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The Delhi University Students Union election inch closer, after a three-year long hiatus, amidst bouts of violence, forced entry in colleges and aggressive campaigning, certain issues like the lack of women’s representation seem to have lasted the stop-gap. There still only seems to be two women’s colleges even part of the election process, one being Miranda College. Moreover, even after elections, women do not seem to occupy high roles, and are known for being “dummies” for other male candidates. This article aims to look at the larger narrative behind women and student politics, how it has evolved and what it means for national politics.

 The evolution of student politics can be traced to the pre-independence, wherein most mass student mobilizations were to protest against the introduction of the English language as a medium of instruction in universities across India. Eventually, student unions merged with the larger independence movement. However, the use of violence in campus politics has been a pervasive issue since its inception as it was often the only way to express their grievances, in what was a political system which frequently ignored the needs of the youth.

For the illiterate and the literate without any contacts, a quick of venting anger and grievances was to resort to violence (Arnon & Altbach 1973: 164)”

Due to the nationalization of campus politics and the flow of funding from national parties, the two stages – the campus and the nation have become reflective of one another, wherein the factionalism on the lines of caste, class and gender in national politics can be seen in student politics as well, due to the monetary links formed between the two. This too often leads to violent outbursts.

It is no surprise that the transference of women’s underrepresentation can also be seen in campus politics, given the lack of female representatives on the national level as well. In the coming elections, most women’s colleges won’t be represented as they’re not a part of the student union.  This is an issue that extends beyond Delhi University, with several state colleges facing the same issue. The women’s wing of Arunachal Pradesh’s student union claims that parental and social pressure plays a part, many afraid of the dangers of campus politics, which are notoriously violent. This institutionalization of force in student politics, which is traditionally associated with masculinity, is also an ideological barrier which dissuades women from even trying to make it to higher positions within the union. Similarly, in Panjab University, party vice-presidents raise the same grievances, stressing on the lack of importance given to female candidates despite the presence of women’s wings, which are mostly tokenistic. They also highlight how this lack of representation is detrimental to women’s causes within campuses, like creating safe spaces, provision of feminine hygiene products etc.

Moreover, since visibility creates such a big part in campus elections, the lack of women being present during campaigns is also detrimental to their cause. Given the proximity of the student elections, and more so India’s national elections, it is important to note how such issues of underrepresentation are magnified as we move up the administrative ladder. If we cannot adequately represent women’s issues within the student body, how can we do so on a national scale?

 

Read also. https://dubeat.com/2023/07/23/women-in-politics-or-the-lack-thereof/

Image credit. Deves

 

Chaharika Uppal

[email protected]

DU politics can be seldom described as “Chacha Vidhayak hain humare,” but no one is interested in addressing the people they are about to serve, or at least promise to serve.

Try describing Delhi University (DU), and you will realise that politics is inseparable from it. When we turn the pages of history, we see DU emerge as a political hub that we never knew existed. These pages of history stand as proof that the protest culture, which is still so ingrained in DU students, emerges from a time where all that mattered was the notion of freedom, and to live and breathe independently. However, in 2023, all of this can be described as “bigoted irony.”

And as we take a sip of tea, here we are, days away from experiencing the Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) elections, which are back after a hiatus of three years. While all the organisations are busy preparing for it, however nobody is actually dwelling on the reason behind these elections.

Being one of the greatest democracies in the world, “democratic politics” plays an instrumental role in shaping our nation. While mainstream politics may be at the core of this country, DUSU breathes at the core of this mainstream alignment. If we try to draw parallels between the two, the story may turn out to be much more similar than what we comprehend. The result of both political scenarios is the same: the common man and the common students are the ones who suffer.

Political campaigns and rallies are an important part of the “election culture,” but in a varsity that is as dynamic as DU, it becomes quintessential to address the solutions to the problems that are eroding its structure. When men climbed the walls of Indraprastha College for Women (IPCW) and Miranda House, or when a ceiling fan fell on a student of Lakshmibai College, the contesting student organisations did voice the students’ concerns, but only a few did, and those few completely took away the focus from the students to themselves.

Arguments may be presented that when any political outfit addresses a problem, it may get politicised, but when the parties and organisations clearly act in a way that adds to their advantage, I think we lose the main reason for even having elections and choosing the candidate that should have “represented students.”

So, when everyone around is so focused on the elections and the candidates, the question about the students is completely neglected. DU’s political atmosphere includes everything except for the concerns of the students. With or without the elections, most of the students of the varsity feel that it does not matter who comes to power, as they will be neglected either way.

Vijeyta Panjwani, a student of Miranda House, expressed that while organisations like the All India Students’ Association (AISA) and the Students’ Federation of India (SFI) pick up on student concerns, others like the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) or Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) tends to be missing in action. However, the entire matter often gets politicised, and the focus shifts away from the core problem and the students.

The ones who stood up for Students

When things did not go as planned at IPCW’s annual fest Shruti 2023, a few student organisations did take up the issue and protested for it. The students at the college went through a traumatic experience. When asked about the entire thing, they do recognise the efforts that were put in by the political outfits, but at the same time, they felt that soon the matter became something that was only concerned with the politics and not what the men did with the students of the college or how some students were locked up or were asked to leave their own college while outsiders were still in.

However, the contesting candidates have a different tale to tell. While the students may feel neglected, according to these candidates, that might not be accurate, and as one of them expressed, “We are humans too. We can’t take up each and every problem, but try to take up as many as possible,” for which I can give them a little credit. Nevertheless, when we take a look at the broader picture, not everything meets the eye.

Aditi Tyagi, a SFI state committee member who is contesting for the general secretary’s position, explained that each issue that emerges in the campus space is political. According to her, the organisations work as a bridge to get the media focused on student issues, and in the process, it might look like that issue has been politicised. She believes that without these outfits, student issues might never come up. Aditya, a member of AISA who is contesting for the secretary’s position, on the other hand, said, “Issues did not get politicised earlier. Now they get as a result of the idea to dominate each issue under the current organisation that is in power.”

One side of the politics is all up to take up the student concerns, and though it comes at the cost of politization, the other side dictates a tale that is no less than blatant hypocrisy.

Will they Stand with the Students?

One does not have to dig into the past to see what went wrong when we take a look at organisations like ABVP and NSUI. The campus space has been engulfed with sloganeering, pamphlet throwing, and, of course, the endless SUVs and huge banners, and “coincidentally,” they all belong to just two of the outfits: ABVP and NSUI.

NSUI is a name that does not resonate with a lot of students on campus since, according to the latter, they were nowhere to be seen over the months. However, the organisation has claimed that they have always stood up for the students, especially women-centric issues, though they could not point out any specific incident other than the gruesome act that took place in Manipur. The question about the students of DU still hangs dry for them.

Hitesh Gulia, a NSUI member who is contesting for the president’s position, has a vision to resolve the issues of fee hikes and women’s safety and wants to start a global youth festival. When asked about their absence in comparison to other organisations, Gulia pointed out that they are the first ones who pick up any issue that arises in the campus, but he could not particularly pin-point anything concrete except for the OBE protest, which happened earlier last year.

If we take a look at the campaigning of the ABVP, firecrackers were burned in Shayam Lal College and Deshbandhu College, fights broke out in Ram Lal Anand College, Ramunujan College’s gate was broken, and male candidates broke into Miranda House; this may not be too appealing to earn the votes of the students. However, the organisation claims to function in the most democratic way and has assured that they were always and would be with the students, though they have also claimed with sheer confidence that no matter what, they would again come back to power.

While other organisations did express their “concerns” about how the ones in power do not resonate with students, intimidate them, and do not look like one of them, the ones in power stood by their seemingly “strong moral grounds.” Speaking with Ankita Biswas, who is a part of ABVP but whose nomination did not get clearance, she stated that the organisation works for the students around the year, irrespective of the fact that the students may feel otherwise.

When asked about the recent incident in Miranda House where ABVP members scaled up the gates, including herself, she explained, “Our supporters get enthusiastic, and in that moment, they might do such things. As for Miranda House, the administration made us stand out for over 1.5 hours and did not allow us to carry out our campaign, which is a part of this democratic process.” Ashish Kumar Singh, another ABVP member, further explained that, as per the directions of the organisation, they are allowed to take just three cars for three candidates in colleges for campaigning. When asked about it, Biswas remarked, “What is wrong with it?” Well, it is safe to say that ABVP’s supporters are a little too zealous, which “might have” caused a little too much trouble for the common students.

No matter which ideology an organisation is inclined towards, all of them have one thing in common, and that is their assertion that they are with the students and they will be with the students, irrespective of these elections. Students have, however, lost their confidence in this democratic practice, and as for me, I still had a few questions left, but all I got from the karyakarta (s) was, “Muddhe muddhe pe depend karta hai, ab mai kya hi karu?

Read Also: Under the Shadow of DUSU Elections: A Stage for Sexual Harassment and Caste-based Politics

Featured Image Credits: Ankita Baidya for DU Beat

Ankita Baidya

[email protected]

 

The arrival of DUSU campaigning has heightened the tension in the University campus. Several reports of misconduct and threats have surfaced on the internet, posing a risk to the safety of regular students and residents.

On Saturday, September 16th, the AISA (All India Students’ Association) stated ‘outsiders’ had been spotted within the university campus and that a student had also been attacked. Aman Rawat, an activist for AISA, was allegedly confused for another candidate, Aditya Singh, and was abducted, threatened, and physically assaulted by some strangers, according to a video clip the organisation uploaded on social media.

Aman, an AISA activist and a law student, was approaching the traffic circle near Daulat Ram and Ramjas College when he was confronted by a group of unknown people. Aman can be seen in the video discussing the incident and mentioning how he was threatened, saying, ‘They recognized me as an ASIA Activist and started beating me, they warned me that AISA activists should stop campaigning or else they will face the same thing.’ He further said that those who attacked him realized they had confused him for Aditya Singh, the candidate for secretary from AISA. However, they continued to assault him.

He was brought to a Black SUV car that was covered in ABVP posters, and that’s how we found out who is behind this because we can’t identify these outsiders who are doing campaigning for ABVP in the campus.” – Anjali, AISA DU secretary.

Anjali adds that this is not the first time their student activists have faced threats. “Numerous incidences involving intimidation of students at various colleges have taken place, particularly of female candidates who receive texts even on Instagram.

Additionally, she emphasizes one of AISA’s key goals, which is to protect the gender minority and particularly prevent trespassing and harassment events that frequently happen at females’ institutions like IPCW and Miranda. One of their demands in this regard is for a gender sensitization community against sexual harassment. The student organization calls for a campus free from danger and fear.

While the organization has filed an official complaint in the nearby police station, they are dissatisfied with how the administration and police refuse to take the appropriate actions.

This incident is not the only one; a third-year student was seen in another social media video with what appeared to be a gun during campaigning at Kirrori Mal College. According to a statement made by the student group, neither the college security nor the police took any legal action against the offender.

According to The Indian Express, the principal of the institution, Dinesh Khattar, stated that the gun-like device was a lighter and was in the possession of the proctorial board. Additionally, he assured that the students will face harsh punishment.

AISA, however, asserts that the student is an ABVP member. Aiyesha Khan, the AISA candidate for president, states in a video released on their Instagram account that there has been an upsurge in these kind of incidents across the university’s campus and in the surrounding areas.

The campus has been hijacked by outsiders, and there have been cases of assault and intimidation since the beginning of the DUSU elections. While preaching about free and fair elections, the University and Delhi police refuse to take proper action.” – Ayeisha Khan in the Instagram video clip posted by AISA.

There are alleged violations of the election rules and outside involvement, according to numerous student groups. Several acts of violence were reported during the elections in 2019 as well. The student groups argue that the ABVP maintains musclemen to threaten their activists. On the other hand, the ABVP has denied these accusations.

The campus stays crowded and tense as the election approaches, with roads covered in pamphlets and candidates passing in convoys. With the increase in these instances, there is growing concern about student safety, particularly for female students, and the security of women-only spaces.

In all, many groups demand quick and strong action against such mistreatment and violence in the university, as well as an election free of muscle and money.

 

Read Also – https://dubeat.com/2023/09/09/under-the-shadow-of-dusu-elections-a-stage-for-sexual-harassment-and-caste-based-politics/

Additional Source – https://www.newsclick.in/delhi-university-student-activist-explains-why-dusu-election-matters

Image Credits – Google Images

Priya Agrawal

After a tumultuous pre-election campaigning season, the nomination period for DUSU and college Student Union elections has proven to be no less happening. Amid similar scenes being reported in Hindu College, SSCBS, and Sri Guru Nanak Dev Khalsa College, ‘Venky’ or Sri Venkateswara College (SVC) saw students protesting against the administration to demand an explanation for the grounds on which their election nominations were cancelled.

On September 14, 2023, the administrative body of Sri Venkateswara College (SVC) released the provisional nomination list of candidates for election of Executive Committee of SVC Students’ Union & Central Councillors. This document listed 5 provisional candidates against the post of President, of whom two candidates—Arth Ohlan and Kartikey Tomar—were supported by the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) according to our sources. The very next day, however, a corrigendum was issued by the college, removing Kartikey’s name from the list.

Even though the very first list claimed the candidates being “found valid provisionally, after the scrutiny for various posts”, the nomination of Kartikey Tomar was cancelled in the second list reportedly on the grounds of not meeting the attendance criteria. In conversation with DU Beat, Kartikey revealed the explanation he received from the college administration for the cancellation of his candidature.

Nominal list mein mera naam tha, usmein meri attendance poori thi. Par doosri list mein mera naam nahi thi aur admin ka kehna hai ki tumhari attendance poori nahi hai. Ya to meri attendance poori pehle nahi thi ya meri attendance kam karwai gayi hai.

(My name was there on the nominal list and my attendance was complete at that time. But my name was not there on the second list and the admin told me that your attendance was not sufficient. Either my attendance was not sufficient in the first place or my attendance has been reduced by someone.)

He blamed the college administration and election committee for committing such a blunder, if it was a case of the attendance criteria falling short. The latter part of his statement here is referring to a protest that happened on the college premises on the morning of September 15, where he and other sources alleged that “pass-out students” had protested to cancel his nomination. The same was mentioned in a complaint mail sent by Kartikey, addressed to the DU Registrar, Dr Vikas Gupta, Dean of Colleges, Prof. Balaram Pani, DU Proctor, Prof. Rajni Abbi, among other University officials. It read,

My name (Kartikey Tomar) was there in the list. But today a group of opposition students protested in front of the college administration and finally the election officer favored them and finally reduced my attendance by 1%.

One of our sources claimed that these protesting students had belonged to a youth organisation called ‘Happy Club’. We were able to get in conversation with one of the students from Happy Club, and they told us that suspicions arose over Kartikey Tomar’s attendance when they talked to his fellow batchmates.

Classmates ko idea rehta hai kisne kitne lectures attend karein hain… Jab humko doubt hua to humnei strongly is baat par demand rakhi. Administration ne humari sunkar cross-check kiya aur fir list badal di.

(Classmates tend to be aware of who has attended how many classes… When doubt arose, we strongly raised this demand. The administration listened to us and cross-checked (the attendance), after which they changed the list.)

They also informed us that the candidates from Happy Club have won both the posts of Vice-President and Secretary unconstested.

The provisional list of candidates is supposed to provide a final window to candidates to withdraw their nominations. ABVP activists from the college informed that they had submitted the withdrawal of Arth Ohlan’s nomination on their own volition, since the latter “was a second-year student and we thought it would be better for him to contest as President next year”. However, with the cancellation of Kartikey’s nomination, ABVP is left with no valid candidates on the final list for the post of President of Sri Venkateswara College Students’ Union.

In view of the same, Saturday, September 16, saw sloganeering and protests by ABVP activists in the Sri Venkateswara college premises. Protesting students gathered outside the administration office and messages circulating on social media also claimed that students had locked professors and staff inside a room. While the validity of the latter claim could not be fully confirmed, one of the protestors present on-ground did strangely admit during our conversation,

Ek hi professor hain jo apni marzi se ander baithe hain. Bas hum unhein bahar nahi aane de rahe.

(There is only one professor sat inside willingly.  We are just not letting them come out.)

They also said that the door had been locked by the guards from the outside.

This is not the first time an incident like this is happening. Reports have been floating around of candidate’s nominations being cancelled allegedly without satisfactory explanations and students protesting against the same. The latest updates on the situation in SVC have informed that the Hostel Warden and another professor of the college advised the protesting students to send a mail to the Grievances Redressal Cell, along with assuring that their demands will be formally heard on Monday morning. Students wait in anticipation for the redressal of their grievances.

Read also: Death of Democracy? Protests at Hindu College as Multiple Student Union Nominations Rejected

Featured Image Credits: EducationWorld

Sanika Singh
[email protected]

Chaos arose at Hindu College as multiple candidate nominations were rejected for the ongoing Student Union elections. Students are protesting to demand an answer from the administration for the same.

Protests are ongoing at Hindu College amidst its Student Union election procedure, where hundreds of students have staged a hunger strike. This has come as a result of the cancellation of over 30 nominations for the posts of Prime Minister and members of the Central Council at the College, without any explanation from the Principal. The students are demanding transparency from the administration, which has reportedly failed to provide any answers yet.

On September 15, the College released the final list of contesting candidates for the concerned positions. For the post of Prime Minister, only two candidates have been selected. While there are two seats for members of the Central Council, only one candidate has made the list, leaving one seat vacant.

During the nominations, scrutiny did not take place under a witness, and neither is there any video proof to rely on. The selection process has been very arbitrary and the candidates who applied have not been given any updates regarding the reason behind their rejection.

-SFI Hindu via Instagram

The situation is being referred to as “an attack on democracy” by the students, who describe this as the administration’s way of unfairly choosing candidates in order to have more control over the activities of the Student Union.

Posters Circulated on Social Media to Call for Protests in Hindu College
Posters Circulated on Social Media to Call for Protests in Hindu College

On the 15th, protests commenced on the campus. Posters regarding a demonstration outside the principal’s office were spread on social media, and circulating videos showed student activists entering classrooms to talk about the issue.

When we approached the administration to enquire about the rejected nominations, we were told that the principal is on leave and the office shall remain closed. We will be on a hunger strike until we receive an answer from the administration.

-Manoj Jangir, a student whose PM nomination remains cancelled.

Police forces were later deployed on and around campus, where protesters were present. In an interview covered by ‘Delhi Uptodate’, protestors claimed they were baton-charged and said their hunger strike would continue until a justification for cancelled candidatures is received from the Principal.

As of September 16, the situation remains similar. Most classes stood suspended in light of the ongoing protests.

Read also: Protesters Demand Suspension of DRC Principal Dr Savita Roy 

Featured image credits: CNBC News

Arshiya Pathania
[email protected]

If we turn the pages of our history, we will realise that our freedom struggle was an essential chapter in the history of the University of Delhi. It has been about 80 years since Mahatma Gandhi gave us the slogan “Do or Die”, and within weeks of the pronouncement of the slogan at the Bombay Session of 1942, protests started to take shape across the colleges of DU. From burning down an electric sub-station (by the students of Ramjas College) to marching in protest on 10 August 1942, against the authorities who jailed the Congress leaders the previous day (students of Hindu College, Indraprastha College, and St, Stephen’s College), DU was the political hub during the time. So, this culture of protest so firmly entrenched among DU students even today can be traced back all the way to our country’s struggle for independence.

Established in 1922, a time when India was engulfed by its struggle for freedom, both students and teachers were active participants in the anti-British movement. However, soon, the students realised a need for a union. It was in 1947, under the founder of the Delhi School of Economics, Vijayendra Kasturi Ranga Varadaraja Rao (V. K. R. V. Rao), when a provisional committee consisting of presidents of all the colleges was bestowed with the responsibility to draft the Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) Constitution and take necessary steps for the creation of this institution. On 9 April 1949, DUSU came to life and was inaugurated by our first Prime Minister, Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru. Since its inception, DUSU has become the first step toward the political scenario of the larger part of the country. Students belonging to various groups, having a range of ideologies, contest to be part of its panel. Some of the most notable student organisations that it represents are the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the National Students’ Union of India (NSUI), Students’ Federation of India (SFI), Chhatra Yuva Sangharsh Samiti (CYSS), All India Students’ Association (AISA), and many more.

Delhi University is as well known for its politics as well as for its historical significance and educational culture. Its political atmosphere is so important that at times, even mainstream political parties take keen interest in it. Nevertheless, it is worth noticing how the culture of protest and dissent was born in the sensitive pre-independence independence and how it has transformed since then to take its present form. Are the organisations doing their jobs correctly or are they just practicing dissent in the name of vote-bank politics? This is one of the most crucial questions we must seek the answer to.

The ABVP, a right-wing student organisation affiliated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has had the most successful run in DUSU history in recent years. The root cause of this success can be traced back to the period of the Emergency in 1975, when DUSU once again became a centre of political resistance. Arun Jaitley, a former member of ABVP and Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), was elected as the president of DUSU in 1974. He is known to have played the most instrumental role in bringing reform to DUSU. Until 1973, colleges used to elect 10 DUSU councilors, who further used to elect the panel of DUSU. However, from 1973 this policy was transformed into ‘one-student, one-vote’, turning the system from an indirect to a direct democracy. Also, Jaitley is famously known for being the first satyagrahi against the imposition of an internal emergency. In 1977, Vijay Goel, who was affiliated with ABVP, became the President of DUSU. His focus during the campaign was the excesses that occurred during the emergency.

More recently, Nupur Sharma, a former BJP national spokesperson, was elected DUSU president as the ABVP candidate in 2008. This broke the ABVP’s eight-year wait for power in the DUSU, which had been dominated by NSUI. That year, the other three posts (Vice President, Secretary, and Joint Secretary) went to the NSUI.

If we look at the last 10 years, the NSUI has only held the President’s seat only twice. This does beg the inevitable question of why the ABVP has found so much success. During the internal emergency, it can be credited to the country’s political atmosphere, which helped in garnering support. In its initial days, it is safe to say that people were more focused on work than their political inclinations and other interests. But what about today? Is it functioning the way the students desire or is it enjoying an undue dominance? Is it standing for the students and working for their demands, or are they too invested in getting memorandums signed in the name of vote banks? On the other hand, the left-wing parties, which emerged as a force to content with in DU politics quite recently, have centred their existence around fighting for or against various issues through protests and rallies. In this respect, their innovation and resourcefulness is beyond compare.

But the larger question remains: are any of the organisations working for the students, or has their functioning been overcome by their self-interest and blinded by lofty goals of perhaps being a part of the ‘real deal’?

But what is the real deal now, apart from the “glorious” past that DUSU holds? Since 2019, DUSU elections have not been held and even for this year as I type this out, there is no clarity or instruction about them. For a Student’s Union that has not seen elections in the past three years, to term this period as worthy of congratulations to the DU fraternity is a disaster in itself that reflects what sort of bizarreness surrounds DU politics today. At nearly every step the recommendations of the Lyngdoh committee (set up by the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) in 2006 as per the direction of the Supreme Court to reform students’ union elections and to get rid of money and muscle power in student politics), are sidelined. Even a short conversation with those batches who have witnessed the famous DU elections is enough to know the huge amounts spent to buy students’ votes with freebies.

Every party in this arena carries its burden of faults. With major players being invisible throughout the year, some parties have engaged themselves in constant show politics. earning a name for themselves as “far protestors”. Be it any event or protest, you are most likely to see the same faces appearing everywhere, carrying faulty lies around.

But what’s the real issue here? Are parties facing problems in mobilising the students of DU? Or has its flame died down? Maybe it has just become a mere shell of what it used to be with constant clamping down on dissent at the college level. Though efforts by left parties in the form of reading circles can’t be ignored, ABVP too has attempted to mobilise students. But the fault of parties lies majorly in being unable to maintain a connection with the students. Even with these events and attempts to get closer to the students’ community, student parties cling to rigid ideologies rather than adapting to the circumstances, often barring those without political influence from engaging in what remains of student politics at the university. Indiscriminate fights and beatings do the rest of the work of turning students away from politics, with only 39% voting recorded in the last elections.

One of the biggest shortcomings of the DUSU is the exclusion of various colleges, especially ‘women’s colleges’, whose students have been visibly political in their stance. The absence of political presence on these campuses is clear exclusion by the administration and the silence of student parties over this issue makes clear their lack of concern over diverse representation in their parties, which is often stressed upon by them to win brownie points.

With fringe protests occurring only for some matters chosen specifically to grab as much attention as possible, the majority of student issues largely remain ignored. So, it is the right time to question what is being done of the legacy DUSU had in the name of power and politics and, more importantly, to start a conscious and organised movement to politicise (or rather, repoliticise) DUites.

 

Image Credits: Times of India

Ankita Baidya

[email protected]

Kashish Shivani

[email protected]

 

The Right to Vote is imperative, but exercising the same is not easy, given the technicalities associated with it. This piece brings you the procedure, of how an outstation student can exercise their Right to Vote in the Capital, where they study.

On 11th January, the last date for registering as a voter in Delhi, the students of St. Stephen’s College organized a drive to aid the outstation students in including their names in the electoral list, this piece is in respect to the drive, formulated a guide for outstation students to vote in Delhi.

1. You can cast your vote once you have a voter ID card and your name enrolled in the electoral roll. In case you do not have a voter ID card, register on the national voter’s service portal (www.nvsp.in).

2. For an outstation student, Form 6 (which is available on the National Voters’ Service Petrol (NSVP) website) needs to be filled online.

3. The most important part is the address proof, which depends on the student’s place of residence. For students residing in college hostels, Annexure IV needs to be scanned and uploaded. The Annexure IV is a declaration for students living in hostels, which is to be ratified by the Dean or the Principal, depending upon

the type of institution. For students living elsewhere, a copy of rental agreement passes muster.

4. The documents involved in the process are imperative as well. An Aadhar card or any equivalent document is required to ascertain the age of the applicant. The address of a student is important as well, and Annexure IV or rental agreement are the two ways to go about it.

5. After registering your name, address, proof of age and residence, you will be given an application number. A text message on the contact number provided by you will confirm the registration.

6. On the day of voting, go to the nearest polling booth of your constituency. The voting time is usually from 7 am to 5 pm.

7. Once inside the booth, a polling officer will check if your name is present in the list and verify your details with your votercard.

8. You will be inked by another polling booth officer and handed a slip. Then you will be asked to sign against your name in a register, which is the Form 17A.

9. A third officer will check if you have been inked on either of your index fingers. He or she will then forward you towards the Electronic Voting Machine (EVM).

10. Once you stand across the EVM, you will find buttons against candidates and the party that they represent, listed. NOTA or none of the above will also be one of the options available.

Evita Rodrigues, one of the organisers of the drive at St. Stephen’s College said, “Sometimes it’s easy to underestimate the value of single registration and thereby a single vote. The entire process of and the effort it entails can often be discouraging. We were able to help nearly a hundred students fill the online form on extremely short notices and help around thirty non-teaching staff apply fresh or for corrections in existing cards.”

But why is this important at all? The answer lies in the policies created by the

Delhi Government. These students, like others, must have the power to elect a government that shall frame policies for their betterment. It is important for every student to exercise their political rights, which benefits both the students and the state.

In a state like Delhi, where the students are a major stakeholder, it is important to aid them in exercising their political rights. Students across Delhi and elsewhere should make endeavours to do what Evita and others did in St. Stephen’s College. Students, therefore, have the onus of extending political rights among themselves, as well as others in our society.

Feature Image Credits: Evita Rodrigues

Kuber Bathla

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The current political scenario is a testimony to the necessity of understanding the ideology of those contesting. This piece aims to highlight, an analysis of the ideology of the three biggest contenders of the Delhi Assembly Elections.

 

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP):

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is contesting the Delhi Assembly Elections in alliance with Janata Dal United (JDU) and Lok Janshakti Party (LJP). The party has not yet officially passed its vision document but there is speculation among the people predicting that most of the party’s manifestos will revolve around water and electricity, owing to the subsidies granted by the ruling Government in these sectors. 

The same was confirmed in the speeches delivered by Manoj Tiwari, Member of Parliament. Tiwari, in his election campaigns and speeches, has promised of providing free 25,000 litres of good quality freshwater without the Delhi Jal Board (DJB) suffering any loss if the party comes into power. 

He has further assured that the party, if elected won’t discontinue the present subsidies and would rather increase them. With electricity, health, infrastructure, education, and water, being the key focus of development, as per the contesting BJP leaders, the party guarantees of working efficiently for the entire tenure of 5 years. 

 

 Aam Aadmi Party (AAP):

 

 Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has released an official ‘guarantee card’ highlighting 10 promises that the Party will deliver if it gets elected again. The Party has a total of 8 women candidates which are contesting the elections from their respective constituencies.

 The Guarantee Card assures of free bus rides for students and deployment of Mohalla Marshals (District officers) for women’s security. The card entitled as ’10 guarantees of Kejriwal’, even mentions of the continuation of the scheme, free electricity up to 200 units, more than 11,000 buses, and an increment in the length of the Delhi Metro network to over 500 km, plantation of 2 crore saplings in the National Capital and free health care facilities along with a garbage-free, clean city. 

“I am giving 10 guarantees to the people of Delhi. This is not a manifesto. We will launch a comprehensive manifesto in 7-10 days. The manifesto will have more things specific for students, teachers, among others. This will be for everyone,” said Kejriwal. These guarantees even before the release of the manifesto document have gathered huge support for the party. 

 

 

Indian National Congress (INC):

 Alike to BJP, Congress also has promised sops in the sectors of water and electricity. The leaders of the Party declared that, if voted, will provide the people with free electricity up to 600 units along with the establishment of a power plant to generate electricity in the Capital. With a promise to revolutionise the water and electricity department, the Party is trying to revive its fortunes in the city which it ruled for 15 years. 

Shashi Tharoor, Member of Parliament (MP), organised a campaign on 3rd January 2020, titled “Samwaad Dilli ke Dil ki Baat, Congress ke Saath“(Conversation with Delhi residents for Delhi) to seek ideas of the public to design their manifestos. 

“Unlike the Kejriwal government, which has been using public money to benefit themselves, we will give relief to consumers up to 600 units. If Congress comes to power, we will transfer the subsidy directly into the bank accounts of consumers. This will be a major part of our manifesto in the upcoming elections,” said, Mukesh Sharma, Delhi Congress Spokesperson. 

 

It must be realised by each voter, that vision and intent, are the two prime qualities that should be judged in a politician. The piece aims to encourage all to understand both the factors and ensure their vote in the upcoming elections.
Feature image credits: Zee news

Kriti Gupta 

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The strong suit of Arvind Kerjiwal’s politics is education and it is allowing him to maintain strategic diplomacy amid the rising protest wave. Read our Editor’s breakdown of the same for the young voters.

It is a pivotal time to be a young person in India. One is, in all likelihood, emerging out of the cocoon of years of familial and social conditioning on politics, caste, and religion in India. For those with marginalised identities, it is a time to see hypocrisies and ‘apolitical’ apathy exposing before their eyes in the disguise of ‘liberal’ peers and acquaintances. For one and for all, this time of life in Delhi – the capital city of the democracy at crossroads with itself – is a time to find the most acceptable notions and ideals of politics.

The protest wave across the country has ensured that the policies of the current administration do not go unchallenged, unnoticed, and undemocratic. But what the upcoming Delhi Assembly Elections bank on is not the ideological fabric, with the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), the Indian National Congress (INC), and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), on different angles of an abstract, but the confidence of the electorate is being towed for using tangents that do not exist in the same plane. It is not a pro-immigration, anti-immigration stance of the US politics, for instance, that is being used by the parties with their hats in the ring, but if one is speaking of Issue A, the other two are not even using letters from the English alphabet.

In a discourse like this, the prospect of choosing in itself becomes daunting to young voters. Shaheen Bagh, Hauz Rani, Seelampur may be sloganeering to defend the Constitution from the fascism-echoing Central Government, but the fact of the matter remains that the Chief Minister (CM)-incumbent, AAP’s Kejriwal is not a messiah either. He has a flighty reputation that is hard to salvage in politics, but in choosing to pick performance as his pitch, Kejriwal seems to denounce the religious and communal sentiment that is the lifeblood of BJP’s politics. INC, running circles in its own stubbornness to move past monarchical party politics, only appears to have the support of 2.4% of the population of the Capital, as per the IANS-CVoter survey conducted on Republic Day.

Developing India’s middle-class finds itself concerned with the issues of practicality – education and healthcare. Religious politics in the Country may be a deeply entrenched institution that impacts the rest of its social and economic fabric, as asserted by Ambedkar in Caste in India, but it appears to be insufficient for winning over the electorate in 2020 Delhi. BJP’s model of growth under the leadership of Narendra Modi brought immense confidence in the economic strategy of the party, and despite the Hindu radicalism that paved a way for the 2002 Gujarat Riots (some argue that maybe, based on the Riots itself) the rise of the hero-like figure was inevitable. The different ways TIME magazine has presented Modi over the past decade (as researched and articulated by The Wire) shows the shift in the areas that the BJP hailed to gain its electorate’s confidence. With the latest tag of “Divider in Chief”, the religious grounds have become more explicit than ever.

What AAP then offers Delhi is not the promise of its cleanest show of politics, but AAP’s strategy to denounce the fight involving communal sentiments and the CAA-NPR-NRC debate is as diplomatic, and evidently efficient, as a move gets. Over 58% of the voting public expresses satisfaction with the work Kejriwal has engaged in for Delhi, and that renders BJP nearly bewildered. For INC, it had the whataboutism concerning the Kashmiri Pandits and the accusations of a Muslim-appeasing ideology to rope in its Savarna vote-bank on a national scale, but AAP refuses to take up this debate in its entirety. While the state-of-the-art infrastructure and conditions of government schools in AAP’s Delhi portray the development in the education sector with a chunk of the party’s budget focusing on the same, former BJP President and present Home Minister, Amit Shah, spews about how electing BJP would amount to the rightful (according to him) suppression of dissent at Shaheen Bagh – these different focal points leave no room for a civil political race that cuts close.

In a discussion on the elections with a former NDTV journalist, he called BJP “anti-knowledge” and that is the most suitable terminology for its attitude towards Delhi as well. In taking its religious politics too far, it is losing its façade of economic prosperity. In politics, you can’t piss off too many people at once and that is what the BJP’s overconfidence seems to have forgotten in Jharkhand, and now, apparently Delhi. Ambedkar’s refrain of “educate, organise, agitate” is echoing across the protest-sites, and in making education his playing field, Kejriwal appears to be organising a strategic agitation against the communalism-oriented BJP.

 

Anushree Joshi

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The Delhi University Students’ Union    (DUSU) remains to be the umbrella students’ union for the University of Delhi (DU). It is an integral part of a DU student’s life, and thus, it’s only fair that the DUSU elections carry a lot of weight and hype. It allows a DU student to exercise their right of universal adult franchise, and elect members they believe would be accountable for them.