead of buying a pre-planned holiday or café dining package, you decide where to save and where to spend.

You do not have to look very far to see this. It starts right here in college. Café hopping is almost a part of student life. A day before the plan, the research begins. Which café should we go to? Is the food worth it? Does the place have a nice ambience? How far is it? Then comes the budget. Instead of booking a cab, everyone squeezes into an auto, splits the fare, reaches the café, splits the bill again, clicks pictures for Instagram and spends the evening there. They save on the commute so they can spend on the experience.

The same approach follows them when they travel. Instead of spending on every part of a trip, they spend only on the parts that make the journey memorable. They might stay in a hostel instead of a hotel, take an affordable bus instead of a flight, or use public transport or rent a scooty to explore a city, so that they can spend more on experiences that actually matter to them.

Vrushank Kupsad, a student at Sri Venkateswara College, University of Delhi, prefers staying in hostels because they bring people together. “Hotels have no life in them. In hostels, you meet people, share stories and make connections with strangers,” he said.

He also recalled taking an ₹800 bus from Bengaluru to Hubballi. “I ended up sharing life stories with a fellow passenger. It became one of my best travel memories,” he added.

Aaratrika Ghosh, a student at Lady Shri Ram College for Women, University of Delhi, said,

“I feel inherently as a student who funds her trips with her own money through freelance and internships, budget travelling becomes a plus point to optimise travel and actually travel and not just vacation. Recently, I went on a trip to Yulla Kanda in Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh, and I completed it under ₹4,500 (Delhi to Delhi) while travel agencies were charging a minimum of ₹7,999. I saved money by travelling local, eating local, and supporting local homestays and hostels.”

Ananya Maurya, a student at Kamala Nehru College, University of Delhi, said travelling to McLeod Ganj, Himachal Pradesh by bus and staying in a hostel made the trip both affordable and memorable.

“I still remember lying on our bunk beds in the hostel after the bus journey, talking about the reels we would make. It felt surreal that a trip which had only existed in our group chat had finally become a reality. In between, I felt like I was living in the fantasy world of Yeh Jawaani Hai Deewani,” she said.

Harshit Singh, a student at Deen Dayal Upadhyaya College, University of Delhi, said renting a scooty allowed him and his friends to explore Dharamshala freely.

“It cost us ₹600 for two days, was budget-friendly, was less expensive than a cab, and gave us the freedom to explore the city on our own,” he said.

This is equally evident at international student conferences as well. Every year, the Harvard Project for Asian and International Relations (HPAIR) brings together around 700–800 student delegates from across the world in an Asian city to discuss global issues, leadership and policy. Yet, the conference is only one part of the journey. The planning around it shows how Gen-Z travels and manages the budget today.

Once delegates are added to their cohort and city groups, conversations quickly shift to budgets. Students coordinate with one another to book the same hostel or hotel, share rooms to reduce accommodation costs, compare flight fares before prices increase, and plan extra days in the host city to explore it beyond the conference. H-PAIR also shares local recommendations and places to visit, encouraging delegates to experience the city outside the conference venue.

Taken together, these choices are changing the travel economy. Instead of relying on travel agencies and fixed itineraries, many Gen Z travellers prefer planning their own journeys. Recommendations often come from fellow travellers in a hostel, a local restaurant owner, an elderly co-passenger on a bus explaining the history of a town, or even a chance conversation with a resident, rather than from a tour operator. These interactions give travellers the flexibility to change plans, stay longer at places they enjoy and discover cafés, neighbourhoods, local markets and hidden spots that are often left out of packaged tours.

As a result, money that was once spent on hefty, all-inclusive holiday packages is now finding its way to hostels, cafés, local transport providers, scooter rentals, walking tours and other local businesses, many of which are MSMEs (Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises). Rather than making one large travel purchase, Gen Z is distributing its budget across different parts of the journey.

À la carte travelling is doing more than changing where young people spend their money. It is also encouraging community building. Hostels have become more than just affordable accommodation; they are spaces where travellers connect, exchange recommendations, share stories and build friendships with people from different backgrounds. These interactions often continue beyond the trip, turning chance encounters into lasting connections.

For Gen Z, the value of a journey is no longer measured by how much they spend, but by the memories they create, the people they meet and the stories they bring back. As more young people travel this way, they are not only re-framing the travel economy but also creating a travel culture where experiences, human connections and shared stories matter as much as the destination itself.

Photo Credits: Mahi Mishra, Vrushank Kupsad, Ananya Maurya and Aaratrika Ghosh

Read also:- The Housewife Who Answered for the Government

Mahi Mishra

[email protected]

Delhi’s third spaces haven’t disappeared, but they’ve been priced out of reach. A DU student traces how commercialisation of shared space reshapes belonging, class, and democracy itself.

Last August witnessed a day of relentless rain. It was cold and gloomy, yet warm and fuzzy. I held on tightly to my umbrella and made my way to college, drenched in water. Turns out, I was not the only one stupid enough to show up. My friends and I made a day out of it, running in the lawns in the pouring rain. 

What drew us to running in the lawns was not a moment of intellect. It was the fact that four girls, who we later learnt were fourth year Maths honours students, appeared to be having the time of their lives doing it. What I was experiencing had a name given to it all the way back in 1989. 

Ray Oldenburg, in his book ‘The Great Good Place’, described the ‘third place’ —  a place that is neither home (first place) nor work (second place). A third place is simply a space to be, without the obligations and demands of modern society. It is a place you go as and when you deem fit. A place you irrevocably love. A place unfettered by the pull to be someone you’re not. A place to stop pretending and just be. A place of unfiltered and unique experiences. A place of human experiences. 

Karen Christensen explains how third places are the key to solving loneliness, political polarization and climate resilience; problems manufactured by a capitalistic and consumerist society. Hence, it does not come as a surprise that the same society is gradually eroding the solution to these problems. It does, however, come with a wave of sadness when you begin to see it happening. 

Christensen’s version of an ideal third place is this: a third place is neutral ground, meaning you don’t need an invite and nobody looks at you funny for walking in. It’s convenient enough that you could show up on a random day without planning it. It has regulars — people who’ll notice if you stop coming. It’s unstructured, so there’s no schedule to follow and no clock you’re watching. It’s free, or close enough to free that money never becomes the reason you didn’t go. Conversation is the whole point and there’s actual genuine laughter. And somehow, walking out of it, you feel lighter than when you walked in. That’s the real test: whether you leave it feeling better than you arrived.

When I think about third places in Delhi, the first thing that comes to mind is college. And after that, it is a vast, deserted abyss. 

The problem is not necessarily that third places have ceased to exist, but they have definitely been transformed. Driven by profit, third places have become highly curated “aesthetic” spots, and their essence has been diluted by us. Cafés and co-working spaces profit from selling the feeling of community back to us at a markup. Real estate developers profit from rebranding a commercial project as a public good. Urban planners, especially in newer, tightly zoned sectors of the city, design out the informal and unplanned in favour of the neat and monetisable. 

And we, the ones who now default to the aesthetic café over the beloved chai tapri because it photographs better, are complicit too — chasing curation over the unpredictability that used to be the entire point. What it costs is simple: a third place that once asked nothing of you now asks for a minimum spend before you’re allowed to stay.

That day in the rain in my college wasn’t unique. Walk through any DU campus on an ordinary day and you’ll see it; in scenes so regular they fail to stand out as extraordinary; in a shop on wheels outside the gate where someone’s always owed twenty rupees and nobody’s keeping count; in the canteen chai that costs less than a metro ticket and buys you an hour of sitting there, uninterrupted and unbothered. DU, for a lot of us, is one enormous, sprawling third place before it’s anything else.

But then summer break arrives and takes the entire architecture with it. So I went looking. 

Sadly, I rarely found another free third space. Pierre Bourdieu wrote about social capital, which is the idea that one’s ease in different social settings and ability to walk into a room and belong, is, in itself, a kind of inherited wealth. Some people grow up with it and others don’t. Third places, historically, were one of the few places you could build social capital regardl fess of where you come from, because it allows you to exist in the here and now. Ideally, a third place doesn’t make decisions for you, nor does it determine your worth based on factors like gender, class or race. 

But swap that canteen for a café with a Rs. 500 minimum order, or that library for a members-only space with a community vibe, and the entry fee creates a barrier, excluding those who do not have the means. Third places, rather than being the means to an end, become an end in themselves. An end that is neither achievable nor presented to a segment of society. This process, the commercialisation of third places is eroding a community which we will grieve sooner or later. Perhaps we already are. 

Collaterally, we end up hanging out only with people who can afford to hang out the same way we can. This isn’t new. 

Delhi makes this especially visible. A thesis on Dwarka’s Sector 23 makes a version of this same point from an urban design lens: when a sector is planned too tightly, with no room for the unplanned, informal gathering spaces that make a neighbourhood feel lived-in, you get vitality failure. The neighbourhood has streets with nowhere to loiter and parks that are green yet empty, while the city builds infrastructure without creating the conditions for people to actually use it together.

You can see the same failure everywhere in the city. The chai stall becomes a trendy café. The maidan gets fenced off and rebranded as a recreational zone with entry timings. The third places that survive start to feel curated and merely dressed in the aesthetic of community without much of the actual unpredictability that makes a third place work. Christensen makes a similar distinction: a public space and a third place aren’t automatically the same thing. It is entirely possible to have the space but lose the function.

Rush hour on the blue line

One living example is the metro. If you want to see what’s left of shared space in this city, get on the Blue Line at rush hour. Oldenburg would probably disqualify it outright because there’s rarely ever a conversation between strangers. There’s mostly earphones and silence, and no regulars in the sense of people who’d notice if you stopped showing up. It’s not a place most people linger in by choice. But for the length of one ride, a flat ₹30 buys you the same space as everyone else — everyone standing in identical conditions, none of them curated into that space by an app or a membership. 

The question to be asked is what happens to a city, and by extension, a democracy, when the places where you’d bump into someone unlike yourself start demanding something before you’ve even had the chance to explore them. 

Third places have always been an agent of political work, in that they force proximity across differences. The randomness of who’s sitting next to you is the entire point because you didn’t choose them, an algorithm didn’t curate them for you, and yet you end up talking anyway. 

Karen Christensen’s update to Oldenburg’s work makes the case that this kind of unchosen encounter is now doing real work against polarisation and loneliness — two things we don’t usually think of as connected to a chai stall, but probably should. When those spaces disappear, we just start socialising exclusively with people who already agree with us, already look like us, already spend the way we do. The bubble doesn’t feel like a bubble from the inside. 

I don’t have a tidy policy fix for this, and I’m a little suspicious of pieces that pretend they do. But I think the least we can do is stop taking “revitalisation” and “placemaking” at face value every time a developer or a municipal body reaches for those words. What’s actually being revitalised, and for whom? 

Rishika Jain

[email protected] 

Read Also: Beyond the Binary of Pink and Blue 

Image Credit: Rishika Jain for DU Beat

A Myanmar refugee has approached the Delhi High Court challenging Delhi University’s passport requirement for foreign admissions, arguing that the rule excludes UNHCR-recognised refugees from accessing higher education.

Delhi University’s admission policy for foreign students is under judicial scrutiny after a Myanmar refugee approached the Delhi High Court, challenging the requirement that applicants possess a non-Indian passport to seek admission under the Foreign Students Registry (FSR). The petition argues that the rule unfairly excludes refugees who have fled their home countries and are therefore unable to obtain travel documents from the countries they were forced to flee.

Petitioner Henry Htoo Aung Lin and his family fled Myanmar due to the political instability, which created aggravated fear in the hearts of many in Myanmar. These refugees have been living in India under protection from the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) since 2022. Since then, he has completed his schooling in India, and now hopes to secure admission to an undergraduate programme at Delhi University under the foreign students category.

At the heart of the plea is Delhi University’s FSR admission bulletin, which mandates a valid non-Indian passport as a prerequisite for admission. The petitioner requests that his UNHCR documents be accepted in their place and asks the High Court to strike down this requirement.

There exists a contradiction in the FSR framework. While Tibetan nationals without passports are permitted to rely on alternative documents such as Registration Certificates, no similar provision exists for UNHCR-recognised refugees from Myanmar. This creates an inconsistency which amounts to unequal treatment. 

The petition argues that the passport requirement overlooks the petitioner’s academic eligibility, as he has produced certificates proving his completion of Class X from the Mizoram Board of School Education and Class XII from the Meghalaya Board of School Education, establishing that he has fulfilled the academic requirements for admission. It further states that any discrepancies in his name or date of birth are merely clerical errors and do not affect his identity.

Invoking Articles 14 and 21 of the Constitution, the petition argues that the passport requirement is discriminatory and deprives recognised refugees of equal access to higher education and the dignity that comes with it. It also invokes the legal maxim lex non cogit ad impossibilia, which is understood as “the law does not compel a person to perform an impossible act,” contending that refugees cannot be required to produce documents they simply cannot obtain.

The matter is currently pending before the Court, which has sought responses from Delhi University and the concerned authorities before taking up the petition for further consideration.

Read Also: DU UG Admissions 2026: More than 82,900 students register for 73 courses in first phase of CSAS

Image Source: Foreign Students’ Registry

Ahana Dey

[email protected]

 

Delhi University aspirants all across India have been receiving scam calls from individuals posing as DU representatives, offering seats in their desired colleges for a ransom.

 

Due to its impeccable literary heritage, surmounting cultural importance and a great network of alumni, Delhi University stands out as one of the most aspirational and promising institutions for UG (undergraduate) studies. With CSAS phase 2 underway, where the college allotment process is decided by the preference list, students are navigating a mix of excitement, anticipation and nervousness. 

Despite the step-by-step process clearly outlined by the official website for admission to DU, a lot of students have reported getting scam calls from individuals claiming to be ‘admission counsellors’. They promise to prepare a personalised preference sheet for the students, helping them secure a guaranteed seat in their favourite college, all for a hefty amount of money. What makes the fraud particularly convincing is the callers’ apparent familiarity with the admission processes, quotas and college placements, lending credibility to their false claims.

Several students spoke to Hindustan Times regarding such frauds and one such student Tanya Rathi, from Ghaziabad reported:

My father received a call from someone saying, “I’m from DU.”‘ They said they help students with counselling and assured us that they would fill my preference sheet in a way that would ensure I get the college I wanted. In return, they quoted him ₹50,000.’’

Another student Rehan Chandra, from Jaipur stated:

The desperation to get into one’s dream college is such that once you hear the person take the name of a top college saying they can help get you admission there, one easily falls for it in that instance… When I received the phone, the caller asked me which college I wanted. 

Then the person on the other end of the phone claimed management quota seats were available and demanded ₹1 lakh to guarantee that I could get one.”

Multiple such incidents have been reported, suggesting that these are not isolated cases but a  part of a larger scam racket, taking place across all the cities, targeting the innocence and aspirations of the hard-working students and exploiting their lives for some amount of money. Such cases have occurred in the past as well. Last year a major fraud racket was caught by Delhi Police and Rs 1.34 crore was recovered in cash in Ghaziabad from two such scamsters who had been targeting the same group and sentiments. 

Similar instances of such frauds have also been reported and raised by users on Reddit of the r/delhiuniversity community who claim that they have been repeatedly contacted by individuals claiming to be the representatives of DU Admission Counselling offering direct admission. 

Addressing the concerns of such unsolicited calls, the Dean of Admissions of DU, Haneet Gandhi, informed:  

The university has repeatedly maintained that admissions are conducted only and only through the official CSAS portal. Any student receiving any such calls should not even think twice and report it to the concerned authorities immediately.”

Such calls are not meant to be taken seriously, and for any guidelines or doubts related to admission and the counselling process, parents and students are advised to refer to the official DU Admissions. 

If you get such a suspecting call, you could report it at www.sancharsaathi.gov.in / www.cybercrime.gov.in

Or call: Cybercrime Helpline Numbers: 1930, 011-20892633, 9319301930

 

Rajarshi Ghosh 

[email protected] 

 

Read Also: NCWEB applications open for B.A. (Prog) and B.Com; last date to register: July 24

Image Source: Adda 247

The NCWEB has commenced the admission process for B.A. (Prog.) and B.Com. programmes for the 2026–27 academic session. Eligible women candidates residing in the National Capital Territory (NCT) of Delhi can apply online until 24 July.

The Non-Collegiate Women’s Education Board (NCWEB) has opened admissions for its B.A. (Prog.) and B.Com. undergraduate programmes for the academic session 2026–27. Online registrations began on July 8 and will remain open until July 24.

NCWEB is inviting applications for two undergraduate programmes: B.A. (Programme), with various subject combinations on offer, and B.Com. Admissions will be granted purely on a merit basis, determined by the marks obtained by candidates in their Class XII board examinations. No entrance test has been announced for the process.

Applications are being accepted exclusively through the official NCWEB admission portal. The registration process is entirely online, with applicants required to register using a valid Email ID, create a password, and complete the CAPTCHA verification before proceeding.

The admission portal notes that candidates should not wait until the final day to pay the registration fee, as applications will only be considered complete after successful payment. Candidates registering on the portal are considered for merit-based courses at NCWEB alone, subject to eligibility criteria. Applicants have also been advised to read the detailed Bulletin of Information, available in both English and Hindi, before filling out the form.

Applicants are advised to keep their Class XII board examination mark sheets and other required documents ready before beginning the registration process. For admission-related queries, applicants may contact NCWEB’s Tutorial Building at the Faculty of Arts, University of Delhi, email [email protected], or call 011-27667866.

With the registration window now open, eligible candidates are advised to complete their applications well before the July 24 deadline to avoid potential technical issues caused by heavy traffic on the admission portal.

Following the closure of the registration window, NCWEB is expected to release merit lists and subsequent admission schedules on its official website. Applicants are advised to regularly check the portal for updates and further announcements regarding the admission process.



Kaustubh Dwivedi
[email protected]

 

Read Also: DU Colleges Launch Pre-Admission Outreach Programmes Ahead of UG Admissions
Image Source: X (NCWEB_Official)

Delhi University offers a range of postgraduate diploma programmes across its colleges and departments, spanning fields from peace-building to cybersecurity. Here is what is on offer for 2026-27.

For students looking beyond conventional master’s degrees, Delhi University has several postgraduate diploma programmes worth knowing about. Some have deadlines coming up this week, so if any of these interest you, do not wait.

PG Intensive Diploma in Chinese, Japanese, or Korean Language

The Department of East Asian Studies offers intensive postgraduate diploma courses in Chinese (CF-1), Japanese (JF-1), and Korean (KF-1). Admissions for 2026–27 are open, with the deadline extended to 5th July 2026. Eligibility criteria and the admission notice are available here.

PG Diploma in Conflict Transformation and Peace-building

Offered through the Aung San Suu Kyi Centre for Peace at Lady Shri Ram College, this programmme focuses on conflict resolution and peace-building. The application deadline for 2026-27 is 12th July 2026. Further details pertaining to eligibility criteria and syllabus are available on this page.

PG Diploma in Cyber Security and Law (PGDCSL)

Offered by the Institute of Cyber Security and Law and conducted in Shaheed Sukhdev College of Business Studies, this programme covers the legal and technical dimensions of cybersecurity. Details on admissions for 2025-26 are available on the institute’s website, which indicates the new session would tentatively start mid-August.

PG Diploma in International Marketing and Analytics

Sri Guru Gobind Singh College of Commerce offers a postgraduate diploma in International Marketing. Admission details for 2026-27 have not been announced at the time of publication, but an official LinkedIn post confirms that details are forthcoming, along with the restructuring of the course. The bulletin of information from the 2025-26 session is available here.

PG Diploma in Financial Technology 

Also offered by Sri Guru Gobind Singh College of Commerce, the details for 2026-27 sessions are forthcoming. Interested candidates are advised to regularly check the website for further updates.

PG Diploma in Global Business Operations

Shri Ram College of Commerce offers a postgraduate diploma in Global Business Operations. Based on last year’s cycle, applications are expected to open in December 2026. Candidates are advised to monitor the admissions portal for updates.

PG Diploma in Dietetics and Public Health Nutrition

Lady Irwin College offers a postgraduate diploma in Dietetics and Public Health Nutrition. Admission details for 2026-27 have not been announced at the time of publication. Eligibility criteria from the previous session are available here. Interested candidates may wish to contact the college directly for updates.

Diploma in Dietetics and Public Health Nutrition

The Institute of Home Economics offers a diploma in Dietetics and Public Health Nutrition. Admission details for 2026-27 are not confirmed at the time of publication; the most recent admission notice available is from the 2024-25 session. Programme details are on the institute’s website.

PG Diploma in Bioinformatics, Computational Biology, and Drug Discovery

The Dr B.R. Ambedkar Centre for Biomedical Research offers a postgraduate diploma at the intersection of biology and data science. The last available admission notice is from 2024-25. Prospective applicants should check the DU website for updates.

Candidates are advised to verify all deadlines and eligibility criteria directly with the respective institutions, as details are subject to change.

 

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Rishika Jain
[email protected] 

 

India loves to talk about transparency. Each month, ministers announce e-governance portals. Budget speeches invoke “citizen-centric” reform. And yet, when I actually tried to use the one law built to make the state answer to its own people, the government’s own contact number connected me to a confused housewife who had never heard of the Delhi Transport Corporation. That, in one phone call, is the state of the Right to Information (RTI) Act in 2026.

An Application, and a Wrong Number

On 14 December 2025, I filed an RTI application against the DTC. I had a few questions to ask. How many electric buses does DTC run? How much does it cost to run them? How many people use them? And how much revenue do they bring in? Nothing classified. Nothing that should embarrass anyone.

When the file stalled, I called the numbers listed on the official portal for the officers meant to handle exactly this. A housewife picked up. She knew nothing about buses, nothing about RTI, nothing about why a stranger was calling her. It was something out of the blue for her. Nobody sabotaged my application because, well, nobody had to. The machinery had simply been left to rot at the exact point where a citizen is supposed to reach it — and rot, done at scale, works just as well as sabotage.

DTC’s official RTI status portal marked “Request Transferred to Other Public Authority” with the case forwarded across multiple CPIOs and re-registered under two further numbers.
The same request’s status log, listing the telephone numbers for the S.O. (Cluster) and S.O. (DTC), repeatedly marked “Request Transferred to Other Public Authority” as the file was passed on without resolution.

A Law Built to Make Power Answer

RTI was never a gift from Parliament. It was extracted, in the 1990s, by daily-wage labourers in Rajasthan who wanted to see muster rolls because their wages were being stolen on paper. That movement forced a law that flipped a century of colonial habit: under the Official Secrets Act, silence was the default. Under RTI, it became the exception that the state had to justify. For a while, it worked. RTI is what cracked open the Vyapam scam, Adarsh Housing, and years of hidden wilful-defaulter lists at the RBI. The file stopped being the government’s private property. 

After coming to power in 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself promised transparency and accountability, coining a “3T” formula: timely, transparent, and trouble-free. It is worth holding that promise up against a housewife in Delhi picking up a stranger’s phone call meant for a transport officer.

The Backlog is the Punishment

More than four hundred thousand RTI appeals and complaints are currently stuck before information commissions across the country, and in fourteen commissions, it now takes over a year just to get a hearing. A citizen who has to wait a year to find out whether they’re even allowed to see a document has already been denied it in every way that matters. This isn’t an accident of scale. Seven of the country’s twenty-nine Information Commissions were completely defunct for stretches of 2023–24, and no Chief Information Commissioner was appointed at the Centre between August and October 2014, in addition to multiple shorter periods between 2023 and 2025 where the Central Information Commission (CIC) remained headless. There reached a point where citizens had to drag the matter into court. Jharkhand’s commission has been dead for over five years. In 2023, the Supreme Court warned that RTI risks becoming a dead letter. Nobody had to say the quiet part out loud. Starving a commission of members achieves the same result as repealing it, without the paperwork. 

The Institutions that Simply Opted Out

Then there are the fortresses. PM CARES has refused RTI applications for years, claiming it isn’t a “public authority”— even as the government has separately admitted, in another RTI reply, that the fund is owned, controlled, and established by the Government of India. The RTI Act defines a “public authority” by exactly that test. You cannot be outside that definition in one file and inside it in another. This year, the Delhi High Court went further, suggesting PM CARES might retain a “right to privacy” — a protection meant for people, now shielding an entity built to spend public money. The BCCI won the same exemption in May; political parties got theirs even earlier. None of these institutions had to win an argument. They just declared themselves outside the law’s reach, and the law abided.  

What’s Left When the Line Goes Dead?

None of this is abstract for everyone. At least eighteen RTI activists have allegedly been murdered in Maharashtra alone since 2010. Satish Shetty, shot dead in Pune for exposing a land-grab racket, still has no conviction after sixteen years. I asked about bus fares; he asked a harder question, and it cost him his life.

None of this happened by accident, either. The 2019 amendment placed information commissioners’ salaries in the government’s hands. The DPDP Act lets “personal information” swallow whatever the government doesn’t want to be asked—backlogs, vacancies, exemptions, killings — different tools, same direction.

RTI was built to make silence cost the state something. Today, silence is free, and asking is the only costly act left. A democracy doesn’t announce the death of its transparency law. It just lets the phone ring out.

Who’s still on the other end of it?

Mayank Scripts
[email protected]

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