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DU Cracks Down on Poster Politics Ahead of Election Season

By DU Beat August 16, 2025

Over the years, DUSU elections have been accompanied by a flood of campaign material. Posters, banners, and flyers plastered on every available wall, pole, and surface on campus. The Delhi University Administration, in its quest to curtail the ever-growing splandour of posters during the DUSU elections that infest the infrastructure of campus, has given a set of anti-defacement guidelines to the contesting parties this year. The move comes as part of a larger effort to reduce the poster overload that takes over the university’s infrastructure each election season.

Regurgating this stance at a sensitisation programme organised under the Swachhata Hi Seva 2025 initiative, Prof Yogesh Singh told the NSS volunteers and NCC cadets that, “We will not vote for the candidate who has more printed posters.”

He urged the studentsto de-incentivise candidates from resorting to posters and make them “afraid of doing any defamation”. He further emphasised that keeping the campus clean is a year- round responsibility and not limited to days of drive.

The programme, with DU Registrar Dr. Vikas Gupta, Dean of Colleges Prof. Balram Pani, and other officials in attendance, slipped in a pledge against drug addiction. Prof. Singh, meanwhile, likened the challenge to the Yamuna’s pollution, a reminder that the youth hold the mop and bucket for a “developed” India.

In 2024, the Delhi High Court had directed the university to ensure all campaign graffiti and posters were removed before vote counting could begin. The court made it clear that the exercise was “corrective rather than punitive” and ordered that results, originally scheduled for September 27, be declared only after DU submitted an affidavit confirming the clean-up. The outcome was eventually announced in November.

This year, the administration has gone an extra mile to enforce the new guidelines by making the candidates sign a 1 lakh bond to ensure no violations in addition to signing the anti-defacement affidavit. This sort of strictness is only comparable to the anti-ragging policy.

Whether these efforts will actually bore fruit is yet to be seen as Delhi University awaits its (in)famous election season, the timeline of which was released recently. For now, at least we have an idea of where the administration stands in midst of it all.

Image Credits: Ayushmaan for DU Beat

Yashika Jain
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Campus Central

DU Weighs Changes to ₹1 Lakh Bond Rule Before Campus Polls

By DU Beat August 16, 2025

Delhi University (DU) is reconsidering its rule requiring candidates in the DU Students’ Union (DUSU) elections to submit a ₹1,00,000 bond. Introduced on August 8 as part of new poll guidelines to curb campus defacement ahead of the September elections, the rule forms part of a wider framework aligned with court orders and Lyngdoh Committee recommendations. These directives also mandate an anti-defacement affidavit, limit rallies and loudspeaker use, and impose penalties for violations. The bond requirement has drawn sharp criticism from student organisations, who say it imposes an unfair financial burden, especially on candidates from underprivileged backgrounds. A senior DU official told The Hindustan Times that the University is reviewing the provision in light of these objections.

According to the guidelines, “Each contesting candidate shall be required to execute a bond of Rs. 1.00 Lakh for the offence of any defacement/violation of provisions of these Guidelines by themselves or their supporters, at the time of filing nomination for any post of DUSU.”

Speaking to The Hindustan Times, Chief Election Officer Raj Kishore Sharma said that during a meeting with students and representatives of student organisations, participants expressed unwillingness to pay the bond. Following the discussion, the election office asked them to submit written representations to the university administration by August 16. The matter will be reviewed again before a final decision is taken.

The backdrop to these new regulations lies in the 2024 DUSU election, when widespread vandalism during campaigning led the Delhi High Court to intervene. As a result, vote counting was delayed by nearly two months, pending the removal of defaced property and its restoration.

Last week, university officials reaffirmed a zero-tolerance stance on defacement, limiting campaign materials to handmade posters, imposing expenditure limits, and promising to set up “walls of democracy” in colleges as approved spaces for election displays. They also agreed, following student suggestions, that these “walls” would be formally recommended for both college-level and university-wide elections.

Sharma further affirmed, “Following last year’s incidents, the university submitted a set of reform suggestions to the court aimed at preventing defacement this year, which included the ₹1,00,000 bond requirement. However, in view of the opposition from students, we have yet to take a final decision.”

The university has notified the schedule for this year’s elections—the DUSU elections will be held on September 18, with counting scheduled for September 19. The notification also sets September 10 as the deadline for filing nominations along with a ₹500 demand draft, affidavit, and ₹1 lakh bond, followed by scrutiny and the publication of nominated candidates the same day. The withdrawal deadline is September 11, after which the final list will be released. Voting will run from 8:30 a.m. to 1 p.m. for day classes and 3 p.m. to 7:30 p.m. for evening classes.

With the deadline for filing nominations less than a month away, the fate of the ₹1 lakh bond provision remains uncertain. Student bodies await the administration’s final decision, which could determine whether the upcoming polls proceed under the contentious rule or with revised guidelines. For now, preparations for the September 18 elections continue under the shadow of last year’s controversies and the university’s push for cleaner, regulation-bound campaigning.

Image Credits: Deepanshi for DU Beat

Neeraja Unnikrishnan
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Arts & Culture

DUSU And Central Council Elections 2025-2026: Official Timeline Announced

By DU Beat August 14, 2025

University of Delhi has revealed the official calendar for the election of office bearers of the Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) and Central Council members for the academic session 2025-2026. The announcement marks the beginning of one of the most dynamic and politically vibrant seasons of the academic year, with the election process scheduled to take place in September.

The official notification issued by the Registrar sets 10th September, 2025, as the deadline for the submission of nomination papers, which must be filed by 3:00 p.m. and accompanied by a demand draft of Rs.500, alongside an affidavit, and a bond of Rs. 1 lakh. Scrutiny of nomination papers will take place the same day at 3:15 p.m., with the list of duly nominated candidates to be published at 6:00 p.m. For DUSU positions, nomination papers must be put in a sealed box located at the Office of the Chief Election Officer, Conference Centre, University of Delhi, North Campus. For Central Council elections, nominations must be filed with the respective college or department. Nomination forms can be accessed and downloaded from the official Delhi University Website.

Candidates who wish to withdraw their nominations must do so by 11th September, 2025, before noon. The final list of candidates running for office will be published later that day at 5:00 p.m. The polling day is set for 18th September, 2025, followed by the counting of votes which will take place the next day on Friday, 19th September, 2025.

The voting process will be conducted in two stages. Students enrolled in day classes will vote during the window of 8:30 a.m. to 1:00 p.m. and those in evening classes must vote from 3:00 p.m until 7:30 p.m.

The notification further aligns itself with the Code of Conduct, DUSU Constitution, and court orders from the Supreme Court of India and the Delhi High Court. It reiterates that the procedure would be carried out in compliance with the Delhi Prevention of Defacement of Property Act (2007) and the National Green Tribunal guidelines.

With the schedule now in place, the university is set to witness a charged election season, as student organisations and candidates prepare to campaign for leadership positions in one of the country’s most closely watched student political arenas.

Image Credits: Sushil Kumar Verma

Navya Chandok
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Features

To Free or Not to Free?

By DU Beat February 3, 2025

A distortion of democracy? A betrayal of a social contract? A passive receipt of benefits or an active political participation towards a welfare state?

The language of democratic exercise often employs, not merely as its endorsers but also its practitioners, various sweet shop owners who incentivize capital-based campaigning. The Delhi state elections are a display of such a state of war, which has as its highlights, the various monetary biddings made over very selective and political demographics.

It is not unknown that the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), in its manifesto, has promised a sum of INR 2100 to women under the aegis of the ‘Mukhyamantri Mahila Samman Yojna’. The certainty of this scheme is contingent on the party securing a majority. However, a serious delirium of such schemes is the incompetent and biased nature of such claims. While it is true that a welfare state works for its marginalized citizens, the composition of Delhi and its voters demands serious scrutiny. The marginalized of the capital are an extremely heterogeneous group, and certainly, when a distinction is made in the category of women by the state, the exclusion of migrant and transgender women disallows any serious engagement towards actual welfare.

Nitara, a transgender woman and a student of Delhi University told DU Beat:

There are about four to five thousand registered trans voters in Delhi, the official number of which I believe to be much higher. Women are promised INR 2100 in monetary assistance by AAP, following which the Congress and BJP have promised INR 2500. While it’s good they do it, why don’t trans women get similar aid? Don’t we deserve it? In fact, a trans woman is more vulnerable than a cis woman is. This is the bare minimum we can be provided with. We are not promised incentives because our numbers are low. Nobody wins elections with 2-3 thousand votes. Delhi Vidhan Sabha elections tell you that you’ll only be cared for if you are a big vote bank, else nobody is with you.”

Nitara’s statement underscores the transactional nature of electoral promises where welfare is not a matter of rights but of electoral arithmetic. The exclusion of transgender women from such schemes reveals the shallow inclusivity of political manifestos, which are tailored to appease large vote banks rather than address the systemic vulnerabilities of marginalized communities. This is not merely an oversight but a deliberate strategy to prioritize electoral gains over equitable welfare. The Delhi elections, in this regard, are a microcosm of a larger national trend where democracy is reduced to a marketplace of freebies, and voters are treated as consumers rather than citizens.

With the imposition of the Model Code of Conduct, a partial hiatus has been put to the mockery of democracy and development. However, desperate attempts to milk out this inconsistent idea have not stopped. AAP, for instance, has included a ‘Pujari-Granthi Samman Yojana’ for temple and gurudwara priests. Arvind Kejriwal, the National Convener of AAP explained the scheme in a Economic Times report,

Pujaris and granthis are an important part of our society, but they are often a neglected section. For the first time in the country, we are introducing a scheme to support them, under which they will receive a monthly allowance of INR 18,000.”

This circles back to questioning the intentionality of such a culture of voting. Lest it be taken as a pitting of one religion against the other, it is a certain fact that other religious minorities such as the Muslims and Christians undergo neglect and invisibility at much deeper scales but any affirming reality escapes them during election season. The culture of freebies, while seemingly beneficial on the surface, is a hollowing democratic practice that undermines the very essence of governance. Political parties, in their bid to outdo each other, have turned welfare into a competitive sport where the highest bidder wins. For instance, in the 2021 Tamil Nadu elections, the DMK and AIADMK engaged in a bidding war, promising everything from free laptops to cash transfers, with little regard for the fiscal sustainability of such schemes. Moreover, the freebie culture perpetuates a dependency syndrome among voters, where electoral choices are driven by immediate monetary gains rather than informed deliberation on policies and governance. This undermines the democratic ideal of an engaged and informed citizenry, reducing elections to a transactional exchange of votes for cash or goods.

The critique of freebie culture is not a dismissal of welfare schemes but a call for their rationalization and equitable implementation. Welfare measures must be designed to address structural inequalities and empower marginalized communities, rather than serve as tools for electoral manipulation. For instance, schemes like the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) have been lauded for their focus on creating sustainable livelihoods rather than doling out cash handouts. While the hollowing of democratic ideals is saddening, it is not very different from what we as participants are used to believing as development at all times. This makes one question if a democratic ideal is but a sweet shop economy?

Featured Image Credit: Sourav Rai for Indian Express

Bhavana Bhaskar

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Yeh Kya Hua, Kaise Hua: Dissecting the Congress’ Lapsus Regnī

By DU Beat October 16, 2024

Baffling exit polls and puncturing the Congress complacency, the BJP has battled anti-incumbency to secure its third term in Haryana. An inordinate number of dissidents, glaring portents for division within the party’s central leadership, a failure to foreground fresh faces and an unsubstantiated socialist rhetoric, inter alia, have come together to form, what seems to have been an insurmountable impediment for the Congress. Maharashtra and Jharkhand no longer appear as welcoming.

The Congress has thus far failed to diagnose the rot in its strategy. Its narratives involute upon themselves, constantly miscarrying with the public, and its parroting of the same old defeated stratagems now heads ad nauseam. The Haryana defeat carries with itself considerable ignominy for the Congress which has been smug in its prophecies of victory before and the natural course of the ensuing result has been invariably failure. While Congress president Kharge denies that the Maharashtra assembly elections shall be affected by the defeat, the BJP and its allies remain confident that the ruling Mahayuti in Maharashtra has been only further strengthened. It is implausible that the long-enduring, anti-incumbency temperament shall so suddenly flip, which leaves room to investigate what the BJP has done right during the campaigns and on-ground.

Primarily, a deluge of rebel candidates have fractured the Congress’ vote bank, drawing from it a generous amount it could have used against BJP. The INC lost 16 seats to rebels and independents, severely weakening it against the BJP’s far more structured and organisationally sound ticket management, particularly after UP in the Lok Sabha elections.

The following table illustrates the Congress’ losses to dissidents:

Kalka	Congress lost by a margin of 11k votes (Rebel got 32k votes)
Pundri	Congress came 3rd; Congress rebel got 40k votes and lost by 2k.
Rai	Lost by a margin of 4.5k votes (Rebel got 12k votes)
Gohana	Lost by a margin of 10k votes (Rebel got 15k votes)
Safidon	Lost by a margin of 4k votes (Rebel got 29k votes)
Dadri	Lost by a margin of 2k votes (Rebel got 6k votes)
Tigaon	Congress came 3rd; Congress rebel got 57k votes and lost by 37k votes.
Ambala Cantt.	Congress came 3rd; Congress rebel got 53k votes and lost by 7k votes.
Assandh	Lost by a margin of 2k votes (Rebel got 16k votes)
Uchana Kalan	Lost by 39 votes (Rebel got 32k votes)
Bhadra	Lost by a margin of 7.5k votes (Rebel got 27k votes)
Mahendragarh	Lost by a margin of 2k votes (Rebel got 21k votes)
Sohna	Lost by a margin of 11k votes (Rebel got 70k votes)
Ballabgarh	Congress came 4th; Congress rebel came 2nd, receiving 44k votes and lost by 17k votes.
Dabwali	Lost by a margin of 610 votes (Rebel got 2k votes)
Rania	Lost by a margin of 4k votes (Rebel got 36k votes)
Bahadurgarh	Congress rebel won the seat as an independent; Congress candidate came 3rd.

Further, the Congress made no attempts to restructure its leadership. The young faces—Selja in Haryana and Sachin Pilot in Rajasthan—were conceded to the older ones, of Hooda and Gehlot respectively. The pattern makes itself manifest with an octogenarian as the party president. The BJP, on the other hand, deployed 60 fresh faces to stand against the ancient heavyweights, albeit losing ones, of the Congress. The Congress renominated 17 of its stale candidacies that had lost in the past. The 2023 state election Telangana win for the Congress, supplanting the previously incumbent Bharatia Rashtra Samiti, came in only after they took a chance with a new face – Revanth Reddy’s.

Congress also almost consciously defined itself as a ‘one-caste party’. The Congress’ overdependence on the Jat population proved to be a fatal oversight. The BJP conquered the Congress’ meek share by consolidating the 75 percent of the non-Jat population. Congress’ implicit preference for Hooda to Selja handed to the BJP critical accusatory ammunition, allowing them to charge the Congress with anti-Dalit sentiments and a neglect for the non-Jat population. Even the Jat votes, that the Congress hoped to completely own, had to be shared with INLD, further increasing BJP’s uncontested share of the non-Jat votes.

Despite the Congress’ efforts to appeal to the OBC demographic, comprising 40 per cent of Haryana’s population, BJP’s Saini clearly won the affection of the masses. Ajay Singh Yadav, chairman of the AICC OBC Congress, himself confessed to the Congress’ disregard for the OBC belt in Haryana. The CSDS-Lokniti survey reports the strength of the OBC population in favour of the BJP. The OBC support flourished after Saini replaced Khattar as chief minister. The BJP managed to assimilate into its supporter base a “rainbow coalition” of Brahmins, Punjabi Khatris, non-Jatavs, Yadavs and SCs. The “Lakhpati Drone Ladies” project engendered a massively positive reception of the BJP’s attempts to “elevate the SCs to general status”, in the words of an ITI student from Ambala.

The Gandhi siblings campaigned with much pomp, but rather late. The BJP’s strategy had been to counter the anti-incumbency silently and aggressively. The Congress’ work assumed tangibility too late, and in that they have not defeated the image, one needing much redressal, of the relative passivity of the party and the unattractive languor in its reactions. RaGa’s flimsy socialist narrative did not help their case with the upwardly-mobile social classes as well as the urban votes.

Analysing Congress’ trends, juxtaposed with those of the BJP, it remains a matter of irrefutable truth that the ability of the BJP to counter is what keeps its power from waning. Given the BJP’s untarnished dominance, only in terms of its claims to power and occupation of office, it is peculiar that the Congress keeps succumbing to its flippant confidence in its, in all honesty, paltry chances to overthrow the Saffron Goliath. What blights this torpid David and wherefore does he hibernate? One cannot help but nod in terror as they ponder the truth of Modi’s tirades when he warns of the “chaos” that a Congress government shall bring.

Featured Image Credits: PTI

Aayudh Pramanik

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Phogat’s Haryana – A changing political landscape

By DU Beat October 5, 2024

With the 90-member house, Haryana Assembly Elections looming large and the political behemoths, BJP and Congress, attempting to clear through the foliage of ‘caste equations’ and intra-party conflicts towards victory, the climate of Haryana seems to be rapidly developing in favour of new and odd turns, especially those that clearly signal an anti-incumbency sentiment. However, the BJP is also rallying its regiments against the Opposition.

The exodus of saffron that had swallowed the nation with the first Modi government of the 2014-2019 term, seems to have been threatened with sporadic contaminations by the mammoth hand of Congress, hued in the nation’s colours itself. The poster child of Congress’ comeback, the Congress’ prodigal son Rahul Gandhi, has orchestrated significant and palpable attempts to unify the image of Congress and its politics. However, it has also been made clear that they are occasions of contrivance and, not organic resolutions. Nonetheless, the Congress has made a spectacular dent in the BJP’s vote bank – burning example of which may be seen in BJP’s recent UP loss, despite the religious politics deployed by the party to embellish the sentiment of Hindu preponderance amidst the demographic and electoral majority.

Congress’ steady progress towards re-entrance in the field of active and contesting governance has been thus far just that – a steady progress. This is to say that if their hopes of dethroning Modi Ki Guarantee is to come to fruition, they must push harder. We may thus analyse the strategies taken up by both parties to offend and defend against each other.

The three central social discourses reserving the most of critical influence on the current of the course are, as Karthik K.R. et alia have put it, Kisan, Jawan and Pehelwan, i.e., the farmer’s protest, the Agniveer scheme and the Vinesh Phogat sexual harassment case, respectively. The first and the last, potent weapons in the hands of the opposition, have already announced a preference against the incumbency. Swooping in with the opportunity to turn the tide with her narrative, Phogat has descended into the realm of politics, armed with the story of her struggle against the state and by extension the state of the government, directing her focus towards the Julana constituency. She has premised her narrative on the back of women’s empowerment, sexual harassment, and the deplorable educational and health facilities, having already garnered significant support on behalf of the Congress from the female vote bank.

In the rural areas, the BJP share had declined as a reaction to, amidst many others, Manohar Lal Khattar’s leadership. This was Congress’ gain. The BJP has launched outreach programmes powered by the RSS and their grassroot presence to regain the vastly-depleted vote share. Additionally, they have adopted a distancing strategy wherein they have invisibilised Khattar in most of their campaigns, including rallies and photos on posters. The urban support for BJP seems to be far stronger.

The OBC demographic of Haryana, that figures in around 40% of the population, has proved to be indispensable to both parties. The Congress has been a proponent of the caste census and announced the OBC Creamy Layer income limit to stand at ten lakhs, leaving behind the BJP’s eight lakhs. The OBC population has historically been tilted towards the BJP but now, stands at an impasse, unable to pick a side, for the BJP’s efforts to reel them into their side of the court have not passed unnoticed. However, the wind augurs an ultimate Congress victory in this case, since the intra-party schisms have not only stopped at Congress’ doorstep.

The BJP OBC leader Karan Dev Kamboj’s defection to Congress does not bode well for the party. There has been an attempt to target the non-Jat (in popular parlance the 36-biradari) voters as well as the Dalit voters by the BJP. The Congress believes that they might insure themselves against this loss by uniting the Jat and Dalit vote bank, which shall inevitably prove to be a daunting task given the chasmic disparity in social and financial conditions between those two communities. Prominent Dalit leader and the front-person for the Dalit leadership in Congress, Kumari Selja, has resorted to accentuating maati(soil) as opposed to jati(caste) in order to invoke “a fraternal coalition of different caste groups.” While the Congress has been labouring to present a distinct portrait of unity, Bhupinder Singh Hooda, Kumari Selja, and Randeep Singh Surjewala holding separate rallies betrays an obvious condition of acrimony born of differing political ideology.

Broiling tensions and gritty countermeasures unfortunately do not prognosticate a certain outcome, albeit BJP’s foundations have certainly been shaken. The Congress has upgraded its politics from online slander to a tangible candour, and that has irrefutably elevated its reception in the eyes of the public, which shall reflect in the Haryana elections more than ever.

Featured Image Credits: TOI

Aayudh Pramanik

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From Olympics to Politics: Vinesh Phogat’s entry to Congress

By DU Beat October 2, 2024

Wrestler and activist Vinesh Phogat transitions to politics by joining Congress for the upcoming Haryana elections. Her activism and family dynamics add complexity to her candidacy for the Julana constituency.

The pipeline from sports to politics is a well-trodden path in India, with several celebrated athletes transitioning from stadiums to political offices. Vinesh Phogat, a celebrated wrestler, is the latest to make this leap. In a bold move, Phogat joined the Indian National Congress on 6th September, emerging as one of the party’s prominent faces for the upcoming Haryana elections. Since then, Phogat has submitted her candidacy for the Julana Assembly constituency. While adding a fresh dynamic to the Congress campaign in Haryana, her entry into politics has also sparked debates and controversies, drawing attention to her wrestling accolades and the circumstances surrounding her political journey.

Athletes entering the political arena are not unique to India. Globally, several high-profile sports personalities have successfully made the switch to politics, often leveraging their popularity and influence to garner public support. A prime example is Imran Khan, the legendary Pakistani cricketer who transitioned from being a World Cup-winning captain to serving as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Khan’s political journey, marked by his determination and public charisma, is a testament to how athletes can reshape their image and career beyond the sports field. Similarly, Vinesh’s accession into politics signifies a shift in her career trajectory, aiming to translate her on-field grit into political clout and her fandom into a voter bank.

Closer to home, the comparison to her cousin, Babita Phogat, is inevitable. Babita, also a wrestler of repute, joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2019 and even contested in the Haryana state elections. Although Babita did not win her seat, her move was seen as a strategic decision by the BJP to leverage her appeal among Haryana’s youth and sports communities. This parallel entry into politics, albeit on opposing sides, has created a controversy within the Phogat family, with the cousins now split between rival parties. The tension between the two has raised eyebrows, particularly in Haryana’s political circles, where the familial discord could impact public perception and voter behaviour. In a recent statement, Babita accused senior Congress leader Bhupinder Singh Hooda of “creating a rift” within the Phogat family by bringing Vinesh into the party, suggesting that his move was a calculated effort to weaken the BJP’s support in the state by playing on internal family dynamics. The accusation has only deepened the perception of a widening chasm between the Phogat sisters, who were once united in their journey to promote women’s wrestling in rural India.

Adding fuel to the fire is the ongoing scandal surrounding the Wrestling Federation of India (WFI) and its former president, Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh. Earlier this year, Vinesh Phogat emerged as one of the leading voices in a dramatic protest against Singh, accusing him of sexual harassment and mismanagement within the sport. The explosive allegations sparked a nationwide uproar, igniting demands for Singh’s resignation and significant reforms within the WFI. In a surprising twist, Singh has openly mocked Vinesh’s political ambitions, dismissing her candidacy as nothing more than a “Congress-scripted drama.”He accused her of using her political platform to undermine the BJP’s influence in Haryana, suggesting that her activism was a conspiracy orchestrated by the Congress rather than a sincere commitment to public service. This contentious backdrop raises eyebrows, as the public speculates whether Vinesh’s political ambitions are merely a tactical maneuver by the Congress party to exploit her sportsperson/celebrity status in a bid to challenge the BJP and its allies. The tension has deepened, with Singh’s scathing remarks not only polarizing public opinion but also framing Vinesh’s candidacy as a potential pawn in the BJP vs INC conflict.

Furthermore, Vinesh Phogat’s recent disqualification in the 2024 Paris Olympics finals cannot be ignored. As one of India’s top wrestling talents, she faced a technical disqualification that abruptly ended her Olympic aspirations, igniting widespread sympathy and support among fans and the general public. Vinesh was anticipated to be a strong medal contender, and her disqualification was perceived as a significant blow not only to her personally but also to the reputation of Indian wrestling as a whole. As disheartening as the setback was, it could inadvertently bolster her political campaign. The Congress party may be counting on her ability to convert this wave of sympathy into votes, leveraging the emotional resonance of her story to rally support in the Julana constituency. With her public persona now intertwined with this narrative, Vinesh’s campaign is uniquely positioned to tap into the electorate’s sentiments, which could prove pivotal in the upcoming elections.

In her campaign, Vinesh has embraced the “rustic bahu” image, aiming to connect with the people of Julana. This persona seems to resonate particularly well with local women, who have been welcoming and supportive of her candidacy. However, one can’t help but question the authenticity of this image, with some speculating that it may be a calculated effort to cultivate a voter bank rather than a true reflection of her character. The dichotomy of being both a celebrated athlete and a down-to-earth figure is a delicate balance, and as the election approaches, it remains to be seen how voters will perceive her true self.

With polling in Haryana set to commence on 5th October, all eyes will be on Vinesh Phogat as she embarks on her first election as a candidate. Will her performance in the elections mirror her spectacular performance on the mat? The outcome of this election could redefine not only her political career but also her legacy as an athlete cum social activist in India. As voters consider their options, the question remains: can the ‘rustic bahu’ make a lasting impact in the political arena, or will she remain a star confined to the world of wrestling?

Featured Image Credits: The Times of India

Ashita Kedia

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A decade later: J&K assembly elections

By DU Beat September 25, 2024

Jammu and Kashmir’s upcoming Assembly elections are marked by unpredictability, uncertainty, and a whole lot of curiosity. When you think you have seen it all, the Kashmiri politics shift paradigms and the plot widens. With key players like Engineer Rashid stirring up the region’s volatile political landscape – the shifting alliances and the reemergence of Jamaat-e-Islami mark that anything is possible and nothing can be predicted.

After a decade, Jammu and Kashmir is set for its assembly elections, and the anxiety and betrayal of the past looming heavy. The political landscape of the region has gone through immeasurable changes after the abrogation of Article 370. Without statehood and special status, what once used to be once the most empowered assembly has been reduced to a mere puppet where the lieutenant governor carries unprecedented power and influence. Omar Abdullah, the former chief minister, says the Jammu and Kashmir assembly without statehood will be, “the most disempowered (of) assemblies.” While Mehbooba Mufti, who has fielded her daughter, Iltija Mufti, from South Kashmir’s Bijbehara for her electoral debut, says that the assembly will be “less powerful than a municipality.”

History has a way to repeat itself, and many in Kashmir are hoping for it to not happen. In the 2014 Assembly Elections, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) won 28 seats out of 87 on the precedent of keeping the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) from entering the valley. However, in a turn of events, the PDP announced an alliance with BJP to form the government, which left the people of Kashmir betrayed and deceived. After what are called the darkest days of PDP-BJP alliance rule in Kashmir, which led to the unprecedented civilian killings and unrest in the valley; in June 2018, BJP pulled out of its coalition government with PDP, Mehbooba Mufti resigned, and Governor’s rule was imposed again. 10 years later, the Omar Abdullah-led National Conference (NC) is seeking votes with the same rhetoric – keep the BJP out.

Given the unpredictability of Kashmiri electoral politics, nothing can be certain. After the parliamentary elections, if the results were any indication that the NC might emerge as the single-largest party in Kashmir in the upcoming assembly elections, the release of Sheikh Abdul Rashid also known as Engineer Rashid on bail after five years in Tihar Jail shaken up electoral preferences. And Engineer Rashid is no average candidate. He won against former chief minister Omar Abdullah in the parliamentary elections 2024 with a staggering two lakh votes while being incarcerated. Being a popular separatist leader, his campaigns resonate with the common people. His theatrical and confrontational politics have been a crowd-puller, and the youth of Kashmir see him as the only candidate brave enough to say out loud what other candidates are afraid of.

“Solution of Kashmir issue lies in asking the people on both sides of the LOC [line of control] about their aspirations,” said Engineer Rashid in Pulwama.

Statements like these grab attention and deeply resonate with the people who for long have felt unheard.

“On his own, he is more outspoken against Delhi than the entire leadership of mainstream parties in Kashmir. Both the National Conference and the Peoples Democratic Party have a history of working closely with the BJP,” said a student from Srinagar while talking to Rising Kashmir.

“In Kashmir, mainstream politics has always represented Delhi, while the separatists represented the ground sentiment of the people. Rashid was someone who would give expression to issues felt by the people despite being in the mainstream. At times, he would cause a lot of discomfort to the parties in power over what he called their surrender of Kashmir’s interests to New Delhi,” said another youth in Srinagar.

However, even with what seems like popular support for Engineer Rashid, the elections are unlikely to be easy for him and his party. One section of the crowd has been pointing fingers at Rashid for being a mere pawn and a proxy of BJP, designed to split the votes and let BJP in through the cracks. Omar Abdullah, while addressing the issue, stated that Rashid is receiving special treatment and has been released only to manipulate Kashmiris.

“Why only Engineer Rashid? Why is he receiving special treatment? What about Yasin Malik and Shabir Shah, who are also imprisoned under the same law?”

According to Abdullah, Rashid’s bail is a strategic move to sway votes and aid the BJP in gaining control of the assembly, further solidifying the decisions made on August 5, 2019.

“I feel sorry for the people of Baramulla. This bail is not to serve the people of North Kashmir but to get votes. After polls, Er Rashid will be back in Tihar… . My only appeal is to not allow the BJP’s designs to succeed. If people want a BJP government in Jammu and Kashmir, then they should support the AIP, PCP, and Apni Party.”

Sarjan Ahmad Wagay, popularly known as Sarjan Barkati, a hardline cleric who is currently in jail, is all set to contest from the Ganderbal seat against National Conference Vice President Omar Abdullah. Barkati had earlier filed a nomination from the Zainapora assembly seat in Shopian, South Kashmir. But his nomination papers were rejected on September 4. Even though his nomination from Shopian was rejected due to the absence of an oath certificate that was to be duly signed by the jail authorities, some observers believe it was done to further divide the votes by accepting the nomination from the Ganderbal seat.

Engineer Rashid, charged under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act in a terror funding case being released just days before the elections and getting the ticket to contest in the assembly elections openly while other separatist leaders, journalists, and human rights activists are yet to see the light of day, does raise fingers. Why would Delhi’s administration allow for a separatist leader backed with popular sentiment, such “freedom” in the “new” Kashmir? While these doubts regarding Rashid’s release continue to emanate, the increasing number of independent candidates and reemergence of groups in the political landscape have further generated curiosity regarding the effects on the political system in the region.

Jamaat-e-Islami, a banned political and religious group, has returned to politics after 37 years and is backing several independent candidates. The banned organisation which once opposed the elections in the valley, contesting and swearing by the Indian Constitution, is something that comes as a surprise. Mehbooba Mufti lost footing in the political terrain after the failure of the PDP government during its alliance with the BJP. Further, there is palpable anger among the voters against Mehbooba Mufti’s public statements in 2016, in which she blamed civilians for protests. Fielding her daughter, Iltija Mufti, might have been a great strategic move; however, what transpired during the PDP coalition government might make it hard to gain popular support for these elections.

While Kashmir is stumbling through the unpredictability, Jammu is a bit more consistent. The people of Jammu seem content and comfortable sticking to the same, ultra-nationalist rhetoric of the BJP. Their politics, with no grey areas and too much of saffron, is a pretty straightforward affair. With the politicians gambling with words and an increased number of new players in the circus that Kashmiri politics is, the outcome of it all remains uncertain. However, what else remains uncertain is the future of Kashmir, at the hands of those who play for themselves.

Image Credits: 1. Anis Wani (@ anis__wani instagram)

Reeba Khan

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Allegations of electoral misconduct: Fraternity movement accuses NSUI of obstructing DUSU candidacy

By DU Beat September 23, 2024

Fraternity Movement, Delhi University released a statement on 19th September 2024, condemning the actions of NSUI members for confiscating and ripping the nomination form of their candidate, Yaseen K. Muhammad, in front of the DSW office gate. Representatives of the NSUI have declined to address the matter or refute the accusations.

On Thursday, 19th September 2024, Fraternity Movement Delhi University released a statement alleging that the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) “goondas” forcibly confiscated and tore the nomination form of their candidate, Yaseen K. Muhammad, right outside the gate of Dean Students Welfare (DSW), Conference Centre, University of Delhi. This happened in front of the police officers and security guards, who refused to do anything and played mere spectators to the incident. The NSUI members have refused to comment on the issue and ignored the texts and calls asking them to deny or accept the allegations.

Yaseen K. Muhammad, in conversation with DU Beat, spoke about the incident:

“It was very terrifying that day. On the way to submit my nomination, I entered through gate no. 4 of the University of Delhi, Botany Department. As I entered gate no. 4, my documents were checked by the ABVP and NSUI members. They don’t have any right to check my papers, but they still checked my papers in front of the police and other security guards. I got the entry after their verification, and I went straight to the DSW office, where the nominations were to be submitted. At the gate to the DSW office, while I was stating my name and other details to the security guard, a NSUI cadre snatched my nomination form in front of everyone and tore it. To not leave any evidence, the person put the pieces of my nomination form in their pocket. All the high-ranking police officials and security guards surrounding us did not protect me, nor did they stop the NSUI members from snatching and tearing my nomination form.”

Interestingly, Yaseen had contested for the position of Vice President in the 2023 DUSU elections. However, his nomination form was rejected due to some discrepancies related to the documents. In the official statement, released on their Instagram page, Fraternity Movement, Delhi University stated:

“In an attempt to undermine the democratic process and avoid the consequences of a potential defeat in the DUSU elections, NSUI goondas restored to obstructive tactics by forcibly confiscating the nomination papers of Fraternity Movement candidates as they were en route to file them. These actions escalated further as the miscreants unlawfully entered the election commission office, endangering vital election documents. Alarmingly, the election commission showed no intention to intervene, effectively enabling these anti-democratic manoeuvres. This organised disruption by NSUI, driven by fear of losing the ideological contest, seeks to derail the electoral process.”

The DU Beat team tried to approach the NSUI members several times; however, the texts and calls were initially ignored. An NSUI member denied commenting on the issue by stating that he was out of station and refused to get us in contact with any other NSUI member who could speak on the issue. After multiple attempts, we briefly reached another representative. However, the call was cut short with a statement indicating a willingness to speak later. Despite follow-up efforts, no further communication was received by the time of the publication of the report.

A 2nd-year university student who accompanied Yaseen to the DSW office alleged that:

“While our candidate was allowed only one supporter to enter, the place was filled with ABVP and NSUI members and their supporters. If I am not mistaken, Abhi Dahiya (Vice President DUSU) was present there when one of his cadres snatched and tore the nomination form of our candidate. I have only had a year participating in all of this election fiasco, but I am very sure that NSUI members were the ones who ripped off Yaseen’s form.”

As of the latest updates, Yaseen will not be able to stand up for the position of secretary due to not being able to submit his nomination form. The Fraternity Movement movement, in their official statement, has demanded an extension of the nomination deadline and accountability for the perpetrators. However, the Delhi University authorities have not condemned nor released any statements regarding the incident.

Featured Image: Arush for DU Beat

Reeba Khan

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DUSU Elections to be held on September 27, 2024

By DU Beat September 4, 2024

DUSU elections 2024 schedule has been released by DU. Elections are to be held on September 27 in two shifts. Results will be announced on September 29.

Delhi University has notified that the students’ union elections will be held on September 27. Votes will be counted a day later and the results are likely to be announced on September 29.

Separate slots are allocated for the convenience of morning and evening batch students on the day of the election, notified with a circular released on September 2nd laying out a schedule for the same. The elections will be held between 8.30 a.m. and 1 p.m. for morning batch students and from 3 p.m. to 7.30 p.m. for evening batch students.

The notice also mentions that the last date for the receipt of nominated candidates and their affidavit along with a sum of five hundred rupees is September 17th till 3:00 pm.

The filed nominations can also be withdrawn by September 18 till 12 noon. After careful examinations, a final list of the nominated candidates will be published on the same day at 6:00 pm.

The votes will be counted on September 28, at Police Line. The prescribed nomination papers shall be dropped in the sealed box kept outside the office of the Chief Election Officer, DU elections, 2024-25, as stated in the bulletin.

The Chief Election Officer, Mr Satyapal Singh of the Sanskrit Department, the Chief Returning Officer, Mr Raj Kishore Sharma of the Chemistry Department, and the Returning Officer, Dr Rajesh Singh, the University Librarian, will ensure the smooth conduct of the elections. These appointments were made by Vice Chancellor Yogesh Singh, as detailed in the notification dated August 29.

While the student body awaits the elections to take place this year, last year Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) members Tushar Dedha and Sachin Baisla were elected for the post of the DUSU President and Joint Secretary, and Aparajita as the Secretary. The union was formed with the election of Abhi Dahiya, a member of the National Students Union of India (NSUI) as the Vice President.

Featured image credits: Ananya for DU Beat

Taruni Banerjee

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