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Delhi University professor Sangeet Ragi faces complaints from INTEC and a Congress functionary over remarks linking “Dalit mentality” with slavery during a television debate. 

A complaint has been filed against Delhi University Political Science professor Sangeet Ragi over remarks he made during a television debate, with the Indian National Teachers’ Congress (INTEC) seeking disciplinary action, including his expulsion from the university.

The controversy arose during a debate in which a video featuring Congress leaders Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and party president Mallikarjun Kharge was discussed. The video allegedly showed the singing of Vande Mataram being stopped midway to arrange a chair for Kharge.

Referring to the incident, Ragi said, “This is a mentality of slavery, this is a Dalit mentality.” Following objections from other participants, Ragi withdrew the statement but maintained that “Dalit” was not a community-related word and was instead a political term.

INTEC subsequently submitted a complaint to Delhi University Vice-Chancellor Yogesh Singh, accusing Ragi of making derogatory remarks against the Dalit community. The teachers’ body described the remark as “deeply offensive and derogatory towards the Dalit community”, alleging that it “perpetuates harmful historical prejudices, promotes social division, and flies in the face of our constitutional values of equality, dignity, and social justice.” It has sought strict disciplinary action against Ragi in accordance with university rules and due process.

A separate complaint was also filed at the Parliament Street police station by Aditya Goswami, former media coordinator of the All India Congress Committee. The complaint seeks registration of an FIR under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.

Goswami alleged that equating “Dalit mentality” with “slave mentality” amounted to an “intentional insult and humiliation” of a member of the Scheduled Caste community and sought immediate registration of an FIR, investigation into the matter, and preservation of the full video and related material.

The complaint comes amid renewed scrutiny of caste-related remarks in public discourse involving university academics. The allegations against Ragi remain subject to due process, and no disciplinary action has been announced by the university so far.

As of August 20, University officials had not publicly commented on the complaint or indicated whether any formal inquiry had been initiated.

Read Also: Ramjas Library Funds: Lakhs Left Unspent, Students Demand Answers 

Image Source: INTEC Facebook Page

Aarushi Chaubey
[email protected]

 

Delhi introduces 26 U-SPL women-only e-bus trips across 13 routes, connecting major DU colleges, aiming to make daily commutes safer for women students.

 

Delhi’s public transport network is set to get a women-focused expansion, with 56 dedicated women-only electric bus services being introduced across 28 routes.  For Delhi University students, the move will bring University Ladies Special (U-SPL) services to several prominent colleges, including Hindu College, Ramjas College, Daulat Ram College, Shri Ram College of Commerce and Lady Shri Ram College.

Chief Minister Rekha Gupta and Lieutenant Governor Taranjit Singh Sandhu flagged off 200 new electric buses on Wednesday. The rollout includes 30 Ladies Special trips across 15 high-demand routes and 26 U-SPL trips across 13 routes. The services are intended to connect residential areas with major educational and institutional hubs and will operate around morning and evening peak hours.

The U-SPL buses will provide dedicated services for women students travelling to and from their colleges. With DU students commuting from different parts of Delhi, the services could offer an additional option for those who depend on public transport for their daily journeys. The buses will carry distinctive stickers to help commuters identify the women-only services.

Transport Minister Pankaj Kumar Singh said the dedicated services had been planned around the daily travel requirements of working women and female students.The initiative follows directions issued after meetings on women’s safety held by the Lieutenant Governor with the Delhi Police Commissioner and Transport Secretary in June.

Safety measures on the buses will include the deployment of female police personnel and home guards. The services will also be operated by female staff. Panic buttons installed on the buses will be directly linked to the Delhi Police’s 112 emergency response system, allowing emergency alerts to reach the police control room.

For women students at DU, the initiative comes as commuting remains an important part of their everyday college experience. Students often travel long distances between residential areas, metro stations and campuses, with some also returning home late after classes, society meetings or other college activities. Dedicated services could provide greater convenience and a stronger sense of security during these journeys.

 

Read Also: SRCC and EY India Launch AI VIBE, a 12-Month Industry-Academia Programme for Students

Image Source: News Arena India 

 

Bishakha Gogoi

[email protected]

Applications are open now for Shri Ram College of Commerce and EY India’s jointly launched 12-month programme combining AI training, industry mentorship and applied learning under the name AI VIBE

Shri Ram College of Commerce and Ernst & Young India announced the launch of AI VIBE (Varsity for Innovation, Business and Economics) on 17th August 2026. The 12-month programme aims to equip SRCC students with AI skills increasingly required in entry-level roles across industries and is being described by the organisers as a first-of-its-kind industry-academia initiative in India.

The programme is open to SRCC students from Semester 3 onwards and will admit candidates through a selective process involving a Statement of Purpose, an assessment, and an interview with Senior Management at EY. A maximum of 100 students will form the first cohort of the programme. The admission process commenced on 17th August 2026, Monday, and the deadline is scheduled for 23rd August 2026, Sunday. Once admitted, participants will be evaluated through continuous project-based assessments throughout the year, culminating in a final evaluation.

The curriculum is built around applied AI training, covering machine learning, Generative AI, AI agents, decision intelligence, data analytics, financial technologies, blockchain, responsible AI, and AI governance. Beyond technical training, the programme incorporates hackathons, mentoring sessions, and industry engagement designed to build business problem-solving capabilities alongside technical skills. Students will learn directly from AI specialists at EY India and other industry professionals.

Rajiv Memani, Regional Managing Partner of EY’s Africa-India region, said the programme was designed for students to build AI literacy as a foundational capability. “Through AI VIBE, we are helping shape the next generation of talent and leaders in India, beginning with SRCC, one of the country’s premier undergraduate institutions,” he said.

SRCC Principal Prof. Simrit Kaur described the programme as a departure from traditional classroom instruction. “Through AI VIBE, SRCC and EY India are collaborating to create a new learning model that enables students to engage with real-world business challenges, industry practitioners and emerging technologies in a structured and meaningful way,” she said. The launch also coincides with SRCC’s centenary year.

The programme follows EY India’s existing efforts on AI skilling, including EY AI Varsity, which has trained roughly 50,000 employees. Further details on the AI VIBE admissions process are available on SRCC’s official notice portal. Further details on the evaluation of the programme are enlisted in this brochure. 

 

Image Source: SRCC’s Website 

Read Also: Ramjas Library Funds: Lakhs Left Unspent, Students Demand Answers

 

Rishika Jain
[email protected] 

An RTI filed at Ramjas College reveals lakhs in library funds left unspent for 2025-26, including grants for visually challenged students, prompting student demands for a written explanation.

An RTI reply, dated March 25, 2026, and shared by student activists from Ramjas College on 6th August has surfaced questions over how the college library handled its 2025-26 budget, with several departmental grants, including one earmarked for visually challenged students, has been left completely unused.

According to the official response, Ramjas College’s Library Committee allocated a total of ₹18,73,562 for book purchases in the financial year 2025-26 (April 1, 2025 to the date of the application). Against this, actual expenditure was ₹16,26,635, which left roughly ₹2.47 lakh unspent. The reply also notes that no funds were allocated separately for journals or e-resources, since these are already accessible through the University of Delhi’s subscriptions.

The department-wise breakdown shows uneven utilisation. While departments like English, Hindi, and Economics recorded high book requisitions and near-full expenditure, others lagged sharply behind. The ₹16,822 allocated for Operations Research and the ₹5,000 UGC grant meant for visually challenged students both recorded zero requisitions and zero expenditure. Departments such as Botany, Political Science, Sanskrit, Statistics, and Music also showed notable gaps between funds allocated and funds actually spent.

The RTI response further states that unspent funds were not reallocated to other departments, and that the library does not hold a certified copy of the final conclusion page from its latest audit report, as required under the General Financial Rules, 2017.

In an Instagram post shared on August 6 by the student page @tejasva._, the account framed the findings as a matter of institutional accountability, writing that “the library isn’t just a room full of books” but central to student life on campus. The post calls on the administration to explain in writing why funds remained underutilised, why some grants saw no use at all, and why no audit report is on record.

As of publication, the Ramjas College administration has not issued a public response to the claims.

Aamna

Image Source: Ramjas College Website 

Also Read: RTI reveals ₹1.83 Crore in Delhi Tourism Funds Spent on DU Bhajan Clubbing Events

A report from the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) revealed mismanagement of funds, delayed projects and unapproved establishments, highlighting a lack of supervision from the University.

A searing report by the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) has revealed severe financial mismanagement across major higher education institutions, including Delhi University. The report highlights a ₹2.01 crore shortfall in fee collection, along with delayed projects and tens of crores wasted on unapproved initiatives.

Major DU colleges like Ram Lal Anand College, Shivaji College, and Shaheed Bhagat Singh (Evening) College failed to collect the University development fee of ₹600 per student, which had been increased from ₹300 in 2011, resulting in a shortfall of ₹2.01 crore.

All three colleges managed to collect some fees from students; Ram Lal Anand College collected fees only from first-year students, resulting in a shortfall of ₹71.99 lakh from 12,000 students. Shivaji College collected only ₹300 instead of the required ₹600 from students during the years 2012-13 to 2020-21, resulting in a shortfall of ₹99.49 lakh from 33,162 students. Lastly, Shaheed Bhagat Singh (Evening) College collected ₹300 until 2016-17, leading to a shortfall of ₹32.30 lakh.

The CAG report further discovered mismanagement in the way Ram Lal Anand College attempted to make up for the deficits. The college used funds intended for institutional and student welfare to settle UDF arrears. This reflected the weak monitoring of the University over the colleges.

In another finding of the CAG, it was found that a project for a new building was approved at Zakir Husain Delhi College in 2009 with an estimated cost of ₹33.40 crore. While this was revised multiple times, the building remained unused despite the expenditure reaching ₹78.12 crore by November 2022.

Construction began in 2017, years after the project was appointed due to administration issues, pending approvals, unauthorised construction, and poor inter-agency coordination. The college split the project into two separate packages without seeking fresh approvals and improperly utilised interest earned from grants to cover funding gaps. The structure has experienced persistent basement flooding and recurring cracks, so the formal handover is pending as of July 2025.

The reports also found an unauthorised expenditure of ₹3.20 crore by Gandhigram Rural Institute, Dindigul, on a centre in Delhi. The institute was established in 2017 without any approval from the UGC or the Ministry of Education.

Also Read: Maurice Nagar Police Station Crumbles; Is It Finally Time For A Renovation?

Image Source: Devansh for DU Beat

Vanshika U. Singh

[email protected]

Fear is no longer just felt; in markets, it is priced, traded, and increasingly powerful enough to shape the very crises it anticipates, turning speculation into a force that predicts instability and begins to manufacture it.

Modern economies do not wait for crises to unfold. They react to the anticipation of them. Long before supply chains might be disrupted or infrastructure damaged, markets begin to shift. Pricing in possibilities, hedging against risks, and responding to signals that may never fully materialise. In this sense, fear, beyond being an emotion, turns into an economic force.

At the heart of this lies a simple truth: markets are driven as much by psychology as by data. Investors imagine themselves as rational actors responding to clear signals and curated insights, but in moments of uncertainty, behaviour tells a different story. The possibility of loss weighs heavier than the promise of stability, prompting swift, often exaggerated reactions. Our natural herd behaviour compounds this effect. In a state of confusion, we naturally look to others for cues, and fear spreads collectively rather than independently. What begins as caution quickly escalates into a broader sense of panic.

This is where the economics of fear becomes generative in its nature. The expectation of instability begins to produce instability. Investors withdraw, or over-invest, prices fluctuate, and systems adjust defensively. In doing so, the anticipated risks start to take shape in real terms. The line between speculation and reality blurs, as actions taken to avoid a crisis begin to resemble the crisis itself. Hence, the economics of fear is driven by self-fulfilling prophecies.

The ongoing conflict between the United States, Israel, and Iran offers a striking illustration of this dynamic. Even before sustained, large-scale supply disruptions fully materialised, global energy markets began reacting sharply. Oil prices surged, in part due to fears surrounding the Strait of Hormuz. The mere possibility of disruption in this region was enough to send shockwaves through the commodity markets.

What is striking, however, is that commodities can become expensive without actual scarcity; perceived uncertainty is sufficient. In response to that uncertainty, traders speculate, governments stockpile, and suppliers adjust pricing strategies. In attempting to prepare for disruption, the system begins to create conditions that resemble it. The anticipation of a shortage begins to produce the shortage.

Fear has long shaped markets; what has changed is how it is now measured, priced, and increasingly traded.

Layered onto this is the rise of prediction markets, where expectations themselves are traded. These platforms assign probabilities to future events, such as the likelihood of escalation or prolonged disruption, the results of elections, and economic shocks. In doing so, they transform abstract anticipation into visible signals. When a potential conflict is given a price, it ceases to be a distinct probability and evolves from a belief into a signal.

This creates a feedback loop. Expectations influence behaviour, behaviour influences markets, and market movements reinforce the original expectations. The distinction between forecasting and shaping outcomes becomes increasingly difficult to maintain.

Prediction markets complicate this dynamic further. When the subject of prediction is not a corporate merger but a military operation, the implications shift dramatically. Recent developments suggest that this is no longer hypothetical. Israel has arrested several individuals, including army reservists, for allegedly using classified information to place bets on military operations on Polymarket. According to Shin Bet, the country’s internal security agency, these individuals used insights gained during their service to inform wagers on the timing of Israeli action against Iran.

As Alex Goldenberg writes:

When markets enable profiting from war, they create incentives to prolong it. … When classified information becomes tradeable alpha, the entire decision-making apparatus of national security becomes vulnerable to corruption.

At its most benign, this system risks indirectly disclosing sensitive information. At its most troubling, it creates incentives that are fundamentally misaligned. If individuals can profit from predicting conflict, the boundary between observing events and influencing them begins to erode. The idea that someone might benefit from escalation even marginally introduces a distortion that is difficult to ignore. 

Fear, that was once an internal reaction, has become externalised, quantified, and amplified. Countries far removed from the conflict bear its economic weight, not through destruction but through the pressure of anticipation. Hence, in an economy driven by expectation, fear does not simply follow crises; it precedes it, amplifies it and now, even rewards it. 

The modern economy endures conflict while beginning to experience its effects long before the full reality of that conflict is known. As markets grow more capable of pricing belief itself, the question becomes harder to answer: at what point does anticipating war begin to look uncomfortably like participating in it? 

If anticipation can move prices, shape behaviour, and leak fragments of what was meant to remain secret, then it carries consequences that extend beyond analysis or forecasting. At some point, drawing a line becomes necessary. Markets can process information, but they cannot be allowed to reorganise the incentives around conflict. 

 

Image Source:  The New York Times

Read Also: The Game Theory of Dirty Dishes and Nuclear War

 

Suansh Dembla

[email protected]

The death of Sumit Sarkar at 87 marks the loss of a major historian of modern India, remembered for his scholarship, teaching and influence on generations of students.

Renowned Marxist historian and scholar of modern Indian history Sumit Sarkar died at a private hospital in New Delhi on Thursday, August 13, 2026. He was 87.

Sarkar was known for his extensive scholarship on modern Indian history, particularly nationalism, social history, caste, gender and political movements. He spent several years teaching History at the University of Delhi and was also a Fellow of Wolfson College, Oxford. He served as a visiting professor at several universities in the United States and Europe.

Born in 1939, Sumit Sarkar completed his BA (Honours) in History at Presidency College, Kolkata, before pursuing his Master’s and PhD at the University of Calcutta.

His scholarship included Swadeshi Movement in Bengal, 1903-1908 (1973); Modern India (1989); and Writing Social History (1998). He also co-edited Women and Social Reform in Modern India (2007) and Caste in Modern India (2013) with his wife and fellow historian, Tanika Sarkar.

Beyond his written scholarship, Sarkar was remembered for his distinctive approach to teaching. Journalist Ravish Kumar, who studied History under him in the mid-1990s, recalled attending his classes, which were often packed with students.

“He never entered like a professor. He always came into the class like a shy student surrounded by questions,” Kumar recalled. 

He described Sarkar as a teacher whose “range of knowledge stretched like the Himalayas,” while noting that he “never imposed himself” on his students.

Kumar also remembered Sarkar’s use of humour in the classroom, saying that “amid the flow of scholarship, he would suddenly check through little stops of sarcasm” to see whether students were paying attention.

Reflecting on Sarkar’s influence on generations of scholars, Kumar said, “Being Sumit’s student was medal-worthy in itself.” He described his teaching style as “Gandhian” and “Democratic,” adding that many students who passed through his classes later became prominent historians.

His former students and colleagues also remembered him for his warmth and accessibility. Ravikant, a professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies and Sarkar’s student from 1988 to 1991, recalled his “scintillating” lectures and said Sarkar could look at “one word and speak a full paragraph at one go,” reflecting the concision of his summaries.

Historian Anirban Bandyopadhyay described Sarkar as “one of the rare Marxist historians to delve deeply into culture and emotions as opposed to the economy”. He also recalled Sarkar’s contribution to the study of Bengal, saying, “With regard to 19th and 20th-century Bengal, there was nothing that he did not write about.”

For Bandyopadhyay, Sarkar’s death was both a personal loss and a loss for students of history. He remembered how Sarkar “always listened to younger people, and always had a smile”.

He leaves behind an extensive body of scholarship and generations of students and historians influenced by his work. The death of Sumit Sarkar at 87 marks the loss of a major figure in Indian historiography, as well as a teacher remembered for bringing intellectual depth and humility into the classroom.

Read Also: The Republic of Restless Youth

Aarushi Chaubey

[email protected]

As we celebrate the 80th Independence Day of India’s gaining freedom from The Raj, it becomes important to remember those youth, too, whose names we seem to forget when counting the innumerable heroes who laid down their lives for the nation that now is—India.

It is time to celebrate the 80th anniversary of a moment that comes but rarely in history—the day India freed herself from decades of British rule. But it is worth noting that the names we hear every day associated with this historic day were certainly not the only ones behind it. Long before Delhi University or Jawaharlal Nehru University became spaces synonymous with protests, Indian students were already doing so. They were walking out of classrooms and going to jail before most could vote. Universities were not the inventors of the culture of student protests, but rather its inheritors. That culture was built decades earlier by students whose names rarely make it past a footnote in history books.

University of Delhi itself was born inside this tradition. When the University of Delhi was formally established in 1922, its founding colleges—Hindu College, St. Stephen’s, and Ramjas—were already deeply entangled in nationalist politics. Hindu College had been a hub for Swadeshi and Quit India activity, with figures such as Lala Har Dayal among those associated with its early history. A group of Ramjas students were jailed during Quit India, their names reportedly inscribed on a plaque near the college auditorium. St. Stephen’s counted freedom fighters like Asaf Ali among its alumni, and its principal corresponded directly with Gandhi.

When Bengal was partitioned in 1905, the British responded with the Carlyle Circular, which threatened to cut off government grants to institutions whose students joined the agitation against Partition of Bengal. But the students walked out anyway—students walked out and built new institutions themselves: the Bengal National College, with Aurobindo Ghosh as principal, and the National Council of Education, established in 1906 to run schools free of British control. This was arguably the first time Indian students demonstrated that they could build alternative institutions rather than simply protest within existing ones.

Non-Cooperation Movement (1920)

Mahatma Gandhi launched the Non-Cooperation Movement in 1920, appealing specifically to students over sixteen to leave government-aided schools and colleges. An estimated 90,000 students across India responded, enrolling instead in roughly 800 newly formed national institutions. This is also how several Delhi institutions came into being: Jamia Millia Islamia was founded in October 1920 after a group of nationalist teachers and 300 students walked out of Aligarh Muslim University’s MAO College, rejecting its pro-British character. Dr Zakir Hussain, later President of India, was among them. In Bengal, Subhas Chandra Bose gave up a secured position in the Indian Civil Service to become principal of Calcutta National College.

Civil Disobedience Movement (1930)

By the time of the Salt Satyagraha, colonial administrators had learned to see students as a genuine threat. In Assam, the British issued the Cunningham Circular, forcing students to sign loyalty pledges to the Raj. This order, however, backfired almost immediately for them, triggering mass protests and picketing inside schools across the province. Students also took part directly in salt-law defiance, picketing, and the boycott of foreign cloth alongside peasants and women who, for the first time on a mass scale, joined the movement in large numbers.

Quit India Movement (1942)

It was in 1942 that the role of students became particularly prominent via the Quit India Movement. With most senior Congress leaders arrested within twenty-four hours of Gandhi’s “Do or Die” call, students took charge. In Ballia, Uttar Pradesh, college students shut down their institutions and organised a complete market shutdown by mid-August, briefly losing the British administration’s control of the district. In Cuttack, 200 students stormed their college on 14 August, burning government records and setting up an underground bulletin network called the Secret New Service. At Banaras Hindu University, students raised slogans calling for police stations to be burnt and railway stations to be torched, spreading the movement’s message to surrounding villages.

Among these students, perhaps the most striking example is Usha Mehta; not a leader in any formal sense, but a 22-year-old master’s student at Bombay’s Wilson College. Days after Gandhi’s arrest, she set up a clandestine radio transmitter, Azad Radio, also known as Congress Radio, broadcasting nationalist messages across India and, briefly, into Japanese-occupied Burma. She ran it not as a trained revolutionary but as a student who refused to let the British monopolise the airwaves.

The most frequently remembered names from the freedom struggle are those of men and adults. But some of its youngest, least-resourced participants were teenage girls with no institutional backing at all. Kanaklata Barua, a 17-year-old in Assam, was shot dead by police in 1942 while leading a procession to hoist the national flag at a police station. In Chittagong, Pritilata Waddedar and Kalpana Dutt, both students, trained in combat and helped plan an armed raid on a British-only club in 1932. Waddedar died by suicide rather than be captured; Dutt was arrested the following year and sentenced to life imprisonment while still in her twenties.

By 1936, the scattered energy had coalesced into a formal organisation. The All India Students’ Federation, founded in Lucknow, became India’s first nationwide student organisation, a sign that students were building their own political infrastructure.

Then came the eve of 15 August 1947, when students who had spent their college years in and out of jail cells inherited a country whose borders were being redrawn in blood through Partition. But it is important to note, lest we forget—India’s student movements didn’t end in 1947; student protest culture descends directly from this lineage of asking questions, debating, dissenting, and demanding what’s theirs.

Image Source: Enroute Indian History

Also Read: The Game Theory of Dirty Dishes and Nuclear War

 

Sheetal Mishra

[email protected]

The Bar Council of India directs DU and other law universities to enrol law graduates covered by the SC order despite attendance shortfall.

The Bar Council of India (BCI) has instructed the University of Delhi (DU) to process the enrolment applications of law graduates protected under a recent Supreme Court order, stating that applications should not be rejected or terminated solely on the ground of attendance deficiencies. The BCI has circulated the order to all State Bar Councils, recognised universities, and approved Centres of Legal Education for implementation during the 2026–27 academic session.

The order was issued by Justice Rajendra Menon, Co-Chairperson of the BCI’s Legal Education Committee. The Committee noted that the Supreme Court’s order of 21 July 2025 granted one-time protection to students whose academic sessions were in progress when the Delhi High Court delivered its judgment.

The decision comes against the backdrop of the CAP Round I option form deadline having been extended until 11 August. The BCI stated that an “immediate and exceptional arrangement” was necessary to ensure that eligible law colleges and students were not excluded by the time required to complete the statutory approval process.

Institutions must upload all required documents, furnish the prescribed information, and pay all applicable fees. The order states that failure to complete the process could result in the withholding, modification, suspension, or withdrawal of approval, along with further action in accordance with the law. The BCI has clarified that the current conditional approval neither waives nor regularises any pending approvals or financial liabilities relating to previous academic years.

The Supreme Court directed that students covered by its order should not be denied the opportunity to sit their final examinations solely because of attendance shortfalls. It also permitted those who were unable to appear, either wholly or partly, in their final examinations to sit supplementary examinations for the relevant academic session.

The BCI has further clarified that attendance shortages arising after enrolment with the Bar Council are not covered by the relief. The benefit is strictly confined to the students and academic sessions specified in the Supreme Court’s order of 21 July 2025 and does not extend to future admissions.

To qualify under the scheme, a candidate must have been admitted to a recognised LL.B. programme and permitted to sit the relevant final or supplementary examination. The candidate must also have successfully completed the LL.B. course and fulfilled all other statutory requirements for enrolment.

Rajarshi Ghosh 

[email protected]

Image Credits – Lawstreet.com 

Read Also – Ramjas College’s Students Win PETA India Award for Vegan Leather Innovation 

 

Students from DU, JNU, AUD, Jamia and schools joined SFI’s ‘Students of India Rally’ on Tuesday, demanding NTA’s scrapping, fee rollback, hostel facilities, concessional metro passes and voting rights for all DU students.

The Students’ Federation of India (SFI) organised a ‘Students of India Rally’ at Delhi University’s North Campus on Tuesday, August 11, bringing together students from Delhi University (DU), Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), Ambedkar University Delhi (AUD), Jamia Millia Islamia and schools across the capital. The rally was organised as part of SFI’s ‘Azadi Week’ celebrations. 

The rally brought together a range of demands concerning access to education, affordability and student representation. Among the key demands raised were the scrapping of the National Testing Agency (NTA), rollback of fee hikes, withdrawal of the proposed Viksit Bharat Shiksha Adhishthan (VBSA) Bill, concessional metro passes for students, hostel facilities for all and voting rights for all DU students in the Delhi University Students’ Union (DUSU) elections. 

The event was addressed by Lok Sabha MP Amra Ram, who called for a united struggle involving students, workers and farmers against what he described as a “divisive” agenda. According to SFI, the rally also commemorated the martyrdom day of freedom fighter Khudiram Bose, the anniversary of the organised students’ movement, the birth centenary of Cuban revolutionary Fidel Castro and India’s Independence Day. 

The rally also focused on the impact of recent changes in higher education. SFI Delhi State Committee member Sakhi alleged that the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 had failed to address students’ concerns at universities such as DU. She pointed to an increase in dropouts following the implementation of the Four-Year Undergraduate Programme (FYUP), alongside what she described as inadequate seats in the newly introduced one-year MA programme. 

According to Careers360, a DU student Agrima called for students to unite behind a “progressive education system” and criticised what she described as the influence of “money-muscle politics” in university elections. The demand for voting rights for all DU students in DUSU elections comes amid continuing debates over representation and participation in the university’s student politics.

The rally followed SFI Delhi’s 20th State Conference, where the organisation resolved to intensify its campaign against the “privatisation, centralisation and communalisation” of education. The organisation said it plans to reach students across Delhi, including those enrolled in private institutions and coaching centres, to advocate for what it calls an inclusive and equitable education system. 

Image Caption: Students participate in SFI’s ‘Students of India Rally’ at Delhi University’s North Campus 

Read Also: Ramjas College’s Students Win PETA India Award for Vegan Leather Innovation

Image Source: SFI Delhi Instagram account 

Tarunima Tayal

[email protected]