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As we celebrate the 80th Independence Day of India’s gaining freedom from The Raj, it becomes important to remember those youth, too, whose names we seem to forget when counting the innumerable heroes who laid down their lives for the nation that now is—India.

It is time to celebrate the 80th anniversary of a moment that comes but rarely in history—the day India freed herself from decades of British rule. But it is worth noting that the names we hear every day associated with this historic day were certainly not the only ones behind it. Long before Delhi University or Jawaharlal Nehru University became spaces synonymous with protests, Indian students were already doing so. They were walking out of classrooms and going to jail before most could vote. Universities were not the inventors of the culture of student protests, but rather its inheritors. That culture was built decades earlier by students whose names rarely make it past a footnote in history books.

University of Delhi itself was born inside this tradition. When the University of Delhi was formally established in 1922, its founding colleges—Hindu College, St. Stephen’s, and Ramjas—were already deeply entangled in nationalist politics. Hindu College had been a hub for Swadeshi and Quit India activity, with figures such as Lala Har Dayal among those associated with its early history. A group of Ramjas students were jailed during Quit India, their names reportedly inscribed on a plaque near the college auditorium. St. Stephen’s counted freedom fighters like Asaf Ali among its alumni, and its principal corresponded directly with Gandhi.

When Bengal was partitioned in 1905, the British responded with the Carlyle Circular, which threatened to cut off government grants to institutions whose students joined the agitation against Partition of Bengal. But the students walked out anyway—students walked out and built new institutions themselves: the Bengal National College, with Aurobindo Ghosh as principal, and the National Council of Education, established in 1906 to run schools free of British control. This was arguably the first time Indian students demonstrated that they could build alternative institutions rather than simply protest within existing ones.

Non-Cooperation Movement (1920)

Mahatma Gandhi launched the Non-Cooperation Movement in 1920, appealing specifically to students over sixteen to leave government-aided schools and colleges. An estimated 90,000 students across India responded, enrolling instead in roughly 800 newly formed national institutions. This is also how several Delhi institutions came into being: Jamia Millia Islamia was founded in October 1920 after a group of nationalist teachers and 300 students walked out of Aligarh Muslim University’s MAO College, rejecting its pro-British character. Dr Zakir Hussain, later President of India, was among them. In Bengal, Subhas Chandra Bose gave up a secured position in the Indian Civil Service to become principal of Calcutta National College.

Civil Disobedience Movement (1930)

By the time of the Salt Satyagraha, colonial administrators had learned to see students as a genuine threat. In Assam, the British issued the Cunningham Circular, forcing students to sign loyalty pledges to the Raj. This order, however, backfired almost immediately for them, triggering mass protests and picketing inside schools across the province. Students also took part directly in salt-law defiance, picketing, and the boycott of foreign cloth alongside peasants and women who, for the first time on a mass scale, joined the movement in large numbers.

Quit India Movement (1942)

It was in 1942 that the role of students became particularly prominent via the Quit India Movement. With most senior Congress leaders arrested within twenty-four hours of Gandhi’s “Do or Die” call, students took charge. In Ballia, Uttar Pradesh, college students shut down their institutions and organised a complete market shutdown by mid-August, briefly losing the British administration’s control of the district. In Cuttack, 200 students stormed their college on 14 August, burning government records and setting up an underground bulletin network called the Secret New Service. At Banaras Hindu University, students raised slogans calling for police stations to be burnt and railway stations to be torched, spreading the movement’s message to surrounding villages.

Among these students, perhaps the most striking example is Usha Mehta; not a leader in any formal sense, but a 22-year-old master’s student at Bombay’s Wilson College. Days after Gandhi’s arrest, she set up a clandestine radio transmitter, Azad Radio, also known as Congress Radio, broadcasting nationalist messages across India and, briefly, into Japanese-occupied Burma. She ran it not as a trained revolutionary but as a student who refused to let the British monopolise the airwaves.

The most frequently remembered names from the freedom struggle are those of men and adults. But some of its youngest, least-resourced participants were teenage girls with no institutional backing at all. Kanaklata Barua, a 17-year-old in Assam, was shot dead by police in 1942 while leading a procession to hoist the national flag at a police station. In Chittagong, Pritilata Waddedar and Kalpana Dutt, both students, trained in combat and helped plan an armed raid on a British-only club in 1932. Waddedar died by suicide rather than be captured; Dutt was arrested the following year and sentenced to life imprisonment while still in her twenties.

By 1936, the scattered energy had coalesced into a formal organisation. The All India Students’ Federation, founded in Lucknow, became India’s first nationwide student organisation, a sign that students were building their own political infrastructure.

Then came the eve of 15 August 1947, when students who had spent their college years in and out of jail cells inherited a country whose borders were being redrawn in blood through Partition. But it is important to note, lest we forget—India’s student movements didn’t end in 1947; student protest culture descends directly from this lineage of asking questions, debating, dissenting, and demanding what’s theirs.

Image Source: Enroute Indian History

Also Read: The Game Theory of Dirty Dishes and Nuclear War

 

Sheetal Mishra

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NSUI calls off hunger strike led by Delhi University students following an agreement with the university for student representation, the extension of PG seats, and a response regarding the specific X post warning against student demonstrations. 

Five students from the University of Delhi affiliated with the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) finally called off their hunger strike on Thursday following a written assurance from the university administration regarding several of their demands. The protest was led by DUSU Vice President Rahul Jhansla. The 11-day-long “DU Satyagraha” protest and nine-day hunger strike have been called off after receiving a letter signed by the university’s Proctor and handed to them by the DU South Campus director Rajni Abbi and a confirmed response to the social media post made from the official university account during the recent Jantar Mantar protest, urging students to refrain from joining the movement.

“The Delhi University administration has fulfilled all our demands in writing and has also given a verbal assurance, on camera and in the presence of the students, to provide a prompt response regarding the specific ‘X’ (formerly Twitter) post in question”,  Rahul Jhansla added. 

The five NSUI members who observed the hunger strike were Siddhant Tiwari, Kuldeep Gujjar, Sagar Choudhary, Deepak Choudhary and Parth Rao. They ended their indefinite hunger strike in the presence of Delhi Pradesh Congress Committee (DPCC) president Devender Yadav, NSUI national president Vinod Jakhar and South Campus director Prof Rajni Abbi. 

“Since his historic victory in the DUSU elections a year ago, Rahul Jhansla has consistently raised his voice against the university administration’s policies. By leading this ‘Satyagraha’, he has compelled the administration to accept the students’ demands,”

said Devender Yadav in praise of the DUSU vice-president, Rahul Yadav Jhansla, for leading the agitation. 

The letter dated 4th August states that the process for student representation in the Academic Council will be completed within three months of the conclusion of the 2026 Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) elections. Further, the university also assured the increase in the number of seats in one-year postgraduate programmes in accordance with the students’ demands. 

“The seat allocation, earlier 1,100 for PG courses, has been increased to more than double. One-year PG courses in five programmes have also been started in the School of Open Learning (SOL) from the academic session 2026-27,” quotes the letter. Additionally, the students have been assured of a discussion regarding the remaining demands with the university administration in due course. 

Addressing the gathering, Vinod Jakhar said:

“This is a victory of the courage, determination and unity of Delhi University students. Our five colleagues remained on hunger strike for nine days and forced the administration to listen to the students’ voices. This victory belongs to every student who stood firm for their rights.” 

“It is unfortunate that students had to put their health at risk and sit on a hunger strike for nine days before the university administration acted on their concerns. Students should never have to go to such lengths for their legitimate demands. We have asked our colleagues to end their hunger strike following the written assurance, but our struggle will not end with an assurance letter. The university will have to fulfil and implement every commitment it has made to the students,” he added further. 

DUSU Vice President Rahul Jhansla has said that the administration had accepted the students’ demands in writing and had also given an on-camera verbal assurance regarding another issue raised by the protesters. He said the agitation had demonstrated the strength of collective student action and vowed to continue raising issues concerning students and “institutional freedom and liberty of choice”. In a statement, NSUI mentioned that they will continue to closely monitor the implementation of the assurances of the university and will stand with the students until all the accepted demands are fulfilled. 

 

Read Also: Jharkhand Student Protest Over Exam Irregularities Enters Third Week

Image Source: The Tribune

 

Chandrani Mondal

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Delhi HC impleads the Union of India, MHA, and MEA in a Myanmar student’s plea against DU’s rule requiring foreign applicants to hold a non-Indian passport.

The Delhi High Court has widened a legal battle over Delhi University’s admission rules, bringing the central government into a case filed by a Myanmar national challenging DU’s insistence on holding a non-Indian passport for foreign student admissions.

Upon hearing the matter on Monday, the court added the Union of India, the Ministry of Home Affairs, and the Ministry of External Affairs as parties. Justice Jasmeet Singh asked the ministries to help clarify whether the petitioner qualifies as a UNHCR-recognised refugee or asylum seeker, and if so, whether he could still be admitted without a passport. The case returns to court on July 20.

The petition, moved by Henry Htoo Aung Lin through advocates Ashok Aggarwal and Kumar Utkarsh, challenges a clause in DU’s Foreign Students’ Registry Admission Bulletin making a valid non-Indian passport mandatory for undergraduate admission. It argues no recognised refugee can realistically meet this condition, since fleeing persecution rules out safely approaching one’s home government for travel documents.

Henry and his family left Myanmar in 2022 amid political unrest and fear of persecution, and have since lived in India under UNHCR protection, the plea states. After finishing school here, he applied to DU for the 2026-27 session through the foreign students’ quota in May, but was told his application was incomplete for lack of a passport; requests to submit UNHCR documentation instead were turned down.

The petition notes that DU’s own admissions bulletin lists a UNHCR Refugee Certificate as valid documentation, rendering the added passport requirement contradictory. It also cites Tibetan students, who may use alternative documents when passports are unavailable, arguing that denying similar flexibility to Myanmar refugees is discriminatory. The plea alleges a violation of Articles 14 and 21 of the Constitution and seeks either the striking down or relaxation of the clause.

The bench has questioned DU’s stance before. At an earlier hearing, the court reportedly asked how the university could expect a passport from someone with refugee status, before directing DU to seek instructions and adjourning the matter.

Henry completed Class X from the Mizoram Board of School Education and Class XII from the Meghalaya Board of School Education, and says his identity and academic record are verifiable through these boards and his UNHCR documentation.

Kaustubh Dwivedi

[email protected]

Read Also: Myanmar Refugee Challenges DU Passport Requirement in Delhi High Court

The University of Delhi has revised the credit structure for fourth-year undergraduate students under UGCF 2022, increasing the weight of academic tracks from six to ten credits per semester with effect from 2026-27.

The University of Delhi released a notification, dated 10th July 2026, restructuring the distribution of credits in Semesters VII and VIII for students enrolled under the Undergraduate Curriculum Framework (UGCF) 2022. The changes will come into effect from the academic session 2026-27. 

The most significant change concerns the credit weight assigned to academic tracks. Previously, tracks such as the Dissertation, Academic Project and Entrepreneurship carried six credits per semester. Under the revised structure, four credits previously assigned to Discipline Specific Core (DSC) courses in Semesters VII and VIII will be transferred to these tracks, raising each track’s credit value from six to ten. Academic tracks will now carry a total of twenty credits: ten in Semester VII and ten in Semester VIII.

Alongside this, DSC courses in the two final semesters will no longer be listed as core requirements. They will instead be moved to the Discipline Specific Elective (DSE) pool for the respective semesters. Students will be required to choose three courses from this broader pool each semester, with the following combinations permitted: three DSEs, two DSEs and one Generic Elective (GE), or one DSE and two GEs.

This is not the first revision to the fourth-year credit structure under UGCF 2022. In January 2026, the university had permitted students in Semester VIII to take up to eight additional credits, thus raising the per-semester cap from 22 to 30 to enable students who had not yet completed core discipline requirements to qualify for a major. That change applied to students enrolled in the 2025-26 session. The July notification, by contrast, applies from 2026-27 onwards and addresses the internal distribution of credits rather than the overall cap.

Rishika Jain

[email protected]

Read Also: NCWEB applications open for B.A. (Prog) and B.Com

Image Caption: Official Notification, dated 10th July 2026 

Image Source: University of Delhi

 

 

DU releases the UG Seat Matrix 2026-27 for CSAS admissions, detailing category-wise seat splits across 91 colleges.

The University of Delhi has released the Undergraduate Seat Matrix for the Academic Session 2026-27 on the official admissions portal on July 3, 2026. The document lays out the sanctioned seat intake for admissions under the Common Seat Allocation System (CSAS) 2026.

According to the University, the seat matrix spans 86 departments and 16 faculties across 91 colleges.

The document explicitly asks aspirants to cross-reference the seat matrix with the Bulletin of Information (BoI) to check specific domain-specific subject mappings required in CUET, and that the University may also consider doing extra allocations in the initial rounds of allocations to begin the academic session with optimal strength.

For every single programme at every college, the matrix lists seats across the following categories, in compliance with the official reservation norms:

  • UR – Unreserved
  • OBC-NCL – Other Backward Classes (Non-Creamy Layer)
  • SC – Scheduled Caste
  • ST – Scheduled Tribe
  • EWS – Economically Weaker Sections
  • Sikh Minority (SM)
  • Christian Minority (CM)

On top of these, colleges also declare additional seats beyond the sanctioned intake for three categories: PwBD (Persons with Benchmark Disabilities), CW (Children/Widows of Defence Personnel), and KM (Kashmiri Migrants).

Another notable detail in this year’s matrix is how minority-status colleges allocate seats. Colleges with Christian Minority status: Jesus & Mary College and St. Stephen’s College, largely replace the OBC-NCL, EWS (and in the case of JMC and Mata Sundri, also SC/ST) columns with seats reserved for the Christian Minority category, alongside UR seats. 

Similarly, colleges affiliated with the Sikh Minority: Sri Guru Gobind Singh College of Commerce, Mata Sundri College for Women, Sri Guru Nanak Dev Khalsa College, and Sri Guru Tegh Bahadur Khalsa College show zero seats in the OBC-NCL, SC, ST, and EWS columns for every programme, with those seats instead accommodated into the Sikh Minority category.

We can also note some of the recent, more niche programs offered by DU, such as:

  • The Cluster Innovation Centre offers both a B.A. (Hons.) Humanities and Social Sciences and a B.Tech. in Information Technology and Mathematical Innovations (IT & MI), each with 20 UR seats.
  • College of Art offers just 1 UR seat (and 1 seat each across OBC-NCL, SC, ST and EWS) for its Bachelor of Fine Arts programme, the smallest single-programme allocation in the entire matrix.
  • Ramanujan College continues to offer vocational B.Voc. programmes in Banking, Financial Services and Insurance, and Software Development, alongside its regular honours courses. 

The full seat matrix, spanning all 91 colleges and every sanctioned programme, is available on the official DU admissions website—admission.uod.ac.in—for students to consult as they finalise their CSAS 2026 preferences.

Read also: Delhi University Releases Academic Calendar for 2026–27

Arshia Sharma

[email protected]

Delhi University has received over 82,900 UG registrations for 73 undergraduate programmes through the CSAS portal.

The University of Delhi has received more than 82,940 registrations, as of Tuesday evening, for undergraduate admissions to the 2026-27 academic session through its Common Seat Allocation System (CSAS), officials said. The first phase of registrations opened on June 26 for candidates who appeared in CUET-UG 2026 and wish to seek admission to DU colleges.

Admissions to 73 undergraduate programmes and more than 100 BA programme combinations across 67 colleges will continue to be based on CUET-UG 2026 scores, subject to programme-specific eligibility criteria set by the university. Candidates are required to register on the CSAS portal using their CUET-UG 2026 application number. As part of a new initiative, key candidate details such as name, date of birth, photograph, and signature have been auto-integrated through the Government of India’s API Setu. Candidates applying under the General, OBC-NCL and EWS categories must pay a one-time registration fee of ₹250, while those from the SC, ST and PwBD categories are required to pay ₹100.

DU has also opened admissions under the Extracurricular Activities (ECA) quota, offering 1,370 seats across 14 categories. Leading colleges, including Miranda House, Hindu College, Lady Shri Ram College, Hansraj College, and Kirori Mal College, are offering seats under the ECA quota. As per the UG bulletin, admissions under the ECA and sports quotas will be based on 25% weightage to CUET scores and 75% weightage to certificates and trials.

The university aims to revise combinations for multiple BA programmes, alongside the ongoing registration process, said Dean of Admissions Haneet Gandhi. The revision will fix chronically low seat occupancy in courses such as Urdu, Arabic, Persian, Bengali, and Telugu by pairing them with subjects that draw stronger student interest. 

According to Gandhi, the exercise is data-driven and based on an analysis of admission trends over the years.

“We are going to make some changes in the BA programme combinations, as some of the combinations will be revised. We have analysed the data and trends from the last few years. The decision is completely data-driven. The information will be released within this week, along with the start of the second phase,” she said.

Once the initial registration phase concludes, candidates will move into the second phase of CSAS, where they will submit preferences for programme and college combinations.


Read also: Delhi University Announces CSAS PG Correction, Mid-Entry & Round 3 Schedule

Kaustubh Dwivedi
[email protected]

CJP protest’s fifth day at Jantar Mantar swapped slogans for lectures. Educators addressed demonstrators, while the demand for a National Student Commission was reiterated. 

The CJP protest at Jantar Mantar entered its fifth day on Wednesday, with educators Prof. Dr Vijender Chauhan, Delhi University; Vikramjeet Singh and Abhinay Sharma addressing demonstrators. Organisers reiterated their demand for the establishment of a National Student Commission, stating that the protest would continue until the government responds.

Dr Chauhan emphasised the need for diversity within the movement and the bureaucracy.  Speaking to DU Beat, Dr Chauhan said,

Real change won’t come from a crowd that all look the same. Without that diversity, the fight simply can’t be won.  “

Singh’s remarks focused on education funding and the credibility of national exams. He said the NEP 2020 and global benchmarks recommend public education spending of around 6% of GDP, against actual spending of 2.5%-4%. He linked the funding gap to poor school infrastructure, teacher shortages, faculty vacancies and a weak research ecosystem, which he said disproportionately affects rural and marginalised students. 

Sharma’s remarks ranged more broadly, touching on other national issues, including media coverage, the Andaman Islands and renewed calls for the Union Education Minister’s resignation. 

The protest, which began earlier this month, continues to demand the establishment of a National Student Commission of India. CJP says it won’t leave until the government agrees. At this time, the government has not publicly responded to the pressure group’s demand.

The CJP protest at Jantar Mantar continued into its fifth day with cultural performances alongside the day’s lectures, with performances by artists, musicians and poets at the site. During the rainfall on Wednesday evening, protesters were seen dancing together at Jantar Mantar. 

While talking to DU Beat, one protestor called it a “controlled blast”, alleging it has allowed people to express their anger without tangible outcomes. Although the CJP promised 50% women’s participation, the organisation has yet to announce an official woman spokesperson nineteen days after its first protest.


Image Credits: Mayank for DU Beat

Read Also: AADTA-led Teachers across DU Stage Protest for Regularisation of Ad Hoc Faculty

 

Mayank Kushwaha

[email protected]

Indian students’ solidarity on Palestine can make a difference. But when does our solidarity matter less than what side of the line we’re speaking from?

From the pouring of fake ‘blood’ on the steps of Kamla Nagar’s Starbucks to chants of “Free Palestine” at protest marches, Delhi’s student body has been at the forefront of protest in support of Palestine. With estimated death tolls crossing sixty thousand in Gaza and a collapsing health and food situation, keeping the Palestinian issue alive through active engagement is critical. However the entire narrative around a Free Palestine has become more and more politicised. One cannot shirk the feeling that the term ‘Free Palestine’ is at risk of becoming a buzzword.

Today, a watermelon emoji next to your social media account is not just a symbol of solidarity. It also connotes a political identity, often linked to left or centre-left student groups. This is evident in the actions of outfits like AISA and SFI, which have consistently organised marches and protests supporting Palestinian rights. In May 2024, AISA held a candlelight march in Delhi condemning Israeli airstrikes and demanding an end to the siege of Gaza. Similarly, IPSP coordinated protests on Global Action Days, to highlight the humanitarian crisis and support the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement. The SFI-organised Campus Pride Parade last week also echoed “From the River to the Sea, Palestine Will be Free.” These efforts certainly succeed in bringing people together in support of Palestine but tend to do so under a coloured banner.

The pushback from right-wing student groups has been no less. In April this year, ABVP members at Jawaharlal Nehru University burnt the Palestinian flag during student election vote counts, deeming Palestine activism anti-national. Even more recently, ABVP activists vandalised a Palestinian flag mural at the University of Hyderabad, sparking widespread condemnation from other student bodies.

In this backdrop, an Indian student finds their opinion on the issue a mark of their political affiliation. It isn’t feasible to be an active Palestine supporter in DU without finding yourself associated with the left or losing affiliation with the right. For those keeping distance from both camps, it isn’t easy to join the movement strictly on humanitarian grounds without being questioned on their political standing. 

What should be a humanitarian cause gets caught in the conditionality of what beliefs entitle you to be a true supporter—and which ones you are now required to unsubscribe from.These watertight compartments, at some level, inhibit any real collaboration on global issues.

Palestine is undoubtedly political, but it is a politics far more important than any other politics we are fighting. A politics that needs solidarity.

Anjali Paruvu

[email protected]

Image Source: Mahin for DU Beat

The principal of Ramanujan College, Delhi University, has been suspended following harassment allegations by a faculty member. A probe committee has submitted its report to the Vice-Chancellor, and the case will now be reviewed by the Internal Complaints Committee.

The principal of Ramanujan College, Delhi University, has been suspended after a faculty member accused him of harassment and misconduct. The complaint was filed on March 13, and the suspension was enforced on September 18 following the submission of a probe panel’s report.

University officials confirmed that a three-member committee was constituted to review the allegations. The panel’s findings have been placed before Vice-Chancellor Yogesh Singh and will now be examined further by the Internal Complaints Committee (ICC). The university has not issued an official statement on the matter so far.

The principal, meanwhile, has rejected the charges. In a letter addressed to the Prime Minister’s Office on September 13, he termed the allegations as “false, fabricated, politically motivated, and baseless.” He alleged the complaint was “a coordinated effort by the faculty member and her colleagues” to “discredit and remove” him, claiming it was filed soon after her promotion was withheld due to “incomplete documentation”.

He further stated that he has faced “immense mental, emotional, and professional distress” and sought protection against what he described as “malicious and politically driven harassment”. According to him, he was subjected to pressure to clear the promotion and was warned of being framed in a harassment case if he refused.

The principal also questioned the process, arguing that the complaint was not initially forwarded to the ICC as required under the UGC norms and the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act. He alleged he was being compelled to resign under the threat of suspension.

“I have never indulged in any inappropriate conduct, sexual or otherwise, with any colleague or individual,” he wrote, appealing for the “dismissal of the unsubstantiated and manipulated charges.”

The ICC will now review the panel’s findings before the university announces its final decision.

Read Also: DUSU Elections Record 39.36 per cent Turnout, Up from 2024 Amidst Clashes and Controversies

Featured Image Source: The Telegraph 

Richa Choudhary

[email protected]

University of Delhi has revealed the official calendar for the election of office bearers of the Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) and Central Council members for the academic session 2025-2026. The announcement marks the beginning of one of the most dynamic and politically vibrant seasons of the academic year, with the election process scheduled to take place in September. 

The official notification issued by the Registrar sets 10th September, 2025, as the deadline for the submission of nomination papers, which must be filed by 3:00 p.m. and accompanied by a demand draft of Rs.500, alongside an affidavit, and a bond of Rs. 1 lakh. Scrutiny of nomination papers will take place the same day at 3:15 p.m., with the list of duly nominated candidates to be published at 6:00 p.m. For DUSU positions, nomination papers must be put in a sealed box located at the Office of the Chief Election Officer, Conference Centre, University of Delhi, North Campus. For Central Council elections, nominations must be filed with the respective college or department. Nomination forms can be accessed and downloaded from the official Delhi University Website. 

Candidates who wish to withdraw their nominations must do so by 11th September, 2025, before noon. The final list of candidates running for office will be published later that day at 5:00 p.m. The polling day is set for 18th September, 2025, followed by the counting of votes which will take place the next day on Friday, 19th September, 2025.

The voting process will be conducted in two stages. Students enrolled in day classes will vote during the window of 8:30 a.m. to 1:00 p.m. and those in evening classes must vote from 3:00 p.m until 7:30 p.m.

The notification further aligns itself with the Code of Conduct, DUSU Constitution, and court orders from the Supreme Court of India and the Delhi High Court. It reiterates that the procedure would be carried out in compliance with the Delhi Prevention of Defacement of Property Act (2007) and the National Green Tribunal guidelines. 

With the schedule now in place, the university is set to witness a charged election season, as student organisations and candidates prepare to campaign for leadership positions in one of the country’s most closely watched student political arenas. 

Image Credits: Sushil Kumar Verma

Navya Chandok
[email protected]

Read Also: DU Issues Anti Defacement Measures; Mandates 1 Lakh Bond Rule For DUSU Poll Candidates