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With the 90-member house, Haryana Assembly Elections looming large and the political behemoths, BJP and Congress, attempting to clear through the foliage of ‘caste equations’ and intra-party conflicts towards victory, the climate of Haryana seems to be rapidly developing in favour of new and odd turns, especially those that clearly signal an anti-incumbency sentiment. However, the BJP is also rallying its regiments against the Opposition.

The exodus of saffron that had swallowed the nation with the first Modi government of the 2014-2019 term, seems to have been threatened with sporadic contaminations by the mammoth hand of Congress, hued in the nation’s colours itself. The poster child of Congress’ comeback, the Congress’ prodigal son Rahul Gandhi, has orchestrated significant and palpable attempts to unify the image of Congress and its politics. However, it has also been made clear that they are occasions of contrivance and, not organic resolutions. Nonetheless, the Congress has made a spectacular dent in the BJP’s vote bank – burning example of which may be seen in BJP’s recent UP loss, despite the religious politics deployed by the party to embellish the sentiment of Hindu preponderance amidst the demographic and electoral majority.

Congress’ steady progress towards re-entrance in the field of active and contesting governance has been thus far just that – a steady progress. This is to say that if their hopes of dethroning Modi Ki Guarantee is to come to fruition, they must push harder. We may thus analyse the strategies taken up by both parties to offend and defend against each other.

The three central social discourses reserving the most of critical influence on the current of the course are, as Karthik K.R. et alia have put it, Kisan, Jawan and Pehelwan, i.e., the farmer’s protest, the Agniveer scheme and the Vinesh Phogat sexual harassment case, respectively. The first and the last, potent weapons in the hands of the opposition, have already announced a preference against the incumbency. Swooping in with the opportunity to turn the tide with her narrative, Phogat has descended into the realm of politics, armed with the story of her struggle against the state and by extension the state of the government, directing her focus towards the Julana constituency. She has premised her narrative on the back of women’s empowerment, sexual harassment, and the deplorable educational and health facilities, having already garnered significant support on behalf of the Congress from the female vote bank.

In the rural areas, the BJP share had declined as a reaction to, amidst many others, Manohar Lal Khattar’s leadership. This was Congress’ gain. The BJP has launched outreach programmes powered by the RSS and their grassroot presence to regain the vastly-depleted vote share. Additionally, they have adopted a distancing strategy wherein they have invisibilised Khattar in most of their campaigns, including rallies and photos on posters. The urban support for BJP seems to be far stronger.

The OBC demographic of Haryana, that figures in around one-fourth of the population, has proved to be indispensable to both parties. The Congress has been a proponent of the caste census and announced the OBC Creamy Layer income limit to stand at ten lakhs, leaving behind the BJP’s eight lakhs. The OBC population has historically been tilted towards the BJP but now, stands at an impasse, unable to pick a side, for the BJP’s efforts to reel them into their side of the court have not passed unnoticed. However, the wind augurs an ultimate Congress victory in this case, since the intra-party schisms have not only stopped at Congress’ doorstep.

The BJP OBC leader Karan Dev Kamboj’s defection to Congress does not bode well for the party. There has been an attempt to target the non-Jat (in popular parlance the 36-biradari) voters as well as the Dalit voters by the BJP. The Congress believes that they might insure themselves against this loss by uniting the Jat and Dalit vote bank, which shall inevitably prove to be a daunting task given the chasmic disparity in social and financial conditions between those two communities. Prominent Dalit leader and the front-person for the Dalit leadership in Congress, Kumari Selja, has resorted to accentuating maati(soil) as opposed to jati(caste) in order to invoke “a fraternal coalition of different caste groups.” While the Congress has been labouring to present a distinct portrait of unity, Bhupinder Singh Hooda, Kumari Selja, and Randeep Singh Surjewala holding separate rallies betrays an obvious condition of acrimony born of differing political ideology.

Broiling tensions and gritty countermeasures unfortunately do not prognosticate a certain outcome, albeit BJP’s foundations have certainly been shaken. The Congress has upgraded its politics from online slander to a tangible candour, and that has irrefutably elevated its reception in the eyes of the public, which shall reflect in the Haryana elections more than ever.

 

Read Also: Rahul Gandhi’s Tryst with Destiny: The Revival of the Last Gandhi

Featured Image Credits: TOI

Aayudh Pramanik

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Wrestler and activist Vinesh Phogat transitions to politics by joining Congress for the upcoming Haryana elections. Her activism and family dynamics add complexity to her candidacy for the Julana constituency.

The pipeline from sports to politics is a well-trodden path in India, with several celebrated athletes transitioning from stadiums to political offices. Vinesh Phogat, a celebrated wrestler, is the latest to make this leap. In a bold move, Phogat joined the Indian National Congress on 6th September, emerging as one of the party’s prominent faces for the upcoming Haryana elections. Since then, Phogat has submitted her candidacy for the Julana Assembly constituency. While adding a fresh dynamic to the Congress campaign in Haryana, her entry into politics has also sparked debates and controversies, drawing attention to her wrestling accolades and the circumstances surrounding her political journey.

Athletes entering the political arena are not unique to India. Globally, several high-profile sports personalities have successfully made the switch to politics, often leveraging their popularity and influence to garner public support. A prime example is Imran Khan, the legendary Pakistani cricketer who transitioned from being a World Cup-winning captain to serving as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Khan’s political journey, marked by his determination and public charisma, is a testament to how athletes can reshape their image and career beyond the sports field. Similarly, Vinesh’s accession into politics signifies a shift in her career trajectory, aiming to translate her on-field grit into political clout and her fandom into a voter bank.

Closer to home, the comparison to her cousin, Babita Phogat, is inevitable. Babita, also a wrestler of repute, joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2019 and even contested in the Haryana state elections. Although Babita did not win her seat, her move was seen as a strategic decision by the BJP to leverage her appeal among Haryana’s youth and sports communities. This parallel entry into politics, albeit on opposing sides, has created a controversy within the Phogat family, with the cousins now split between rival parties. The tension between the two has raised eyebrows, particularly in Haryana’s political circles, where the familial discord could impact public perception and voter behaviour. In a recent statement, Babita accused senior Congress leader Bhupinder Singh Hooda of “creating a rift” within the Phogat family by bringing Vinesh into the party, suggesting that his move was a calculated effort to weaken the BJP’s support in the state by playing on internal family dynamics. The accusation has only deepened the perception of a widening chasm between the Phogat sisters, who were once united in their journey to promote women’s wrestling in rural India.

Adding fuel to the fire is the ongoing scandal surrounding the Wrestling Federation of India (WFI) and its former president, Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh. Earlier this year, Vinesh Phogat emerged as one of the leading voices in a dramatic protest against Singh, accusing him of sexual harassment and mismanagement within the sport. The explosive allegations sparked a nationwide uproar, igniting demands for Singh’s resignation and significant reforms within the WFI. In a surprising twist, Singh has openly mocked Vinesh’s political ambitions, dismissing her candidacy as nothing more than a “Congress-scripted drama.”He accused her of using her political platform to undermine the BJP’s influence in Haryana, suggesting that her activism was a conspiracy orchestrated by the Congress rather than a sincere commitment to public service. This contentious backdrop raises eyebrows, as the public speculates whether Vinesh’s political ambitions are merely a tactical maneuver by the Congress party to exploit her sportsperson/celebrity status in a bid to challenge the BJP and its allies. The tension has deepened, with Singh’s scathing remarks not only polarizing public opinion but also framing Vinesh’s candidacy as a potential pawn in the BJP vs INC conflict.

Furthermore, Vinesh Phogat’s recent disqualification in the 2024 Paris Olympics finals cannot be ignored. As one of India’s top wrestling talents, she faced a technical disqualification that abruptly ended her Olympic aspirations, igniting widespread sympathy and support among fans and the general public. Vinesh was anticipated to be a strong medal contender, and her disqualification was perceived as a significant blow not only to her personally but also to the reputation of Indian wrestling as a whole. As disheartening as the setback was, it could inadvertently bolster her political campaign. The Congress party may be counting on her ability to convert this wave of sympathy into votes, leveraging the emotional resonance of her story to rally support in the Julana constituency. With her public persona now intertwined with this narrative, Vinesh’s campaign is uniquely positioned to tap into the electorate’s sentiments, which could prove pivotal in the upcoming elections.

In her campaign, Vinesh has embraced the “rustic bahu” image, aiming to connect with the people of Julana. This persona seems to resonate particularly well with local women, who have been welcoming and supportive of her candidacy. However, one can’t help but question the authenticity of this image, with some speculating that it may be a calculated effort to cultivate a voter bank rather than a true reflection of her character. The dichotomy of being both a celebrated athlete and a down-to-earth figure is a delicate balance, and as the election approaches, it remains to be seen how voters will perceive her true self.

With polling in Haryana set to commence on 5th October, all eyes will be on Vinesh Phogat as she embarks on her first election as a candidate. Will her performance in the elections mirror her spectacular performance on the mat? The outcome of this election could redefine not only her political career but also her legacy as an athlete cum social activist in India. As voters consider their options, the question remains: can the ‘rustic bahu’ make a lasting impact in the political arena, or will she remain a star confined to the world of wrestling?

Read Also: Beyond the Fields of the Olympics: A Transcend into the Ball-Park of Humanity

Featured Image Credits: The Times of India

Ashita Kedia

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Jammu and Kashmir’s upcoming Assembly elections are marked by unpredictability, uncertainty, and a whole lot of curiosity. When you think you have seen it all, the Kashmiri politics shift paradigms and the plot widens. With key players like Engineer Rashid stirring up the region’s volatile political landscape – the shifting alliances and the reemergence of Jamaat-e-Islami mark that anything is possible and nothing can be predicted.

After a decade, Jammu and Kashmir is set for its assembly elections, and the anxiety and betrayal of the past looming heavy. The political landscape of the region has gone through immeasurable changes after the abrogation of Article 370. Without statehood and special status, what once used to be once the most empowered assembly has been reduced to a mere puppet where the lieutenant governor carries unprecedented power and influence. Omar Abdullah, the former chief minister, says the Jammu and Kashmir assembly without statehood will be, “the most disempowered (of) assemblies.” While Mehbooba Mufti, who has fielded her daughter, Iltija Mufti, from South Kashmir’s Bijbehara for her electoral debut, says that the assembly will be “less powerful than a municipality.”

History has a way to repeat itself, and many in Kashmir are hoping for it to not happen. In the 2014 Assembly Elections, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) won 28 seats out of 87 on the precedent of keeping the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) from entering the valley. However, in a turn of events, the PDP announced an alliance with BJP to form the government, which left the people of Kashmir betrayed and deceived. After what are called the darkest days of PDP-BJP alliance rule in Kashmir, which led to the unprecedented civilian killings and unrest in the valley; in June 2018, BJP pulled out of its coalition government with PDP, Mehbooba Mufti resigned, and Governor’s rule was imposed again. 10 years later, the Omar Abdullah-led National Conference (NC) is seeking votes with the same rhetoric – keep the BJP out.

Given the unpredictability of Kashmiri electoral politics, nothing can be certain. After the parliamentary elections, if the results were any indication that the NC might emerge as the single-largest party in Kashmir in the upcoming assembly elections, the release of Sheikh Abdul Rashid also known as Engineer Rashid on bail after five years in Tihar Jail shaken up electoral preferences. And Engineer Rashid is no average candidate. He won against former chief minister Omar Abdullah in the parliamentary elections 2024 with a staggering two lakh votes while being incarcerated. Being a popular separatist leader, his campaigns resonate with the common people. His theatrical and confrontational politics have been a crowd-puller, and the youth of Kashmir see him as the only candidate brave enough to say out loud what other candidates are afraid of.  

Solution of Kashmir issue lies in asking the people on both sides of the LOC [line of control] about their aspirations,” said Engineer Rashid in Pulwama.

Statements like these grab attention and deeply resonate with the people who for long have felt unheard. 

On his own, he is more outspoken against Delhi than the entire leadership of mainstream parties in Kashmir. Both the National Conference and the Peoples Democratic Party have a history of working closely with the BJP,” said a student from Srinagar while talking to Rising Kashmir.

In Kashmir, mainstream politics has always represented Delhi, while the separatists represented the ground sentiment of the people. Rashid was someone who would give expression to issues felt by the people despite being in the mainstream. At times, he would cause a lot of discomfort to the parties in power over what he called their surrender of Kashmir’s interests to New Delhi,” said another youth in Srinagar.

However, even with what seems like popular support for Engineer Rashid, the elections are unlikely to be easy for him and his party. One section of the crowd has been pointing fingers at Rashid for being a mere pawn and a proxy of BJP, designed to split the votes and let BJP in through the cracks. Omar Abdullah, while addressing the issue, stated that Rashid is receiving special treatment and has been released only to manipulate Kashmiris.

Why only Engineer Rashid? Why is he receiving special treatment? What about Yasin Malik and Shabir Shah, who are also imprisoned under the same law?

According to Abdullah, Rashid’s bail is a strategic move to sway votes and aid the BJP in gaining control of the assembly, further solidifying the decisions made on August 5, 2019.

 “I feel sorry for the people of Baramulla. This bail is not to serve the people of North Kashmir but to get votes. After polls, Er Rashid will be back in Tihar… . My only appeal is to not allow the BJP’s designs to succeed. If people want a BJP government in Jammu and Kashmir, then they should support the AIP, PCP, and Apni Party.

Sarjan Ahmad Wagay, popularly known as Sarjan Barkati, a hardline cleric who is currently in jail, is all set to contest from the Ganderbal seat against National Conference Vice President Omar Abdullah. Barkati had earlier filed a nomination from the Zainapora assembly seat in Shopian, South Kashmir. But his nomination papers were rejected on September 4. Even though his nomination from Shopian was rejected due to the absence of an oath certificate that was to be duly signed by the jail authorities, some observers believe it was done to further divide the votes by accepting the nomination from the Ganderbal seat.

Engineer Rashid, charged under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act in a terror funding case being released just days before the elections and getting the ticket to contest in the assembly elections openly while other separatist leaders, journalists, and human rights activists are yet to see the light of day, does raise fingers. Why would Delhi’s administration allow for a separatist leader backed with popular sentiment, such “freedom” in the “new” Kashmir? While these doubts regarding Rashid’s release continue to emanate, the increasing number of independent candidates and reemergence of groups in the political landscape have further generated curiosity regarding the effects on the political system in the region.

Jamaat-e-Islami, a banned political and religious group, has returned to politics after 37 years and is backing several independent candidates. The banned organisation which once opposed the elections in the valley, contesting and swearing by the Indian Constitution, is something that comes as a surprise. Mehbooba Mufti lost footing in the political terrain after the failure of the PDP government during its alliance with the BJP. Further, there is palpable anger among the voters against Mehbooba Mufti’s public statements in 2016, in which she blamed civilians for protests. Fielding her daughter, Iltija Mufti, might have been a great strategic move; however, what transpired during the PDP coalition government might make it hard to gain popular support for these elections. 

While Kashmir is stumbling through the unpredictability, Jammu is a bit more consistent. The people of Jammu seem content and comfortable sticking to the same, ultra-nationalist rhetoric of the BJP. Their politics, with no grey areas and too much of saffron, is a pretty straightforward affair. With the politicians gambling with words and an increased number of new players in the circus that Kashmiri politics is, the outcome of it all remains uncertain. However, what else remains uncertain is the future of Kashmir, at the hands of those who play for themselves. 

Read Also: The Role of NOTA in Indian Elections

Image Credits: 1. Anis Wani (@ anis__wani instagram)

Reeba Khan

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Fraternity Movement, Delhi University released a statement on 19th September 2024, condemning the actions of NSUI members for confiscating and ripping the nomination form of their candidate, Yaseen K. Muhammad, in front of the DSW office gate. Representatives of the NSUI have declined to address the matter or refute the accusations.

On Thursday, 19th September 2024, Fraternity Movement Delhi University released a statement alleging that the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) “goondas” forcibly confiscated and tore the nomination form of their candidate, Yaseen K. Muhammad, right outside the gate of Dean Students Welfare (DSW), Conference Centre, University of Delhi. This happened in front of the police officers and security guards, who refused to do anything and played mere spectators to the incident. The NSUI members have refused to comment on the issue and ignored the texts and calls asking them to deny or accept the allegations.

Yaseen K. Muhammad, in conversation with DU Beat, spoke about the incident:

“It was very terrifying that day. On the way to submit my nomination, I entered through gate no. 4 of the University of Delhi, Botany Department. As I entered gate no. 4, my documents were checked by the ABVP and NSUI members. They don’t have any right to check my papers, but they still checked my papers in front of the police and other security guards. I got the entry after their verification, and I went straight to the DSW office, where the nominations were to be submitted. At the gate to the DSW office, while I was stating my name and other details to the security guard, a NSUI cadre snatched my nomination form in front of everyone and tore it. To not leave any evidence, the person put the pieces of my nomination form in their pocket. All the high-ranking police officials and security guards surrounding us did not protect me, nor did they stop the NSUI members from snatching and tearing my nomination form.”

Interestingly, Yaseen had contested for the position of Vice President in the 2023 DUSU elections. However, his nomination form was rejected due to some discrepancies related to the documents. In the official statement, released on their Instagram page, Fraternity Movement, Delhi University stated:

“In an attempt to undermine the democratic process and avoid the consequences of a potential defeat in the DUSU elections, NSUI goondas restored to obstructive tactics by forcibly confiscating the nomination papers of Fraternity Movement candidates as they were en route to file them. These actions escalated further as the miscreants unlawfully entered the election commission office, endangering vital election documents. Alarmingly, the election commission showed no intention to intervene, effectively enabling these anti-democratic manoeuvres. This organised disruption by NSUI, driven by fear of losing the ideological contest, seeks to derail the electoral process.”

The DU Beat team tried to approach the NSUI members several times; however, the texts and calls were initially ignored. An NSUI member denied commenting on the issue by stating that he was out of station and refused to get us in contact with any other NSUI member who could speak on the issue. After multiple attempts, we briefly reached another representative. However, the call was cut short with a statement indicating a willingness to speak later. Despite follow-up efforts, no further communication was received by the time of the publication of the report.

A 2nd-year university student who accompanied Yaseen to the DSW office alleged that:

“While our candidate was allowed only one supporter to enter, the place was filled with ABVP and NSUI members and their supporters. If I am not mistaken, Abhi Dahiya (Vice President DUSU) was present there when one of his cadres snatched and tore the nomination form of our candidate. I have only had a year participating in all of this election fiasco, but I am very sure that NSUI members were the ones who ripped off Yaseen’s form.”

As of the latest updates, Yaseen will not be able to stand up for the position of secretary due to not being able to submit his nomination form. The Fraternity Movement movement, in their official statement, has demanded an extension of the nomination deadline and accountability for the perpetrators. However, the Delhi University authorities have not condemned nor released any statements regarding the incident.

Read Also: Controversy Erupts Over Tushar Dedha’s Presidential Candidature as DUSU VP Files Complaint

Featured Image: Arush for DU Beat

Reeba Khan

[email protected]

DUSU elections 2024 schedule has been released by DU. Elections are to be held on September 27 in two shifts. Results will be announced on September 29. 

Delhi University has notified that the students’ union elections will be held on September 27. Votes will be counted a day later and the results are likely to be announced on September 29. 

Separate slots are allocated for the convenience of morning and evening batch students on the day of the election, notified with a circular released on September 2nd laying out a schedule for the same. The elections will be held between 8.30 a.m. and 1 p.m. for morning batch students and from 3 p.m. to 7.30 p.m. for evening batch students.

The notice also mentions that the last date for the receipt of nominated candidates and their affidavit along with a sum of five hundred rupees is September 17th till 3:00 pm. 

The filed nominations can also be withdrawn by September 18 till 12 noon. After careful examinations, a final list of the nominated candidates will be published on the same day at 6:00 pm. 

The votes will be counted on September 28, at Police Line. The prescribed nomination papers shall be dropped in the sealed box kept outside the office of the Chief Election Officer, DU elections, 2024-25, as stated in the bulletin. 

The Chief Election Officer, Mr Satyapal Singh of the Sanskrit Department, the Chief Returning Officer, Mr Raj Kishore Sharma of the Chemistry Department, and the Returning Officer, Dr Rajesh Singh, the University Librarian, will ensure the smooth conduct of the elections. These appointments were made by Vice Chancellor Yogesh Singh, as detailed in the notification dated August 29.

While the student body awaits the elections to take place this year, last year Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) members Tushar Dedha and Sachin Baisla were elected for the post of the DUSU President and Joint Secretary, and Aparajita as the Secretary. The union was formed with the election of Abhi Dahiya, a member of the National Students Union of India (NSUI) as the Vice President. 

Read also: 10 Days,10 Women,10 DUSU Presidents

Featured image credits: Ananya for DU Beat

Taruni Banerjee 

[email protected]

Video and audio clips of a vandalised DUSU office surfaced on the 14th of July. ABVP members claimed NSUI involvement and took to social media to condemn the alleged heinous act. The University of Delhi has set up a 4-member board to investigate the vandalism at DUSU office and an FIR has been registered.  

As political tensions further burgeon between the incumbent DUSU President, Tushar Dedha from Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and Abhi Dahiya, DUSU Vice President, representative of NSUI, a case of ruthless vandalism at the DUSU office has left the DUSU members smarting and has invited a grim prognosis for the suspected vandals. The office of the President, Tushar Dedha; Secretary, Aparajita; Joint Secretary, Sachin Baisla and the visitor’s room have been ransacked by whom ABVP members alleged were NSUI goons, possibly led by Mr. Abhi Dahiya. 

DU Proctor Rajni Abbi has revealed in conversation with Indian Express on Sunday that ongoing investigations have discovered several liquor bottles in Mr. Dahiya’s office. The ABVP has also alleged that the violent act had been carried out under the influence of alcohol, at around 3AM the same morning. The ABVP has taken to social media to expose the extent of damage caused to the public eye, wherein claims of NSUI goons having urinated on the “Roll of Honour” Nameplate, thrown out statues of religious icon Ram and the framed portrait of leader Swami Vivekananda have been documented. RSS-affiliated ABVP in a statement floated on Sunday condemned the Congress’s student wing –

“Between 3-4 AM this morning, NSUI goons broke into the Delhi University Students’ Union office, causing chaos. They broke the doors of the offices of President Tushar Dedha and Secretary Aparajita, vandalised the office, and threw out statues of Lord Ram and pictures of great leaders like Swami Vivekananda.” 

In an interview with Press Trust of India (PTI), secretary Aparajita confessed

“As the only female student representative working at this level, I feel unsafe in my own office.”

DUSU Vice-President Abhi Dahiya has released a statement on his Instagram on Monday, following the allegations, accusing ABVP goons to have likewise vandalised his office “first” in retaliation for his attempt last week to uncover the “fraudulent means” used by the Mr. Dedha to gain admission in DU, and the “false affidavit” submitted by him in order to contest elections. He claimed that the incident was orchestrated as an act of diversion from the critical issue of the fabricated documents, urging that there be a thorough investigation into the matter and entreating students to not get carried away by the propaganda fuelled by ABVP. “This act of vandalism and fear mongering not only damages DUSU property but also threatens the safety and integrity of our student community” he wrote on social media. 

An official intimation conveyed the decision of the varsity’s administration to set up a 4-member panel comprising Delhi University Proctor Rajni Abbi, Dean of Students’ Welfare Ranjan Kumar Tripathi, Delhi University Students Union (DUSU) staff advisor Surender Kumar, and Joint Proctor Geeta Sahare, to probe into the matter. The panel endeavours to submit its report within seven days. 

Read also : Controversy Erupts Over Tushar Dedha’s Presidential Candidature as DUSU VP Files Complaint

Featured Image Credits : ABVP Delhi Instagram Page      

Aayudh Pramanik

[email protected]

DUSU Vice President, Abhi Dahiya, filed a complaint with the Delhi University Vice-chancellor on Friday, 5 July 2024, against the DUSU President Tushar Dedha alleging that, “he produced a false affidavit to contest elections.” However, Tushar Dedha has denied such allegations.

On Friday, 5 July 2024, DUSU (Delhi University Student Union) Vice President – Abhi Dahiya, filed a complaint against the DUSU President Tushar Dedha, with the Delhi University Vice-chancellor, alleging that the latter used “illegal means” to get admission to the University and produced a false affidavit to contest elections.

(Image Source: Abhi Dahiya via Instagram)

Incidentally, this is not the first time a DUSU President has been (allegedly) “exposed” for using illegal means to secure admission into the University. In 2018, the former ABVP-led DUSU President Ankiv Baisoya was involved in a similar incident. Following the NSUI presidential candidate Sunny Chillar’s challenge to Baisoya’s elections on the same grounds, the then-DUSU President resigned from his position and has been sacked by the ABVP. This occurred when his bachelor’s degree from Thiruvalluvar University in Tamil Nadu was found to be fraudulent. 

Abhi Dahiya, in conversation with DU Beat, spoke out about the issue:

“The current DUSU President, Tushar Dedha has used ‘illegal means’ to gain admission within Delhi University. As per the records, the DUSU President holds two examination marksheets of intermediate class (Standard 12)- one from CBSE in Arts examination and the other from Madyamik Siksha Parishad Uttar Pradesh in Science Stream. How is it possible for one person to pass from two boards at two different places with two different streams? We urge the University to take stringent action against him as he does not deserve to remain the President for another minute, let alone an entire year.”

In his official complaint filed to the Vice-Chancellor of Delhi University, the Vice President of Delhi University’s Student Union cites that:

“As per the record received, he (Tushar Dedha) has two examination certificate/marksheets of intermediate class (12th), one from CBSE in Arts stream having roll number 9130384 and the other from Madyamik Siksha Parishad Uttar Pradesh in Science stream having roll number 0322496 District/School code 06/1328 both passed in year 2016 as a regular student.That as per the rules of both CBSE and Uttar Pradesh Board. It is mandatory for the regular student to have 75% attendance to appear in the 12th board examination and also, he has not passed equivalent Examination from any other Board.  However, in case of Mr. Tushar Dedha, he holds two marksheets from two different Boards, both passed in year 2016 which is in total of Examination by-laws of CBSE and Madyamik Siksha Parishad Uttar Pradesh Board and therefore, both the mark-sheets are void.”

While speaking to DU Beat, Abhi Dahiya also notes that:

Such illegal means have fooled the students of the University who put a lot of faith in their elected candidates while voting and we are looking forward to the University administration to take appropriate measures post the complaint by NSUI.”

 

Image Credits: Abhi Dahiya on  X

The DU Beat team was unable to reach Tushar Dedha, but he took to his Instagram on 6 July, 2024, in response to the allegations:

 

“NSUI cannot digest the fact that a student hailing from a village, hailing from a backward class, not only contested elections for the post of DUSU President, but also won. My admission to the UG and PG programs at the university is fair, authentic and legal. They can approach any organisation for verification, and all their allegations would prove to be baseless. On the contrary, there are many student leaders of NSUI, against whom there have been allegations and ongoing investigation of fraudulent admissions and paper leaks. The fact that NSUI has remained silent on cases of 19 paper leaks in Congress-ruled Rajasthan, goes on to show their hypocrisy.”

 

Besides NSUI, several student political-parties of the left-bloc have taken their stance related to the issue.SFI Kamla Nagar Joint Secretary Aditi, spoke to DU Beat, reiterating SFI’s stance on the matter:

 

“The fact that this fraudulent action ‘escaped’ the eyes of the DU administration that is otherwise so strict about the document verification process, to the point that it puts the futures of so many common students at risk over issues in documents, does not seem like a mere coincidence. This issue also brings into question the authenticity of the educational qualifications of other DUSU office bearers and candidates. Students do not want frauds as their leaders. The DU administration should stop supporting the fraud of ABVP-led DUSU and penalise the goons who take admission using illegal measures to contest elections”

In a consolidatory stance, AISA (All India Students Association) took to its social media pages to question the ‘DU Admin and ABVP Nexus’ and alleged that: 

While DU Admin goes ahead with implementation of NEP through fee hikes, FYUP, SEC, VAC, seat cuts, fund cuts, graded autonomy and bulldozes social justice and gender justice, it lets its stooge ‘Akhil Bharatiya Violence Parishad loose on students resisting their exclusion and marginalization.”

Tushar Dedha graduated in BA Programme from Satyawati College in 2019 and is currently pursuing his post-graduation in MA (Buddhism) from Delhi University. Adding to the uproar of student political leaders on social media, NSUI National President, Varun Choudhary shared a copy of the complaint and Tushar Dedha’s marksheet on X and alleged:

“DUSU President Tushar Dedha made a fake 12th mark sheet from UP Board and CBSE Board in 2016 and ABVP gave him a student union ticket in 2023. ABVP and SCAM party leaders are relying on fake mark sheets. The DU administration should immediately take strict action.”

While the debacle brews on, DU Registrar Vikas Gupta cited to The Indian Express that:

The issue has reached us and we will take a look into it on Monday.”

As per recent updates, the complaint demands that the results of DUSU Presidential elections be declared null and void and Dedha be sacked from his position. However, Dedha denied any wrongdoing and said he will file a defamation case.

Read Also: The Politicised Pareshani of DUSU 2023

Featured Image Credits: Arush Gautam for DU Beat

Gauri Garg 

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Priyanka Mukherjee 

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As the populist Bharatiya Janata Party vouches for a massive 370+ seat victory showdown in the Lok Sabha Elections of 2024, the question arises: what does the future hold for India’s opposition and, essentially, its democracy?

As the largest democracy in the world gears up to vote for its 18th Lok Sabha starting on April 19, 2024, elections in India today are the sole sustainers of the bare bones of its democracy. From the consecration of the Ram Temple to the electoral bonds to the arrest of Delhi Chief Minister, Arvind Kejriwal, pre-elections within India have always been accentuated with a sprinkle of political hustle-bustle. However, with the massive saffron juggernaut crippling the opposition with each passing day, the concern shifts from whether the BJP will be able to secure a 400+ victory to how many more years will the opposition in India survive, considering the current state of political affairs?

Political analysts within India and beyond have poured in opinions regarding the rusty machinery of the Indian opposition—the INDIA alliance and Rahul Gandhi at the helm of it. The 27-member bloc of the Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance, popularly called the INDIA Alliance, was formed to take on the so-called invincible Modi Empire but has been bereft of success throughout. Unlike the saffron empire of Narendra Modi, the INDIA Alliance lacks a face, agenda, or narrative. On a comparative scale, the Bharatiya Janata Party provides ordinary Indians with a populist mix of Hindu nationalism and economic empowerment. Narendra Modi’s brand of Viksit Bharat and Ek Bharat Shresth Bharat makes people proud again of being Indian, even if it’s a page out of the populist playbook. This brand attributed to Modi plays upon an ordinary person’s sense of vulnerability and lack of self-esteem and grants an identity punctuated with pride and confidence in being an Indian and a Hindu, according to the BJP book. Hence, the BJP gradually appropriated the Bharat tag, to be recognised as a great power in spite of all their shortcomings.

Political experts often mention the failure of the Congress to rebuild its organisation and political machinery to take on the BJP during its decade in opposition. While the INDIA Alliance initially constituted 28 blocs, including several local opposition heavyweights like Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress and the Samajwadi Party, the Congress Party and its face, Rahul Gandhi have been at the helm of this alliance. In the recent run-up to the general elections, the INDIA Alliance has faced several defections, ideological differences, and a lack of a cohesive campaigning or a catchy narrative to fire up the voters’ imagination. Despite Rahul Gandhi’s 4200-mile-long Bharat Jodo Yatra, the Indian opposition finds itself on an uneven playing field in this election; all the odds keep stacking against it, but how and why?

Rahul Gandhi, the star power of the Congress, despite being a recognized name within the opposition, is said to lack leadership skills, according to election strategists and political analysts. Political tactician Prashant Kishor, in his recent interview, also pointed out several opportunities where the opposition “dropped catches” in the run-up to the general elections. Prashant Kishor mentioned that the decline of the Congress Party began post-1984, when it registered its biggest win, but has been unable to win elections on its own since then. He mentions Rahul Gandhi’s tactical error when it comes to the Bharat Jodo Yatra and pinpoints that the campaign should have been undertaken under the INDIA Alliance rather than as a leader of the Congress Party; otherwise, it becomes a way to divert attention from such a critical election. 

Unfortunately, Kishor’s predictions have rung true, and the INDIA Alliance has faced massive defection blows, with Nitish Kumar switching to saffron colours right before the general elections and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee disagreeing upon a seat-sharing negotiation between the Indian National Congress and the Trinamool Congress and consequently backing off from the Opposition Alliance. Seat-sharing negotiations have underlined major break-ups within the INDIA Alliance, with the Congress pitching a majority of its candidates for the seats within constituencies of importance. Kishor articulates Rahul Gandhi’s strategic error concerning election campaigning by saying that:

It is as if you are leading a multi-country army, but at the time of war, the Commander-in-Chief of the multi-country army has left the headquarters and is somewhere outside.”

Prashant Kishor also mentions Rahul Gandhi’s fear of contesting from the Hindi heartland of Amethi in Uttar Pradesh after his defeat against Smriti Irani in the preceding general elections but from the South-Indian constituency of Wayanad.

“You cannot win India unless you win the Hindi Heartland.”

Kishor’s words are emphasized by the evidential facts that he pours in concerning the misplaced strategies of the opposition. According to Prashant Kishor, “Your (the opposition’s) fight is in Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Madhya Pradesh, but you are touring Meghalaya and Manipur.” He even adds that the alliance is not effective in defeating the ruling party, as there is a one-on-one contest in 350 seats where the competition just boils down to the Congress vs. the BJP.

Ever since 2014, the opposition has given away several opportunities to take on the ruling party head-on. Prashant Kishor mentions three invaluable moments when the BJP was in a downslide but the opposition’s “laziness” prevented it from mounting any challenge. Kishor mentions the BJP’s barren phase during 2015-16, when it lost several assembly polls across the country except in Assam. Moreover, the BJP also faced a poor run post-demonetization when it almost lost power in Gujarat and was defeated in several states in 2018. Most importantly, the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020 and the subsequent years also saw the BJP facing losses in West Bengal due to its inability to invest in health infrastructure. However, the Indian Opposition was not quick to capitalize upon the weaknesses of the ruling government and pose a challenge to what has now snowballed into the all-powerful saffron regime.

Despite such shortcomings from the BJP, it has rebuilt its picture quite well to ensure its ‘Abki Baar 400 Paar’ in the 2024 general elections. Modi’s assurance of establishing India as a global superpower with the country’s leadership in the G20 Summit of 2023 and the infamous moon landing has reconstructed his image as a strong, popular leader who is perceived to use the machinery to stay in power pretty well. While alternative media and international institutions speculate upon the Modi Regime’s crackdown upon democracy, the saffron juggernaut has been impeccable in executing its Scorched Earth Policy against the crippled opposition—just wipe out whatever comes in your way so that the power mammoth can move without any obstruction or challenges.

While the opposing Congress has sewed out several failures of the ruling government in its election campaigns, its struggles are insignificantly synonymous with a lilliput taking upon the might of Gulliver, which is the Saffron Alliance. The basic dimensions of a democratic state—the legislature, the judiciary, the media, and the ‘autonomous watchdogs’ like the Election Commission, the Reserve Bank, the Enforcement Directorate, and the Central Bureau of Investigation—all come under the perception of being hijacked by the rulers. Narendra Modi’s government has been labelled as an ‘electoral autocracy, weaponizing state agencies to stifle, attack, and arrest opposition politicians and undermining democratic principles.’

As the usual game of politics unravels, the opposition can now only capitalize upon its accusations against the BJP, but the tragedy remains that they are at the end of their rope. While the strategic errors of the opposition remain to be blamed for the BJP holding fort for the third term, the supposedly autonomous Indian media might also be another factor for why the Indian opposition lies weak and (almost) dead. Mainstream media within the country today has become an echo chamber celebrating the Modi government. While narratives are sown, painting Narendra Modi as a deity forging the rebirth of Rama Janmabhoomi and Rahul Gandhi getting mugged during the Bharat Jodo Yatra is all the coverage the opposition is provided within mainstream channels. Synonymously, Arvind Kejriwal’s arrest in late March of 2024 was also portrayed as a ‘party in power serious about fighting corruption’ with no speculation or debate regarding the timing of the arrest. News anchors rejoice upon the G20 Summit, the Ram Temple, and the Chandrayaan and attribute them to Modi’s Viksit Bharat, while at the same time failing to cover the ruling government’s inability to increase education opportunities, improve medical infrastructure post-pandemic, or invest in youth employment, which still dips below 50 percent among 20 to 24-year-olds. While the fourth pillar of democracy gradually falls into shambles, the other dimensions follow the same tragic downfall.

The opposition’s cries of ‘tax terrorism’ with the Congress’ bank accounts being frozen by the Income Tax Department due to a dispute from 2018 and thereby crippling its ability to campaign pre-elections today fall upon deaf ears. Atishi Marlena, Education Minister of Delhi’s accusation against the BJP of forcing opposition leaders to switch parties under the threat of ED arrest, all weave into the narrative of the ‘Washing Machine Effect’ today—that opposition leaders are more interested in power than political ideology in serving their electorate. Moreover, autonomous institutions have also been clenched by this ruling superpower today, with police quelling peaceful protests and detaining activists and dissidents. An investigation led by the Indian Express emphasizes that 95% of the ‘autonomous’ agencies’ investigations have focused on the opposition, contrasting with the numbers under the previous government, which were 54% of the Enforcement Directorate and 60% of the Central Bureau of Investigation probing the opposition. In a similar investigation, The Wire also claims that nearly 12 opposition leaders joined the BJP while facing criminal charges in the past months, with Nitish Kumar switching sides before the ED planned to arrest him on charges of money laundering. Even as Amnesty International describes this ‘crackdown on the opposition’ as ‘a crisis point’, there is no exit from this supposed emergency upon democracy.

The lack of a staunch narrative or agenda leaves the Indian opposition barren today. The Congress has been hollowed out with infighting and accusations of corruption within the party. There was a time after independence, and for many years after independence, it was said that you would find a Congress flag in every single village in India. That is, however, no longer true. Even as Congress Party President Mallikarjun Kharge implores voters to ‘Save the Democracy’ at the historic Ramilla Maidan, where once the same opposition had toppled the Indira Gandhi Regime 40 years ago, the unfortunate truth lies that the time has ticked out and the race has already been lost.

Nevertheless, dear reader, if you have successfully reached the end of this overly-long piece, I am sure the question will arise in your mind: if not Modi, then who? And you have all the rights to ask this. But the sad fact answer to your question is that there is no other ‘who’ besides Modi today, after all. Today, the question is not about how big or thrashing the BJP’s margin will be in the Lok Sabha elections, but if 400 seats out of the 543 within the Parliament are within the stronghold of a singular ideology, will democracy really survive?

The world once viewed us as the ‘largest democracy in the world’. Today, however, the country is crippled by a paralyzed democracy and an obliterated opposition, deluded amidst its saffron pride and ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikaas’ with no heed to poverty, inflation, unemployment, and yet a subconscious fear towards the survival of the Constitution and democracy. But what does the future hold? The answers are murky, and it’s all a scary test of time now.

Read Also: Lok Sabha Elections 2014: A dance of democracy, glamour and technology

Featured Image Credits: IndiaToday

Priyanka Mukherjee

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In a swift response, Delhi University takes action against a staff member accused of sexual harassment, reflecting a commitment to student welfare. As students rally for justice at the Central Institute of Education, officials ensure a thorough investigation by the Internal Complaints Committee, prioritizing safety and transparency.

The University of Delhi’s Establishment Branch has terminated the employment of a non-teaching staff member who was allegedly involved in the sexual harassment of a student at the Central Institute of Education (CIE) earlier this month. The incident occurred in the Department of Education’s new building, per the student’s official complaint with the Head and Dean of CIE. The defendant is alleged to have engaged in several inappropriate behaviors, such as unwanted approaches, invasive personal inquiries, and acts that created a great deal of discomfort and fear for the student’s safety.

The student has asked for her peers’ support, expressing how the encounter violated and deeply distressed her. She also expressed fear for her safety because the harasser was walking around the department unhindered. Students came together to plan a demonstration at CIE on Wednesday to support the student’s right to justice.

The Indian Express was notified by Pankaj Arora, Head and Dean of CIE, that the Internal Complaints Committee was notified of the student’s complaint as soon as it was received on Monday. The accused, who worked for the company under a contract, was let go early on Wednesday.

We have engaged in extensive discussions with the students and have assured them that the university’s ICC will handle the matter with care.” Arora said in response to the protest.

While the ICC investigates the case, questions remain about the student’s ongoing safety and the support system available. Did the University offer counselling services or connect her with external support groups specializing in trauma recovery? Transparency regarding the ICC process would also be beneficial. What are the expected timelines for the investigation? Are there resources readily available to explain the process to students involved in such cases?

The case is presently under review by the ICC, and until the process concludes, it would be challenging to disclose specific details of the proceedings.” said DU Proctor Rajni Abbi.

The Students’ Union or other student committees at CIE likely played a crucial role in supporting the student and organizing the protest. Including a statement from a student representative would amplify the students’ voice and highlight the collective stand against harassment. The incident serves as a stark reminder of the prevalence of sexual harassment in educational settings. By creating a culture of support, ensuring a fair and transparent investigation process, and implementing robust prevention programs, universities can foster safe learning environments where every student feels empowered and respected.

Read Also: Where are you ICC: Looking at DU’s History of Sexual Harassment 

Featured Image Credits: India TV News

Divya Malhotra

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JNU VC Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit emphasized that JNU was never anti-national, and the institution is not subjected to saffronization, following the University’s 20th ranking in QS World Rankings for development studies.

In a recent meeting with the editors of the Press Trust of India (PTI), Santishree Dhulipudi Pandit, the first female Vice-Chancellor of Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), addressed various aspects concerning the university’s current state and its past challenges. Ms. Pandit emphasized that despite speculations, JNU is not subjected to saffronisation or undue pressure from the Central Government in its daily operations. She asserted, “As a university, we should be above all this. JNU is for the nation, not for any particular identity.”

Acknowledging the presence of divisions on campus during her tenure, Ms. Pandit termed that period “unfortunate”. She attributed errors to both the administration and the students, acknowledging the mishandling of the situation by the leadership. 

I think that phase was bad, and there were mistakes on both sides, and because of polarization and the leadership not understanding… You have to understand that people will differ and argue. The university was never anti-national. When I studied (at JNU) it was the height of the Left’s dominance, even then nobody was anti-national.” – Ms. Pandit remarked.

Furthermore, she openly declared her affiliation with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), stating that she neither conceals nor regrets it. 

Ms. Pandit reaffirmed JNU’s commitment to fostering dissent, discussion, and democracy, asserting that the university has never been “anti-national” or associated with the “tukde-tukde” gang. She stressed the university’s dedication to inclusivity and development, encapsulated in the seven principles of Development, Democracy, Dissent, Diversity, Debate and Discussion, Difference, and Deliberation.

Reflecting on her journey, Ms. Pandit shared details from her birth in St. Petersburg, Russia, to her upbringing in a middle-class South Indian family in Chennai. When she assumed the position of Vice-Chancellor in 2022, the University was grappling with student unrest, compounded by the aftermath of the 2016 incident involving purportedly anti-national slogans being raised on campus. 

I believe there was a phase of unfortunate ignorance on the part of the administration regarding JNU.”- she commented. 

Regarding this tumultuous phase, Ms. Pandit acknowledged mistakes on both sides and criticized the leadership’s attempt to control the situation, emphasizing the inevitability of disagreements and the importance of handling extreme viewpoints with understanding.

You have to accept that disagreements and arguments will arise. The college never held anti-national views. Even at the height of Left dominance, when I studied (at JNU), nobody was anti-national.” – Ms. Pandit reflected. 

The meeting concluded with Ms. Pandit’s reaffirmation of JNU’s commitment to its core principles and her dedication to steering the university towards inclusive growth and academic excellence.

Read Also: ABVP and Left Front Clash Ahead of JNUSU 2024 Elections

Featured Image Credits: Hindustan Times 

Divya Malhotra

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