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Beyond the Glitz of Charity and Equality, lies the corporate culture-ification of social service, where Insta Digits hold greater value than Impact, misinformation prevails, and the crimes of establishment remain unchallenged.

In my Freshman Year at DU, canonically as a rebel-tired-of-societal-obligations, enthralled by the hunger to usher a change in the patriarchal and chauvinistic ideals that run the world, I found my haven in Girl Up. Within the four walls of Inclusivity, Intersectionality, Impact, and UN Affiliation, I discovered my abode until I witnessed each one of them crumble to the ground of status quo appeasement.

In order to uphold absolute respect for and safeguard the identities of the sources, their respective Girl Ups will be kept anonymous throughout the report.

The Official Website of the Organization states that GirlUp is a girl-centered leadership development initiative, focusing on equity for women in spaces where they are unheard and unrepresented. Idealistically, an organisation such as that would have resulted in tremors of change within the societal structure and standards. However, on account of the absence of the same, GirlUps fail to endorse that despite holding a beautiful core belief. Within this report, an attempt has been made to analyze the issues about them by surveying DU students, who either are or have been part of the initiative.

While the UN initiative, at its core, focuses on transforming the lives of the underprivileged and advancing Gender Justice, their local chapters are provided with a target of 5 projects within a year, the completion of which would provide them with certifications from the UN, and so, their foreground turns into Social Media awareness. Social Media, albeit an impactful tool, is restrictive, and when combined with underdeveloped ideas, could often lead to the contrary results. Similar was the case when, a GirlUp from a reputed North Campus college, posted about how Imane Khelif had failed the gender eligibility test, while in fact, the test results were never revealed. And while DU societies are known for their secularism and separation from religion, the aforementioned GirlUp posted stories celebrating the inauguration of the Ram Mandir of Ayodhya, depicting an unwarranted appeasement of the prominent status quo.

The activism, “conveniently, focused at favouring the status quo, also depicts an appropriation of cultural icons”, was quoted by one of the sources, further stating how the GirlUp of their college, curated a post for Dalit History Month, focusing more upon Mahatma Gandhi, while little was discussed of the renowned icon, B.R. Ambedkar. Another person recalls how, in the aegis of a project titled Manorama, centred upon the lives of marginalized women, their GirlUp created videos of awareness, however, the representation was affixed on people from privileged backgrounds, antithetical to the core of that project.

The Five Project policy restricts their participation to mere play of Social Media, and so all their resources are directed towards social media management and garnering the required views and numbers, to an extent that the Social Welfare aspect of the projects takes a backseat, fading into oblivion. 

“The Certificates are promoted as ornaments of the CV, and become a primordial tool to encourage people to join, often in ways similar to affiliate marketing tactics”

claimed a source who held a core member position at two GirlUps. 

Thus, Tokenism in the guise of Activism gets promoted, and so even when members join in with an ignited sense of bringing a change, the vicious cycle of likes and follows traps them into its ploy.

A combined effect of the same is short-term projects, the long-term impacts are overlooked, in attempts to be one step closer to the UN certification, a ‘brownie point’ on the CV. The projects thus turn into half-baked attempts given the time crunch and limited resources that need to be employed to cover 5 such projects year long. 

“..for a project, we collaborated with the Robin Hood Army and a GU chapter, (and unlike RHA) the GU kept stating the need for certificates, in the absence of which their members would not show up.”

recalled another student about their experience with  Girl Up, indicating how “passion gets eroded, and Social Media numbers take over.”

“During the Pujo, when all the organizations I was affiliated with, allowed a short leave, the Girl Up I held a Position of Responsibility at, refused.’

divulged a member of a reputed GU of South Campus, elaborating upon how the workload situation spirals deeper,

 ‘…and when I was severely ill for a month, instead of being accommodating, I was compelled to take up projects, and attend hours long meeting over petty issues that could be solved over chat.”,

Adds one student reflecting upon how an organization that emphasizes upon the prioritization of mental health, conveniently forgets the same; often creating obstructions in the professional, and otherwise, life of the members.

The parable of the mismanagement runs profound, a staggering specimen was presented when in a GU, a core member  was removed from their position over disorderly conduct; however, along with them, the person who brought the incident to light was also suspended on the grounds of agitating out of spite, 

“..the anonymity I was assured was disrupted, it was turned into an IntraSoc gameplay, and while discussions with both the parties involved were held, I was removed without even a 30 days deadline.”,

exhibiting how the organization failed at both a professional and personal ground.

GirlUps at its core, starts as a medium to generate change in the world, however, in the midst, it undertakes a trajectory of first-world charity; oblivious to the intersectionality and struggle, a route towards becoming a multilevel market tactic of UN certification, a place that largely deviates from its core principle. Per Contra, quite like how the United Nations tries to project a certain optimism for humanity, on a rampant retrospect, GirlUp is capable of bringing about the change that it aspires to see, given it actually works for it.

Read Also: What is the cost of my dissent 

Featured Image Credit: Google

We spoke to Sneha Aggarwal, a recent graduate from Ramjas College, who is currently a student at Law Faculty, DU. Aggarwal is the candidate of the left-wing alliance between AISA and SFI. She is an SFI member. 

 

Interview took place on September 18, 2024

 

Question: What motivated you to run for the position, knowing the degree of  money-muscle politics?

 

Sneha Aggarwal: Everyone has to face this, those who have any ideological bearings. Money and muscle power have always been a part of student politics but as DU deteriorates and students don’t have any alternatives other than ABVP and NSUI – it shows the need for someone to step up. Being a part of SFI has shown me that you need to be present. 

 

Question: How do you plan on keeping students informed about the union, and taking feedback?

 

Sneha Aggarwal: SFI has always managed to do so with its mass presence and membership with units across 20 colleges. We also don’t use ideology as a filter for members. Our social media presence, and GBMs or general boarding meetings across colleges is how we communicate. 

 

Question: What is the biggest challenge students are facing?

 

Sneha Aggarwal: There are several: fee hike, [lack of] hostel facilities, women’s safety – Union is not representing students’ issues. DU is a central university and a public school, it must continue to  financially alleviate those who cannot afford to do so themselves, DU cannot just be for day-scholar students and the financially privileged 

 

Question: How will you measure the success of your manifesto’s initiatives, if elected? 

 

Sneha Aggarwal: If elected, we have a formal platform to put pressure on and communicate with the administration as seen from JNU where we got hostels made and metro paths created

 

Question: Why did you decide to create an alliance [with AISA] this time?

 

Sneha Aggarwal: We saw a similar model of left unity being followed in JNU as well, given the need to contest the right-wing influence. The same process is underway in DU – the ABVP has risen because members of the Sangh have entered the administration due to the government’s favour, even the faculty has been affected –  SFI and AISA have lean to the left, we have a shared ideology, shared goals, and more importantly – a need to counter muscle and money. 

 

Question: NSUI also has a parent national party, the Congress which recently formed the INDIA alliance. Why was the national model of alliance-making not enacted at the  university-level? 

 

Sneha Aggarwal: NSUI is already in the union so it has already had an opportunity to represent, which has been inadequate. The use of caste politics or muscle power isn’t just limited to the ABVP, NSUI too is becoming similar. We cannot ally with someone simply on the basis of their national party. 

 

Question: How do you strive to ensure that the students’ demands for hostels are fulfilled without conflict?

 

Sneha Aggarwal: Being in the Union gives formal channels of communication as well as the ability to put pressure [granted student legitimacy]. We intend on pointing out that there is space for expensive student centres and Nescafe kiosks but not for hostels. There is a need to better utilise space and resources. Like the promise of university special buses is only mentioned during elections, citing that there was an unused COVID fund, misuse of money should not happen, there should be a common student union fund. 

 

Question: How does SFI plan to make campus more inclusive for all marginalised groups? 

 

Sneha Aggarwal: There are already many SC/ST cells, WDC, queer cells in DU but the issue is functioning. In my alma mater itself, the SC/ST cells were headed by professors who’d make distinctions according to class. Only Miranda’s [College] queer cell is officially recognised. The Union must get these cells recognised and function effectively. Even with the functioning of CASH committees and ICC, they’re responsible for more than just complaints and cases but also effective sensitisation of the student body towards the issue. 

 

Question: Why is your stance anti-FYUP and what alternatives do you propose? 

 

Sneha Aggarwal: There are many issues with the implementation of NEP and the four-year programme – they’re imposing the American which only caters to a few who can afford higher education abroad so why four years? Eventually, they’re trying to make it almost compulsory[B.A. programme requirement to qualify for an Honours degree] yet there are multiple entry and exit –  this is simply education commercialised. UGC scrapped education loans and moved towards privatisation as seen with Hindu’s College, where hostels have been leased out to private contractors. We suggest a survey across the country and especially DU, to see which students are dropping out the most and then implement, in order to encourage these communities to finish their degrees. There is also the  SFI policy of NEP 2.0. 

 

Question: Parties like ASA and Fraternity all support identity politics yet they do it as a means of representation and criticise left for fielding mostly upper class candidates, how do we make a choice? 

 

Sneha Aggarwal: Many of our left leaders themselves are from marginalised groups – this time there’s many women on the panel from varying backgrounds. But on the matter of identity, there are many such who do contest. Left believes in overall emancipation, not just that of a singular identity. 

 

Question: Was there an attempt to ally with these parties like in JNU? 

 

Sneha Aggarwal: We don’t believe in this, this is not our politics. In JNU,  there was a need for the SFI-BAPSA alliance given the right-wing turn. 

 

Question: Is the alliance anti-ABVP or ideologically driven? 

 

Sneha Aggarwal: We are driven by our goals — for the students’ needs to be fulfilled, that is our common ground. Our functioning remains different. 

 

Question: The Left is criticised for themselves being hypocritical with their stances, particularly when it comes to internal misogyny? How will you fight these forces? 

 

Sneha Aggarwal: Simply being a communist doesn’t erase patriarchy, given the way society functions and shapes us. This is reality, simply to “de-class” oneself isn’t enough  but must also sensitise oneself. If we make it to the Union, we can only try to self-correct through [constructive] measures but not by boycotting or “cancelling”. The aim is to support growth. 

 

Read Also: Interview with Dr. Abha Dev Habib

 

Image credits: DUB Archive

 

Interviewed by Bhavana and Vedant 

[email protected]

[email protected]

 

We spoke to Shivam Maurya, a first-year B.Com (Hons.) student at Hindu College, contesting for the post of president from DISHA Students’ Organization, ahead of the DUSU elections scheduled for September 27, 2024. 

 

Question: What in your individual capacity motivated you to contest for election?

Shivam: We come from very far-off to the nation’s biggest university, it is however not how people say it is. We are not being provided with hostels. Looking at fees, you think it’s low but when you have to pay it. My own fee is  Rs. 26,870; it’s too much for a middle-class student.

Question: What do you see as the biggest challenge that students face today?

Shivam: The biggest challenge is anti-student policies. Policies like NEP, FYUP teach students skill-based knowledge so they can do some fixed work for fixed industries. These are designed in a way that disallows lower-class people from coming forward. Seen this way, the most-backward can never make it to the front.

Question: You talk of “merging the student-youth movement with the struggle of the working masses” in your manifesto. How do you interpret this? 

Shivam: Like we have students and working-class individuals, this statement is not for the elite.

Question: Also, what is a ‘common minimum programme’?

Shivam: Common minimum programme reflects common interests and problems of students like fee hikes, hostel accommodation, and (un)employment.

Question: Your manifesto repeatedly refers to the ‘common student’. What is this common student in your understanding? Is every student in DU a common student?

Shivam: At a basic level, every student is a common student. Several students, however, take admission [in DU] to spread propaganda for selfish purposes. Those are in no way common.

Question: The image of Bhagat Singh is your ideological representative, ABVP uses that too. How is it different?

Shivam: For us, Bhagat Singh’s ideology is that of equal education, opportunity, and [equal] treatment of everyone. But as you say ABVP uses Bhagat Singh’s iconography as well but – in a false manner and they throw their pamphlets over roads and use Bhagat Singh to save themselves[for their own political benefit].

Question: How does not being aligned to any party help you during elections? One can see this as a weak ideological position but, how is it a strength? 

Shivam: We have to understand the difference between a political party and a student organisation. If you are aligned to a political party then you represent the party rather than students, like ABVP and NSUI do. Whereas, DISHA represents only students and you think of it as a weakness but it is not a weakness.

Question: SFI and AISA have come into an alliance for left-unity, DISHA can also be ideologically interpreted as a left party. Did you approach them for an alliance?

Shivam: We do not feel it should be ideologically-run as every student who aligns themselves with our common minimum programme is welcome to join DISHA. If we only take someone from a fixed ideology then students of different ideologies are excluded. 

Question: But the way you claim that ABVP-NSUI have a politics of money and muscle, but even their politics come from ideas that are accepted by the masses who elect them to power. Your manifesto claims DISHA has no ideology. Isn’t it a weakness that you don’t have an ideology? 

Shivam: No, it does not mean that we’ll let anyone join the organisation. If someone promotes casteism or hooliganism, we won’t keep them in the organisation as they are violating our common minimum programme. 

Question: Several members of DISHA have often been seen indulging in online debates using heavy terms that might not be accessible to marginalized students who are not familiar with Marxist discourse. This is contrary to your manifesto that states you don’t have an ideology. How far do you think these debates can be stretched in order for them to not reduce to in-fighting?

Shivam: What members of DISHA do, is their own matter. The organisation is isolated from this. 

Question: So, your members’ actions are separate from the organisation?

Shivam: We are concerned as to what they do at the level of the organisation. We can’t interfere in their personal lives.

Question: How does your organisation plan to include students from gender, religious, and caste minorities, LGBTQIIA+ students, and students from economically weaker sections? 

Shivam: We see them all equally. We oppose their oppression but we do not oppress them. They all can come with us and fight and we are with them too.

Question: Systems of power oppress them. For instance, the recent Delhi HC directive about ensuring 50 per cent representation of women in DUSU counters gender oppression. Is DISHA doing anything to ensure this representation and inclusivity?

Shivam: It’s nothing like that. It’s not necessary that only women can understand women’s issues or only Dalits can understand Dalit students’ issues. From time to time, our organisation protests or engages in struggles whenever necessary. As students see us and recognise our struggles, they’ll try to join us.

Question: The DUSU candidates of DISHA are not as publicly visible as other candidates are. This makes mobilization of students difficult as candidates are the face of any organisation. Why so? 

Shivam: We are trying our best but we are unable to gather such a large outreach. 

 

Image Credits: Devesh for DU Beat

 

Read Also: Interview with Dr. Abha Dev Habib

 

Interviewed by Bhavana and Vedant 

[email protected]

[email protected]

Jammu and Kashmir’s upcoming Assembly elections are marked by unpredictability, uncertainty, and a whole lot of curiosity. When you think you have seen it all, the Kashmiri politics shift paradigms and the plot widens. With key players like Engineer Rashid stirring up the region’s volatile political landscape – the shifting alliances and the reemergence of Jamaat-e-Islami mark that anything is possible and nothing can be predicted.

After a decade, Jammu and Kashmir is set for its assembly elections, and the anxiety and betrayal of the past looming heavy. The political landscape of the region has gone through immeasurable changes after the abrogation of Article 370. Without statehood and special status, what once used to be once the most empowered assembly has been reduced to a mere puppet where the lieutenant governor carries unprecedented power and influence. Omar Abdullah, the former chief minister, says the Jammu and Kashmir assembly without statehood will be, “the most disempowered (of) assemblies.” While Mehbooba Mufti, who has fielded her daughter, Iltija Mufti, from South Kashmir’s Bijbehara for her electoral debut, says that the assembly will be “less powerful than a municipality.”

History has a way to repeat itself, and many in Kashmir are hoping for it to not happen. In the 2014 Assembly Elections, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) won 28 seats out of 87 on the precedent of keeping the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) from entering the valley. However, in a turn of events, the PDP announced an alliance with BJP to form the government, which left the people of Kashmir betrayed and deceived. After what are called the darkest days of PDP-BJP alliance rule in Kashmir, which led to the unprecedented civilian killings and unrest in the valley; in June 2018, BJP pulled out of its coalition government with PDP, Mehbooba Mufti resigned, and Governor’s rule was imposed again. 10 years later, the Omar Abdullah-led National Conference (NC) is seeking votes with the same rhetoric – keep the BJP out.

Given the unpredictability of Kashmiri electoral politics, nothing can be certain. After the parliamentary elections, if the results were any indication that the NC might emerge as the single-largest party in Kashmir in the upcoming assembly elections, the release of Sheikh Abdul Rashid also known as Engineer Rashid on bail after five years in Tihar Jail shaken up electoral preferences. And Engineer Rashid is no average candidate. He won against former chief minister Omar Abdullah in the parliamentary elections 2024 with a staggering two lakh votes while being incarcerated. Being a popular separatist leader, his campaigns resonate with the common people. His theatrical and confrontational politics have been a crowd-puller, and the youth of Kashmir see him as the only candidate brave enough to say out loud what other candidates are afraid of.  

Solution of Kashmir issue lies in asking the people on both sides of the LOC [line of control] about their aspirations,” said Engineer Rashid in Pulwama.

Statements like these grab attention and deeply resonate with the people who for long have felt unheard. 

On his own, he is more outspoken against Delhi than the entire leadership of mainstream parties in Kashmir. Both the National Conference and the Peoples Democratic Party have a history of working closely with the BJP,” said a student from Srinagar while talking to Rising Kashmir.

In Kashmir, mainstream politics has always represented Delhi, while the separatists represented the ground sentiment of the people. Rashid was someone who would give expression to issues felt by the people despite being in the mainstream. At times, he would cause a lot of discomfort to the parties in power over what he called their surrender of Kashmir’s interests to New Delhi,” said another youth in Srinagar.

However, even with what seems like popular support for Engineer Rashid, the elections are unlikely to be easy for him and his party. One section of the crowd has been pointing fingers at Rashid for being a mere pawn and a proxy of BJP, designed to split the votes and let BJP in through the cracks. Omar Abdullah, while addressing the issue, stated that Rashid is receiving special treatment and has been released only to manipulate Kashmiris.

Why only Engineer Rashid? Why is he receiving special treatment? What about Yasin Malik and Shabir Shah, who are also imprisoned under the same law?

According to Abdullah, Rashid’s bail is a strategic move to sway votes and aid the BJP in gaining control of the assembly, further solidifying the decisions made on August 5, 2019.

 “I feel sorry for the people of Baramulla. This bail is not to serve the people of North Kashmir but to get votes. After polls, Er Rashid will be back in Tihar… . My only appeal is to not allow the BJP’s designs to succeed. If people want a BJP government in Jammu and Kashmir, then they should support the AIP, PCP, and Apni Party.

Sarjan Ahmad Wagay, popularly known as Sarjan Barkati, a hardline cleric who is currently in jail, is all set to contest from the Ganderbal seat against National Conference Vice President Omar Abdullah. Barkati had earlier filed a nomination from the Zainapora assembly seat in Shopian, South Kashmir. But his nomination papers were rejected on September 4. Even though his nomination from Shopian was rejected due to the absence of an oath certificate that was to be duly signed by the jail authorities, some observers believe it was done to further divide the votes by accepting the nomination from the Ganderbal seat.

Engineer Rashid, charged under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act in a terror funding case being released just days before the elections and getting the ticket to contest in the assembly elections openly while other separatist leaders, journalists, and human rights activists are yet to see the light of day, does raise fingers. Why would Delhi’s administration allow for a separatist leader backed with popular sentiment, such “freedom” in the “new” Kashmir? While these doubts regarding Rashid’s release continue to emanate, the increasing number of independent candidates and reemergence of groups in the political landscape have further generated curiosity regarding the effects on the political system in the region.

Jamaat-e-Islami, a banned political and religious group, has returned to politics after 37 years and is backing several independent candidates. The banned organisation which once opposed the elections in the valley, contesting and swearing by the Indian Constitution, is something that comes as a surprise. Mehbooba Mufti lost footing in the political terrain after the failure of the PDP government during its alliance with the BJP. Further, there is palpable anger among the voters against Mehbooba Mufti’s public statements in 2016, in which she blamed civilians for protests. Fielding her daughter, Iltija Mufti, might have been a great strategic move; however, what transpired during the PDP coalition government might make it hard to gain popular support for these elections. 

While Kashmir is stumbling through the unpredictability, Jammu is a bit more consistent. The people of Jammu seem content and comfortable sticking to the same, ultra-nationalist rhetoric of the BJP. Their politics, with no grey areas and too much of saffron, is a pretty straightforward affair. With the politicians gambling with words and an increased number of new players in the circus that Kashmiri politics is, the outcome of it all remains uncertain. However, what else remains uncertain is the future of Kashmir, at the hands of those who play for themselves. 

Read Also: The Role of NOTA in Indian Elections

Image Credits: 1. Anis Wani (@ anis__wani instagram)

Reeba Khan

[email protected]




Fraternity Movement, Delhi University released a statement on 19th September 2024, condemning the actions of NSUI members for confiscating and ripping the nomination form of their candidate, Yaseen K. Muhammad, in front of the DSW office gate. Representatives of the NSUI have declined to address the matter or refute the accusations.

On Thursday, 19th September 2024, Fraternity Movement Delhi University released a statement alleging that the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) “goondas” forcibly confiscated and tore the nomination form of their candidate, Yaseen K. Muhammad, right outside the gate of Dean Students Welfare (DSW), Conference Centre, University of Delhi. This happened in front of the police officers and security guards, who refused to do anything and played mere spectators to the incident. The NSUI members have refused to comment on the issue and ignored the texts and calls asking them to deny or accept the allegations.

Yaseen K. Muhammad, in conversation with DU Beat, spoke about the incident:

“It was very terrifying that day. On the way to submit my nomination, I entered through gate no. 4 of the University of Delhi, Botany Department. As I entered gate no. 4, my documents were checked by the ABVP and NSUI members. They don’t have any right to check my papers, but they still checked my papers in front of the police and other security guards. I got the entry after their verification, and I went straight to the DSW office, where the nominations were to be submitted. At the gate to the DSW office, while I was stating my name and other details to the security guard, a NSUI cadre snatched my nomination form in front of everyone and tore it. To not leave any evidence, the person put the pieces of my nomination form in their pocket. All the high-ranking police officials and security guards surrounding us did not protect me, nor did they stop the NSUI members from snatching and tearing my nomination form.”

Interestingly, Yaseen had contested for the position of Vice President in the 2023 DUSU elections. However, his nomination form was rejected due to some discrepancies related to the documents. In the official statement, released on their Instagram page, Fraternity Movement, Delhi University stated:

“In an attempt to undermine the democratic process and avoid the consequences of a potential defeat in the DUSU elections, NSUI goondas restored to obstructive tactics by forcibly confiscating the nomination papers of Fraternity Movement candidates as they were en route to file them. These actions escalated further as the miscreants unlawfully entered the election commission office, endangering vital election documents. Alarmingly, the election commission showed no intention to intervene, effectively enabling these anti-democratic manoeuvres. This organised disruption by NSUI, driven by fear of losing the ideological contest, seeks to derail the electoral process.”

The DU Beat team tried to approach the NSUI members several times; however, the texts and calls were initially ignored. An NSUI member denied commenting on the issue by stating that he was out of station and refused to get us in contact with any other NSUI member who could speak on the issue. After multiple attempts, we briefly reached another representative. However, the call was cut short with a statement indicating a willingness to speak later. Despite follow-up efforts, no further communication was received by the time of the publication of the report.

A 2nd-year university student who accompanied Yaseen to the DSW office alleged that:

“While our candidate was allowed only one supporter to enter, the place was filled with ABVP and NSUI members and their supporters. If I am not mistaken, Abhi Dahiya (Vice President DUSU) was present there when one of his cadres snatched and tore the nomination form of our candidate. I have only had a year participating in all of this election fiasco, but I am very sure that NSUI members were the ones who ripped off Yaseen’s form.”

As of the latest updates, Yaseen will not be able to stand up for the position of secretary due to not being able to submit his nomination form. The Fraternity Movement movement, in their official statement, has demanded an extension of the nomination deadline and accountability for the perpetrators. However, the Delhi University authorities have not condemned nor released any statements regarding the incident.

Read Also: Controversy Erupts Over Tushar Dedha’s Presidential Candidature as DUSU VP Files Complaint

Featured Image: Arush for DU Beat

Reeba Khan

[email protected]

Indian law prevents the revelation or use thereof of the name of the victim of a sexual offence(s) without the explicit consent of the victim, and none else. To what, then, does one direct justice?

 

France has not been spared the wild and purposed rioting towards a cause of sexual and social injustice pursuant to the recent developments of the rape case of Gisèle Pelicot. I shall recount the details of the case and the brutality involved in order for the reader to make sense of the argument that I shall proceed to posit later in the article. 

 

Trigger warning: Mention of rape 

 

Gisèle’s husband of 50 years, Dominique Pelicot, has been accused of inviting strangers—the numbers of whom have been calculated from video evidence to be around 83, out of which 50 have been identified—to rape his drugged wife over the course of almost a decade, from 2011 to 2020. In 2020, Dominique’s laptop was searched after he was caught by a security guard filming videos up the skirts of women in a supermarket near the couple’s residence. A folder labelled ‘abuses’ was discovered there, containing more than 20,000 photos and videos of the act. Gisèle, who was completely unaware of what was happening to her, later recalled instances where she would experience complete blackouts in memory where she could not remember having gotten into bed or watching a movie before falling asleep, given that Dominique would usually drug her around evening.

 

Gisèle, who had only recently mustered the courage to view the videos, confessed to being treated like a ‘ragdoll’, ‘sacrificed at the altar of vice’. She recalls being apprehensive that she had Alzheimer’s on account of the repeated instances of memory loss, out of the fear of which she had decided to stop driving; she remembers having lost weight and hair, alongside several other health complications, including gynaecological problems that no doctor could properly explain to her. 

 

Drawing parallels with the case of R.G. Kar, we cannot deny numerous, almost uncanny similarities, the two most prominent of which are the abject failure of the healthcare system to protect them and the sheer brutality of the assault. The primal, most striking difference is but one. Pelicot, despite the protection offered to her identity by France’s legal system, chose to make the case and most of its details public. In explanation, her lawyer disclosed that she refused to have private proceedings, for that is “what her attackers would have wanted.” Surely enough, the accused, with the exemption of her husband, have chosen to remain unnamed. She herself declared that the choice was so made so that she might be the voice for all the other women who have been raped, drugged or both.

 

Whenever they experience blackouts, they may remember the testimony of Ms. Pelicot,” she said. 

 

On the other hand, with R.G. Kar, during the first stages of the protest and legal developments, streets were strewn with irate bodies, ferociously chanting, “SAY HER NAME. Remember her.” Following the corrective and thereby preemptive action taken by Kolkata police against those that were the first to reveal her name to the public, in violation of the law, the citizens promptly switched to, what I must say, thoughtless abstractions in an attempt to immortalise her name. But they did not immortalise her name.

 

‘Tilottoma’, ‘Abhaya’, and the worst of them all, ‘Nirbhaya 2.0’, served to further mutilate her identity, one that was generously trampled upon by all the slighting politicians in their specious and fairly nonsensical speeches. The argument that many took to, in order to defend their turns, was essentially this: that the consent and participation of the victim are of critical importance and that using their name hurts their dignity. While to the first proposition, I may concede, to the second, I could not, and urge the reader to understand the following. The naming of the victim in an event where they are unavailable to consider their position in the order of incidence is certainly wrong; it should not have been done in the first place. 

 

*Please note that the following argument stands only in the event that a name has already been revealed to the public. It is interested in discussing the aftermath and not in passing a value judgement on the morality of the violation itself. 

 

All protests are fuelled by a cause, and essentially, a core, physical object that is the realisation of said cause. The ideology or the cause of a protest is merely an abstraction. Such an abstraction cannot be realised in the absence of a physical conduit through which it shall manifest. Similarly for all abstractions, a physicality must be invoked. For instance, the word ‘chair’ has no meaning in itself. It is given meaning by our experience with and knowledge of a particular physical object that looks a particular way. My object is, then, to communicate the idea that all protests converge not in an idea but in a real, physical manifestation that happens to embody that idea. In this case, the name of the victim serves the purpose. 

 

When we immortalise their stories through names taken from legends, we find ourselves grasping at air. The importance is effectively shifted from the lives of the victims, their concrete stories, to the idea or the cause that could extend to infinite examples. Without a point of concentration, the surge of the protest weakens. The identity of the victim once again stands erased. When we say her name, we recall the blood, the bones, and the torture.

 

We recall the apathy of the state and the plight of the devastated families. In a way, the name becomes dignity personified, as has been the case with Pelicot. She has become the face of a long broiling unrest in France with regard to the mass attitude towards assault. All the world’s rage concentrates in her name and in her face. If instead it were a faceless caricature, it would become emblematic of not the victim, but victimhood, subsuming countless names and countless cases; but the truth is that we could not give them justice, and we will not be able to compensate now. Therefore, it is important to remember them, but they could no longer drive the fight with the grit that a name so fresh in our memories can.

 

When we say Abhaya, or Tilottoma, the force is dispelled, the cause falters. There is no Kolkata’s Nirbhaya; there has only been one Nirbhaya, and it shall remain so. It is important to acknowledge their individual identities and their stories, lest they become statistics in a survey. In an attempt to immortalise them, we negate their physical suffering and their tangible reality. We exalt the victim, fossilise them at the pinnacle of history, but what purpose does that serve? Protests do not happen in the realm of ideas; the conception does. An act of protest itself is a physical one. Therefore, its focus must be immediate and real. If not the name, such pale substitutes certainly do not serve their intended purpose. I invite the reader to reflect.

 

Read Also: To politicise, or not to politicise?

 

Featured Image Credits: World Pulse

 

Aayudh Pramanik

[email protected] 

 

Navigating political identity in college, especially for members of marginalised groups, often involves balancing personal truth with the fear of scrutiny. The struggle between silence and speaking out highlights systemic issues and personal challenges in advocating for one’s identity.

Once you enter the ever-thriving, “politically inclusive” college campuses, you realise that nothing can ever be totally excluded from politics. Your identity, your existence is itself political. Or so some of us believe it to be. Usually it’s said that most people who would rather not talk about certain issues because, “it’s too political” or “don’t want to get too political” are the ones that choose to not talk about politics as it threatens the system they are comfortably benefited by. This idea, predominantly, is veracious; however, it at times disregards the threat of being political among people from marginalised groups owing to their fragile political identity. The fear of suppression and surveillance is a legitimate fear that has shaped the political discourse of the country – such that silence is the only resistance some people can take up. Silence in the face of revolting questions creates an agency, a boundary to limit what parts of you other people have access to. However, in the face of oppression, how long can silence be used as a form of resistance? 

I, as a student, have aims. But the fear of scrutiny given my regional and religious identity has many times limited the outpour of my words. “Be quiet, no matter what.” was the only advice I received when I entered college. But for how long? How long does one stay quiet in the hope that their voices will be heard, even in silence? Speaking your truth without the fear of being scrutinised and without your words being termed dissent is a feat yet to be achieved. 

This fear is not irrational but is rather born out of the reality of where one comes from. It’s like walking a tightrope —being true to one’s identity while also protecting it. In one of the seminars I attended last winter, organised for the students of Jammu and Kashmir studying in Delhi, it was amusing and of course, appalling. The speaker for the session, a Kashmiri IAS officer who I’d rather not name, took it on himself to showcase the internalised stereotypes associated with Kashmiris. One of the students, studying in North Campus, wanted advice on what to do when being called a terrorist by their peer groups. The “advice” given is still fresh in my mind. “You need to do better. You being called a terrorist might have some reality to it. Act appropriately, engage well with the peer groups, and you’ll finally be accepted.” Words, when spoken with such assertiveness, can ingrain themselves into young minds, often distorting the true reality.

The complexity of issues – with layers of historical, cultural, and political dimensions, is often reduced to simplistic narratives that fail to capture the lived experiences of the people. When people around you, with the privilege of speaking up without fear, are selective in their outrage – voicing their opinions on issues elsewhere in the world yet remaining silent when it comes to the ongoings in the backyard of their homes, it creates a sense of isolation and obscurity for those who have suffered and somehow, managed to survive. What adds to the loneliness is the fear of not being able to speak your truth. However, this fear, more than anything, “radicalises” you as a person. Well, if wanting emancipation and an end to the vicious cycle of oppression makes one radical, I would rather be radical than a liberal. 

 The Indian liberal discourse, the foundation on which the nation was built, becomes farcical when issues like Kashmir come up. In the 19th century, Indian liberals demanded a representative government. Instead of marginalising certain groups or promoting majoritarianism, they sought out political systems that would reflect India’s diversity and provide a platform for freedom of expression. But the repetitive denial of this freedom to a major chunk of the population only reflects the defect in our national values.

Ironically, I would have never reflected on any of these ideas if I didn’t have the privilege to see the world beyond what my imagination could grasp. The college experience – with all its positives and negatives, opened me to ideas that I wouldn’t dare trade for my life. It has been an enabler for being outspoken and upfront about opinions I hold dear. It has enhanced the understanding of my identity and the importance of my existence as a form of representation for the countless others who share the same fear and navigate through these spaces with the same caution. However, the fear stays, creeping in the corner of your mind and resurfacing every time you choose to speak up. The constant anxiety of using appropriate words resurfaces, like when I started writing this article, and limits the authority you have over your own opinions.

 

Read also: Editorial: Republic and Dissent: The R&D of Our Nation

 

Featured Image Credits: 1. TheCompanion

Caption: Students and the freedom of expression

  1. Business Standard

Caption: The dissent in expression

 

Reeba Khan

 

[email protected]

iQOO is a high-performance smartphone brand focused on delivering unique experiences for the performance-seeking Gen-Z.

 

Driven by unmatched performance and a relentless pursuit of excellence, iQOO is a high-performance smartphone brand focused on delivering unique experiences for the performance-seeking Gen-Z. It aims to reshape the industry with innovative products and a fresh, dynamic experience for youth chasing big dreams. iQOO has recently launched The Quest Report 2024 with the help of CyberMedia Research, which looks at around 6700 responses from across 7 countries, and sheds light on the hopes, dreams, and what drives the youth of today. 

 

The survey found that one in four Indians show interest and talent when it comes to new-age careers like content creation and artificial intelligence. Additionally, 73% of Indian respondents believe that taking a gap year can help them pursue their dreams and aspirations. Notably, 65% view failure as a valuable learning experience, and 60% feel it propels them closer to achieving their goals. Moreover, Indian youth take 2x the initiatives compared to their global peers. They are driven, focused and ready to hustle despite mounting external barriers like economic slowdowns and conservative values. They’re ready to push the envelope.

 

Today’s youth are characterised by their bold dreams and an unwavering drive to bring those dreams to fruition. This indomitable spirit is encapsulated in our brand philosophy: ‘I Quest on and on’ and we proudly refer to these passionate and determined individuals as Questers.” – Nipun Marya, CEO of iQOO

 

A Quester we’re all familiar with is Bhuvan Bam, a youth sensation with over a fan base of over 40 million online. The recently released #MyQuestStory, directed by renowned filmmaker Shoojit Sircar, features an inspiring message by content creator and actor, Bhuvan Bam. The movie tells the inspiring journey of a young man who defies family expectations to follow his quest for content creation. The work is a part of the campaign to validate and support the growing ambitions of the youth. 

 

 

iQOO’s aforementioned flagship projects highlight the need to be the wind beneath the wings of India’s fledgling youth—as Sircar mentions when asked about his work with the brand, the time is ripe for the Gen-Z to continue their quest for innovation and “break new ground.”. The aim is to encourage those interested to chase and realise their dreams, no matter what may stand in their way. The Quest for passion must never stop for the world to grow. 

‘The College Experience,’ as it were, does not assume the shape of a romanticised campus and campus romances for most. For some, within the thousands of searing red bricks that make the buildings, lie dreams—scores and scores of dreams. Do they drop into our hands, or do we catch them? 

 

In a universe that is suddenly deprived of illusions and of light, man feels a stranger. His is an irremediable exile…This divorce between man and his life, the actor and the setting, truly constitutes the feeling of absurdity.” – Albert Camus, The Myth of Sisyphus.

 

Entering through my college gates as a freshman, I had no hopes from the campus. I did not hope to fall in love, I did not hope to reminisce when I graduated, and I did not hope to forge long-lasting friendships. I might have had some of these in high school, or I think I did. It did not matter then. It does not matter now. To tell the truth, I did not know what to expect. I had thought too far ahead, and planned my life out rather prematurely. My first year was largely spent manacled to the bed, counting in torturous wakefulness, the hours as they pooled on the wall and melted away. 

 

In the second year, the exertion feels Sisyphian. The same routine repeats, and the first chunk of hours are eaten out of my plate by useless classes in college. I want to read, I tell myself. I want to write; I shake myself. Languor weighs my eyelids down as I ponder in inaction. I wake up the next day, and the cycle repeats. Time outruns me horribly. I remember having asked one of my professors back in the second semester, referring to the few enthusiastic students in our batch, “If we were students in your class, sir, would we be among the good ones?” “You would be decent,” he said. It broke my heart. 

 

He also said that the days were indeed longer then.

 

The days were longer then. When summer afternoons were spacious, and the clock ticked slowly in the winter evenings.” 

 

Eliot would agree. He would return from college and ask himself, “What now?” When his floor echoed no answer in response, he would read. He would think. We have forgotten how to think. We have not even begun to think. 

 

From the second our eyelids are estranged from each other to the moment they are reunited, we forget that we had been breathing the entire time and that if we hadn’t, we wouldn’t have another sun to wake up to. All days escape notice. Therefore, we are ceaselessly working through ourselves in a pendent acceptance of livelihood. It is a morbid revelation. Nothing is enough. What meaning lies in prolonging a life signed away to an inhumane consumerist trap hole that ceaselessly and effortlessly renews itself? We are entrusted to think that we are a race that is dying.

 

The current generation wails at the thought of reading beyond a page. Our jaws start to rot past the second syllable in the word, and therefore we must shorten them. We have trained our brains to consume audio-visual media without restraint, and we remain content in a vacuous state of being.  Our generation does not question, simply processes and moves on. We do not criticise, for we like to tell ourselves that we have not the time for it. It is the pedantic’s errand. Could a worldwide pandemic have so immoderately flipped our lifestyles? One is left grappling with unsubstantial prospects. The resolution too seems elusive.

 

I’m uncertain what to call this disease, but what I am certain of is that this will make possible the emergence of a world that is capricious, unambitious, and uncritical. The death most hazardous is the death of our passions. When we stand astride the line between meaning and meaningless, an absurdist world is conjured where our discernible identities no longer matter. Perhaps the medicine for the restitution of sensibility lies in the denial of sensibility itself; we might never know. The question itself remains unclear; whether we should attempt a recognition of ourselves in the first place. Now, we might seek solace in this idea, for when our identities no longer amount to concrete vision, a lifeless body and a passionless body are no different.

 

What of success? Our dreams? What of ourselves? Slow down, I say. Herein lies the paradox of success and the paradox of failure as well. The more successful one becomes, the more set up for failure they are. The more one fails, the more they may rule out what not to do, and therein, climb a step closer to success.

 

The words ‘probable’ and ‘improbable’ are essentially the same, and not antonyms, as we present them, for both the words contain a certain degree of probability; the flavour of the nuance lies in the degree of the probability. Otherwise, that which is probable has a degree of improbability. They are both parts of one whole; that is ‘possible’. Similarly, the words ‘success’ and ‘failure’ are a part of one whole; ‘progress’. In success, we make progress towards the next failure, and in failure, we make progress towards the next success. Slow down, I repeat. Breathe. Think. You shall get there. Where you want to be.

 

Slow down you crazy child

You’re so ambitious for a juvenile…

 

Slow down you’re doing fine

You can’t be everything you want to be before your time…” – Billy Joel.

 

Read Also : High Heels: Dreams, Taunts and What nots

 

Featured Image Credits : Pinterest 

 

Aayudh Pramanik

[email protected]

The 8 PM curfew at the KG Hostel, IPCW, not only restricts the students’ basic freedoms, but also shrinks their lives.

 

College hai ya cage?” – anonymous 

 

The curfew time of the girls hostel at Indraprastha College for Women has always been 8 PM. But the ever-so-generous college administration allowed students to walk within the college campus till 11 PM. Only recently, this provision was revoked. Now, students living in the hostel cannot venture into the college premises after 8 PM. The explanation granted was that some students had been seen loitering around the campus past 11 PM, which was outrageous, of course. For fear of this piece turning into yet another personal rant on why I am aggressively opposed to curfews, I spoke to students at IPCW to know how they’ve been faring with this change. 

 

When asked what they feel about the curfew timings, one of the students, Shruti*, said,  

 

Earlier, I didn’t really mind the curfew at 8 PM. I enjoyed going out for walks on the college premises after dinner. My friends and I would buy ice cream from the vendors at the gates. But now that we aren’t even allowed out of the hostel gates after 8, I feel suffocated. It’s an outright brutal move. I feel like I am held captive, caged. It feels like I am back home with the restrictions that my parents imposed.”

 

The curfew grossly hinders students’ academic opportunities. Riya* shared, 

 

Classes end around 5 PM; if I pursue any extracurricular endeavour or offline internship, it gets very difficult for me to be back to the hostel in time. My friend couldn’t take evening coaching classes because the duration between the end of daily classes and curfew wasn’t enough for her to make the journey back and forth.”

 

Aradhya* shared that she harbours no hope from the hostel administration for any change. 

 

You know, we have tried to be radical; we questioned why there needs to be a curfew at all in the first place. We signed a letter demanding a change in timings. All we got in response was a meeting with the warden in which we were told that the curfew could not be done away with as it was for our ‘own good’. It is the same old template of response. I am exhausted. So, now I have come to make peace with it. It would be better if special provisions could be made so curfew can be delayed when a student is pursuing an internship or part-time job.”

 

Shruti* also commented, 

 

I understand that the hostel administration is responsible for our safety, and hence, they feel that curfew is the perfect solution for ensuring that nothing ‘untoward’ happens. But, at least the curfew could be delayed till 10:30 PM every day. I know well enough that it’s wishful thinking. I am thinking of moving out of the hostel in my 3rd year.”

 

In the year 2018-19, within the ambit of the Pinjra Tod movement, students at Miranda House had successfully protested to end the stringent curfew restrictions. Today, the students I spoke to displayed no such resolve. The presence of a stifling institutional mechanism (and a relentlessly indifferent principal) has ebbed their will to keep calling out to deaf ears. They don’t outright reject the curfew but rather request a delay in the curfew timings. Resignation and hopelessness for any change ring heavy in their voice. 

 

Shilpa Phadke writes in ‘Why Loiter’ that a woman’s presence in a public place is fraught with anxiety, an anxiety to prove their reason for being there. Women always act busy in public. It is a performance. A woman without a visible, obvious purpose is seen as soliciting.  While the men, of course, lounge around gawking at every passerby. Why is it that women cannot simply loiter? At a time when the whole of the country has come together in solidarity to demand safety for all, one wonders when women will be able to truly reclaim the night. When will the women loiter? 

 

*Names have been changed to maintain the anonymity of students. None of them were comfortable with their names being used in this piece. They did not want to get into ‘trouble’.

 

Featured image credits : TimesContent

 

Read Also : Mad Women in the Attic: The MH Hostel, A Take

 

Chetna Rani

[email protected]