An ultra-rich backdrop, razor sharp dialogue, and stellar acting is what makes Succession the gold standard for television right now.
Jesse Armstrong’s multiple-Emmy winning series has a deceptively simple premise – the patriarch of media conglomerate Waystar RoyCo is ageing and must choose an heir to his business empire. Thus, the stage is set for an endless game of musical chairs between his children for the throne – power-hungry Kendall, derisive Roman, politically-savvy Shiv and estranged oldest son Connor. Power-struggles, corporate backstabbing and constant plotting ensues between the siblings and a host of well-fleshed out and complicated side characters who form the heart of the show throughout its four-season run.
Succession’s portrayal of the wealthy and influential is both captivating and horrifying. ‘Multi-faceted’ is one way to describe the narcissistic and money-obsessed characters who reek of upper-class privilege and can manipulate the course of the nation as per their whims and fancies. Yet, despite the absolutely vile character arcs, it is impossible not to root for them in their achingly-tender moments of humanity. This is a testament to the masterclass in acting done by the ensemble of actors who deliver the show’s signature sharp and biting dialogue to perfection. There is something revolting yet fascinating in the obscene, and hilariously vulgar lines.
Besides the personal narratives of each character, the show also provides insightful commentary on wider social issues such as influence of media and technology on society, politics, culture, and identity. It calls out the power-mongering and under the table lifestyle of the luxurious. Familial influences and power structures dictate the living of the top 1%. This adds a fresh layer of analysis to the already complex individual storylines, making the show a wonderful mix of satire and insight on capitalism and American corporatism.
Exceptional locations, cinematography, background scores and production value – the hits keep coming. The glorious theme song (this plays in my head 24/7 on repeat) and opening credits hook you in for a wildly funny, tragic and jaw-dropping ride. The music perfectly captures the mood of the show – sinister, dark and greedy but whimsical when need be. Another standout is the work of the costumes department. The lack of ostentatious displays of wealthy but quiet luxury at its finest where a single cap costs millions of dollars is an absolute stroke of genius. The symbols of wealth like the fleet of black SUVs, the helicopters, the elaborate real estate and the constant entourage just add to the sensory delight of the show.
Succession is a much watch for fans of pitch-black comedy and suspense. It is a gift that keeps giving and the fascinating character-driven plot keeps you hooked despite your utter disgust for the characters. After all, the ultimate question remains – who shall be the successor and nab the top job?
Come for the family and corporate intrigue, stay for the absolute finest filmmaking seen in recent times. Be right back, going to make Nicholas Britell’s Succession theme song my new ringtone.
The following piece seeks to understand the superimposition of dominant ideological narratives on cultural events. It does not, in any way attempt to disrespect the cultural/religious beliefs of individuals.
Delhi University has often been described as an educational space for multiculturalism and diversity, where students from all over India intermingle and share their cultures with one another. Very often, students bring to the university campus, festivals and celebrations from different corners of the country which helps them create a sense of community far from home. It is an act of claiming a space, far from one’s homeland that initiates intercultural interaction and contributes to the richness of the campus spaces.
However, is the culturally diverse space that many of us would like the university to be, a utopian imagination? Cultural expression is often monopolised by dominant majoritarian communities that can afford to be more visible and vocal. How do we distinguish free cultural expression from ideological imposition? Furthermore, what happens when politically motivated ideologies are superimposed on cultural festivals?
On 22nd June, the Delhi Odia Students’ Association (DOSA) in collaboration with the Iskcon Student Centre organised the Jagannath Rath Yatra in the North Campus of Delhi University. It goes without saying that the Rath Yatra is a festival that is extremely close to the hearts of the devotees of Lord Jagannath. People from different socio-economic backgrounds come to join the procession, hoping to get a glimpse of the deity. People are often seen crying, overwhelmed to see the lord.
But can an event that is often hailed for its inclusive quality, retain its cultural ideals and innocence when it becomes so visibly saffronised? It is true that perhaps every cultural or religious festival is influenced by certain belief systems, but when the belief system is aligned with an ideology which translates into an aggressively asserted political agenda, it becomes potentially dangerous.
The political alignment of the procession organised in the campus was not simply reflected in symbols, but was also verbalised on certain occasions. The event began with an open and unapologetic assertion- ‘Bharat ka dharam, Sanatan dharam’, (The religion of India is Hinduism) and ended with Jai Shree Ram chants. The procession, adorned by huge saffron flags, traced the campus with hundreds of people joining in. The devotees danced and sang along; the sentimental and cultural essence of the procession could be felt. At the same time, the markers of it being a politically aligned procession were hard to ignore.
One could obviously argue that Jai Shri Ram chants in a Jagannath yatra is not arbitrary because Ram and Jagannath are essentially different avatars of Lord Vishnu. In today’s India however, Jai Shri Ram is an immensely politicized slogan – one that is rooted in majoritarian beliefs of Hindutva. To say that it is an innocent appeal to lord Ram is to disregard the persecution faced by thousands of people from minority communities, against whom the slogan has been weaponised.
Before the commencement of the yatra, an elaborate speech was given which emphasised upon values of devotion, servitude and gratitude. The cultural belief system of a Brahmanical conception of Hinduism was presented as the moral standards of India. While science, modernism and ‘western’ values received censure, the ‘Indian’ way of life was pedestalised. It must be noted that the Jagannath Rath Yatra at Puri has no custom of preaching. Everybody joins the event as a devotee and no authority figure is given the centre stage. Representatives from the Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) – a right wing student organisation affiliated with the Hindu nationalist RSS – were formally present in the event.
The Rath Yatra was provided immense police protection. It is entirely valid to ensure police deployment in cultural festivals to ensure orderly execution of the same. However, the sincerity with which police protection is provided to events that exude right wing sentiments is entirely absent when students get attacked by mobs on campus. When a mob of men, gate-crashed the college fest at Indraprastha College for Women, raised misogynistic slogans and Jai Shri Ram chants and harassed women, the police did little to ensure their safety. The police has acted either as passive observers or violent upholders of law in situations like these.
When a religious event is distorted and appropriated to further a political ideology, the cultural and emotional essence of the festival is hurt and disrespected. Although the devotees attending the rath yatra did not express concern regarding the nature of the yatra, the ideological undertones were felt without doubt.
The Jagannath Yatra is very close to our hearts. Devotees wish to remain connected with the lord Jagannath and seek his blessings. It is an expression of unadulterated and innocent devotion. It is not supposed to be used to further any ideological agenda” – Aditi Routray, a student at LSR
Student activists of the All India Students’ Association (AISA), a student organisation affiliated with the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation, alleged that they were detained when the Prime Minister visited the University on Friday. In an exclusive conversation with AISA Delhi President Abhigyan, DU Beat discovered how the events transpired on June 30.
On June 30, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Delhi University as the Chief Guest for the closing ceremony of the University’s centenary celebrations. As celebrations were in full swing, a few kilometres away, Abhigyan and Anjali, student activists of the All India Students Association (AISA), were allegedly detained inside their homes without any warrant or notice.
At around 8 a.m. on the day of the ceremony, AISA Delhi University President Abhigyan Gandhi was reportedly running a few errands when he received word that 5–6 police personnel were looking for him in Vijay Nagar. By 9.30, they had arrived at his locality and demanded that he either go with them to the Model Town Police Station or be placed under house arrest and have his movements monitored for the next four to five hours. Anjali Sharma, the AISA DU Secretary, was also placed under house arrest. Reportedly, the police warned them that they were in a “circle of suspicion” and were under surveillance in order to stop any “protests or dissents from violating the discipline within the University.”
Citing the PM’s visit as a reason, I and AISA DU Secretary Anjali have been held in detention in our flat and are not allowed to go on campus.
– Abhigyan, AISA Delhi President
Abhigyan asserted that the police were present in their flat from 9:30 a.m. to 1.30 p.m., during the entirety of PM Modi’s presence at the University for the closing ceremony. He claimed that when the police placed him under house arrest, neither a warrant nor an order were displayed. Following the 4-hour detention, a letter bearing the signatures of AISA functionaries was sent to the Sub Divisional Magistrate of Delhi (SDM) questioning the “illegal detention” of the student activists and stating that it was “a breach of personal space”. However, the Model Town Police Station house officer, Lalit Kumar, reportedly denied all allegations made by the activists.
In contrast to the denial of allegations, AISA activists shared photos showing the police seated in their hallway. (Image Credits: Twitter account of Anjali, Secretary of AISA DU (@anjali1_27))
In conversation with DU Beat, the student activists revealed the entire situation through their lenses.
On being informed of the PM’s visit to the University, AISA DU had put up ‘Modi is coming to our campus!’ posters on the walls of North Campus, demanding accountability on behalf of the students. These posters posed relevant questions to the PM regarding the consistent fee hike, the rise in the unemployment rate to 8.1%, and the deletion of the chapters on Ambedkar and Gandhi from the curriculum. Allegedly, these posters were stripped off by the administration and members of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) soon enough.
Primarily, I feel that the Prime Minister should have taken questions. Instead of having a crowd which claps when the teacher directs them to or instead of turning the campus into a cantonment ; he should have had a genuine engagement with the students. What ‘safety’ of the Prime Minister is being threatened and by whom?
– Abhigyan, AISA Delhi President
AISA put up posters across the University asking PM Modi certain questions. (Image Credits: AISA DU on Instagram (@aisa_du))
He also discussed the “FYUP KA REPORT CARD” campaign that AISA had launched in response to students’ disapproval regarding the implementation of the New Education Policy (NEP) 2020 as well as the recruitment and ad-hoc crises that have repeatedly rocked the University.
We were trying to convey how the students should have their say in the policymaking on education. Yet, this is something the PM does not seem interested in. What he does seem interested in is ignoring the real questions of students, teachers and stakeholders. It is unfortunate how many respectable teachers have been lost by the University because of the hijacking of the appointment scheme by RSS and BJP.
As students across the University continue to express dissent over the hurried implementation of NEP, considering it a failure, the AISA Delhi President discussed the concerns and burdens of the policy for freshers and how the student organisation is actively trying to reclaim democratic discussion spaces within the University.
The way the students of DU are suffering right now, the way they are making their assignments, the way they are forced to study courses like Fit India and Swachh Bharat, is something that should concern all of us. Every student should feel the anger that the Prime Minister can come, simply ignore us by detaining those raising their voices, and leave without addressing anything pertinent. We are finding ways to bring back the democratic culture of dissent and debate within the University.
Highlighting the disturbing behaviour of Delhi Police in educational spaces, he further questioned the entire culture and definition of what a university stands for.
The way the Government, the administration and the Delhi Police is acting in our universities like DU, JNU and Jamia is highly terrifying. For the last 3 years, they have turned Jamia into a cantonment- any form of student movement or student gathering has become impossible. Detaining people without a notice or a warrant, by simply stating that you are in a list of people under a ‘circle of suspicion’- what does this signify?
In conversation with DU Beat, Anjali, Secretary of AISA DU, described how their detention came as a sudden shock.
The entire thing was very surprising to us. We are also students of the University and to be treated as criminals while being accused of potentially causing ruckus and being told that the PM is “unsafe” by our mere presence was highly shocking. The questions we raised through the postering across the University were a basis for them to house arrest us. On one hand they are painting a picture that is rosy and perfect, but it is clearly covering up the work that was going on behind this- attendance equivalent to 5 classes, no black clothes, and a strict code of conduct by colleges. Be it Kamla Nagar, Mukherjee Nagar or Vijay Nagar, police were heavily stationed at all these places to protect the PM from the students- the students he was supposedly coming to meet.
They further talked about the “dual behaviour” being displayed by the University and the administration.
It was scary how they had our exact flat numbers. Comrades who called us before the arrival of the police told us how the officers were roaming in Vijay Nagar with our Facebook profiles, questioning students about us and our whereabouts. Within 5 minutes, they were at our doors. The larger question here is if we will be deprived of our spaces within the University only because of our political affiliation or just because we disagree?’
-Anjali, Secretary of AISA DU
As students across different colleges witnessed the Prime Minister on livestream, an online protest staged by the Democratic Teachers’ Front (DTF) and joined by AISA and other student organisations, displaying placards with #GoBackModi, was witnessed. Miranda House professor and Secretary of the Democratic Teachers’ Front (DTF), Abha Dev Habib, stated that the incident involving the AISA students was “highly regrettable”.
Students shared photos asking questions to the Prime Minister in regard to the ad-hoc crisis, cut down in fellowships and the ongoing violence in Manipur. (Image Credits: AISA DU on Instagram (@aisa_du))
The Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad organised a protest at the Aryabhatta College on 21st June, in order to express concerns regarding student safety and student welfare in the campus. The college administration received condemnation from the protestors for apathy and indifference towards student issues.
On the 21st of June, the Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) organised a protest at Aryabhatta College in the South Campus of the University of Delhi. The protest was reportedly organised in order to condemn the inability of the college administration to ensure student safety in and around the college campus. On 18th June, a 19-year-old student named Nikhil Chauhan was allegedly stabbed to death outside the Aryabhatta College. The protestors blamed administrative negligence and poor security conditions around the college campus for the murder.
The protest, which was scheduled at 10:30, finally began at 11:30 and lasted for about 2 hours. The protestors reportedly bolted the college gates, not allowing students and faculty members to enter the campus. The protestors raised ‘vande mataram’ slogans and ‘bharat mata ki jai’ chants while asserting their demands.
The members of the ABVP made a list of demands that included – recruiting more female security guards, ensuring the availability of sanitary pad vending machines, renovating washrooms across the college campus etc. While some of the demands were specific and aimed at student welfare, other demands such as – “proper and strict action should be taken against incapable and abusive admin staff” were vague and incomprehensible. The protestors were mostly men and very few women were present at the site.
A student getting murdered right outside our college is a big deal. This could have been prevented. No action was taken by the admin staff even though they were aware of the fight between the victim and the accused that happened a week before the murder. The administration has been apathetic to student concerns. Students have to struggle for days even to solve minor issues. Our sports ground has been out of use for the past four months. We have made a list of demands addressing these concerns that we intend to place before the principal.” – Tarun Yadav, ABVP President for Aryabhatta College
The students, after staging the protest outside the college, marched inside the campus, raising slogans and vocalising their demands. The members of the ABVP expressed that they intend to place their demands in a meeting with the principal. There was tussle between the members of the admin and the protestors that resulted in chaos. Four representatives of the ABVP finally met with the principal and a meeting was held in order to discuss the concerns raised by the protestors. After the meeting, the members informed the protestors that almost all their demands had been readily accepted by the principal.
There was considerable police presence at the protest site. On being asked about how they feel about the deployment of police forces at the college, an ABVP representative stated that the police was present to help them carry out the protest without interference.
The police forces are not here to suppress our protest. They are here to ensure our security and to prevent any unwanted interference from other parties.” – Tarun Yadav, ABVP President for Aryabhatta College
Recently, headlines of the NIRF ranking started circulating in print and social media, sparking a discussion over the credibility of this ranking framework. Some of the most well-known allegations levelled against the legitimacy of this evaluating mechanism include data manipulation, corruption, and a lack of transparency. But are concerns like data manipulation and transparency the sole reasons, or are there flaws in the ranking framework’s entire methodology?
National Institutional Ranking Framework(NIRF) is a national-level government institution ranking system that was approved by the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD) and launched on 29th September 2015. This ranking outlines a methodology drawn from overall recommendations and a broad understanding arrived at by a core committee set up by MHRD. For the last 7 years, Miranda House has been ranked as the best college in India. Almost every year, at least 5 colleges of the University of Delhi appear in the top 10 of the NIRF ranking.
The most heated discussion in student groups on the credibility of the NIRF ranking starts when a south campus college emerges in the top 10. With little focus on the ceilings of their college rooms, which frequently visit the classroom floor, which helped the college obtain 10th position last year and 9th this year.
-A student of Kirori Mal College
NIRF PARAMETERS EXPLAINED VIA FLOW CHART Image Credits: Quora
The NIRF ranking primarily ranks institutions based on five major parameters. Each parameter shares a separate weightage. The most alarming aspect of these metrics is that academic achievement of a college is given 80% weightage, which includes Teaching, Learning & Resources, Research & Professional practice, and Graduation outcome, while Inclusivity and Public Perception are given 10% weightage, each. When you look closely at the sub-parameters of each parameter, you will notice that the majority of the criteria that should be regarded as crucial for any public institute are either absent or there for the sake of being included there.
Investment in education has declined significantly in recent years. This reduces the budget that a college is granted each year, forcing institutions to seek alternative funding sources. Utilization of even granted funds is challenging for a government institute, forcing educational institutions to raise funding from private corporations to continue providing students with basic amenities and to preserve their reputation and status. So, if you look very carefully at everything, you will see a close connection between every little thing. NIRF is nothing more than a key to the systematic privatization of public institutions.
-Rudrashish Chakraborty, Associate Professor, Department of English, Kirori Mal College
In terms of data fabrication, one subparameter of Teaching, Learning, and Resources (TLR) is one of the most disputed. The student strength subparameter in the year 2022 ranking is what drew attention to this problem.
Amid the admission of the fresh batch after the cancellation of class 12th boards in 2021, headlines and reports of over-admission in DU began to circulate. Hindu College was one of the most hit, with 146 students admitted to B.A. (H) Political Science, a subject with a sanctioned capacity of 49 seats. Even with such a large admission intake, Hindu College maintained the same score in the student strength metric, which is computed based on the number of students accepted to the sanctioned allowed intake. Similar trends can be observed in SRCC, Miranda House, IP College, and many other DU colleges.
(Score out of 20)
2023
2022
2021
2020
Miranda House
18
18
16
16
SRCC
14
12
12
12
Hindu College
16
16
16
16
IP
14.53
14.60
12.59
12.73
Many argued that the score stayed constant since there was little variation in overall strength. However, it is more concerning that the score was balanced by over-admissions in a few courses and under-admissions in others. Such cases concern the quality of education of such institutions. Not just over-admission, but also under-admission, has an impact on the quality and choice of subjects, particularly for Honors degree students, who are obliged to study what is given or subjects towards the bottom of their preference triangle, as their options for DSE decline with low student strength.
Almost all DU institutions are equally inundated, yet the finger is pointed at the legitimacy of the ranking when a south campus college enters the top 10.
I remember opening my class’s unofficial group, which was flooded with 120+ messages. My classmates were discussing how ARSD could be in the top ten when north campus colleges like SRCC and Stephan’s are ranked 11 and 14, respectively. They don’t care about their institution’s rating, which isn’t even in the top 50, but they doubt the ranking of another college just because it isn’t on the north campus?
-A student of Ramjas College
The divide between the North and South campuses of Delhi University (DU) is largely rooted in the University’s historical development and the initial establishment of its colleges. North campus, being one of DU’s oldest, has an extended history and is home to some of the most prominent and known colleges. This historical advantage has contributed to the idea that North campus institutions perform better or have a higher standing than South campus colleges.
The presence of notable alumni from North campus universities such as Amitabh Bachchan, Shah Rukh Khan, Naveen Patnaik, Manoj Bajpayee, Nimrat Kaur, Amitav Ghosh, and many more build up the belief that these colleges are more prominent. These graduates have achieved significant success in a variety of disciplines, including acting, politics, and writing, adding to the North campus institutions’ history and reputation. The establishment of DU’s South campus, on the other hand, is relatively newer than that of the North campus. South campus colleges emerged and developed in response to Delhi’s expanding demand for higher education and the necessity for new academic institutions. As a result, the South campus lacks the long-established history and the same roster of famous alumni that the North campus possesses”
To some extent, the idea that South campus colleges are questioned or seen as inferior is probably related to this lack of historical significance and a smaller number of noteworthy alumni. It is crucial to highlight, however, that this notion does not always represent the quality of education or the potential for success of students attending South campus universities. Academic standards, staff expertise, and learning and growth opportunities might differ amongst institutions on both the North and South campuses. ARSD has one of the top science faculties at DU, as well as better infrastructure than north campus colleges such as Kirori Mal, Hansraj, and Ramjas.
“It is ironic that institutions are obsessing so anxiously about their ranks when they themselves advise students not to worry about marks and the rat(e) race and focus instead on learning”
-Prof Anurag Mehra, Head of Department of Chemical Engineering, IIT Bombay in an article in NDTV
Prof Mehra in his article, “The Far From Magnificent Obsession with Ranks at IITs,” mainly addresses the ranking structure in the context of IITs, but he also critiques the methodology’s two fundamental parameters, “Research and Professional Practice” and “Graduation Outcome.” Professor Mehra writes:
“Having more teachers does not necessarily mean that teaching is better, or that the teachers are good. Having a larger fraction of students graduating does not imply that their degree is truly worth something. It can also imply that the university has set very low standards to pass students. Publishing more papers does not tell us much about the quality of research. In fact, the correlation can sometimes be inverse. Too many publications may suggest a lot of incremental work, while fewer papers may signal that these have something significant to say. A very impactful paper will have many citations but a large number of citations does not imply that a paper is great. This is because research communities have a spread across quality and we often have a situation where a large amount of mediocre, incremental research simply cites similar research. In metrics-based calculations, an institution that publishes a large number of low-quality papers will almost always win against one that publishes a few high-quality papers.
The focus of NIRF parameters on quantity rather than quality is one of the most alarming shortcomings and the strongest point that strengthens the foundation of questioning the legitimacy of this ranking framework system.
The vast majority of articles criticizing the reliability of NIRF focus on these three metrics, with some also focussing on the “Peer Perception” criterion. There is little to no discussion of NIRF’s worst-framed parameter, “Outreach and Inclusivity.” One of the reasons that even critics of this ranking fail to address the Outreach and Inclusivity parameter is a lack of awareness in their age group. The most vocal critics of NIRF are senior professors who have little to no knowledge of queer issues, women’s issues, or racism experienced by northeast and south students. The same is true for those who developed the ranking system.
The issue is that people who design these parameters are individuals who have been conditioned to sound inclusive.
-Rudrashish Chakraborty, Associate Professor, Department of English, Kirori Mal College
The Outreach and Inclusivity parameter, which receives only 10% of the weightage, is divided into four sub-parameters: the percentage of students from other states/countries, the percentage of women, the percentage of economically and socially challenged students, and facilities for Physically Challenged Students.
It is evident that a women’s colleges will receive full marks in the percentage of women subparameter even if the institution fails to offer a secure environment for them, even in an all women’s college. Whether it’s the Diwali Mela last year in Miranda or the Reveri Fest night in Gargi in 2020. Even after many complaints and CCTV recordings, they still fail to provide justice to the women of these colleges.
-A student of Gargi College
The fact that there are no parameters or subparameters related to campus safety and sexual harassment laws reflects the government’s and institutions’ incompetence. Even after multiple instances of men scaling the walls of DU colleges, the administration has consistently failed to provide justice and safety, and if students at India’s top colleges are not safe from such harassment from both outsiders and college administration, one can only speculate what students at the lowest-ranked colleges can expect.
The fight for DU’s queer students is far away from over. There are queer collectives at a lot of DU’s colleges, but all except one are unofficial and are not recognized by the college. Homophobia and transphobia are quite frequent on campus, and the college administration’s failure to address the issue leaves queer students with little choice but to seek refuge in these spaces for their safety. Miranda House is the only college in Delhi University with an official Queer Collective.
I’d say Miranda House’s QC is one of the most inactive in the entire DU circuit. Other colleges’ unofficial QCs are more active. It seems that involving the administration makes it harder to get stuff done. However, during the NAAC visit, it is depicted in such a way that the administration is doing all possible to help this community through this society.
-A student of Miranda House
Not only that, but the DU college administration exploits this one sub-parameter as a subject to get marks without having to study. Even though the colleges fail to provide basic amenities, the majority of DU’s colleges in the top 50 have a score of 20 out of 20 in facilities for Physically Challenged Students.
Our college’s science block does not have a lift and a ramp to access the science block from the main block. Just days before the NAAC visit, the Centre for Disability, Research, and Training was allotted a room, which can be found at the other end of the college near the hostel. Most PwD students find it challenging to gain access to that room on their own.
-Aarish Gazi, Kirori Mal College
One of the most shocking revelations can be seen in the Economic and Socially Backward Students category, which is calculated on the number of UG students who receive a complete tuition fee waiver. Most DU colleges have a score of less than 3 out of 20, and their scores have fallen after the implementation of CUET. This raises questions about the diversity of students from various economic and social backgrounds at public universities such as DU.
One of the most difficult issues in ranking systems is the addition of subjective criteria such as “perception” or reputation, which is also a NIRF ranking parameter. While it attempts to include qualitative factors, perception may also be impacted or controlled. Institutions might intentionally choose survey participants or engage in other practices to artificially boost their reputation. This might lead to a distorted perception that does not correspond to the institution’s true quality or originality.
The most important question that arises is: Who is the target audience of these frameworks? Is the government listening to them in coming up with solutions that can bring most (if not all) higher education institutions on the same page? Undoubtedly, it is a matter of celebration for the institutions leading the ranks, but the precarity of the scenario that this NIRF presents also needs immediate consideration and effective action.
-Kaibalyapati Mishra, Junior Research Fellow, Centre for Economic Studies & Policy, Institute for Social & Economic Change, Bangalore, and Krishna Raj, professor of economics, Centre for Economic Studies & Policy, Institute for Social & Economic Change, Bangalore in an article in DownToEarth
In conclusion, rankings often focus on the overall institutional level, which may not represent variations in performance between individual departments, programs, or disciplines within an institution. University systems are complicated, with several departments and programs, each with its own set of strengths and areas of specialization. These accomplishments may be underrepresented in the overall institutional ranking. Institutional rankings frequently prioritize quantitative measures such as research output, faculty-to-student ratios, or funding, which can create an environment that encourages institutions to prioritize these metrics over broader educational goals such as fostering critical thinking, creativity, and personal development. This discrepancy can result in a gap between the ideals that institutions proclaim and the measures that they prioritize.
However, it is worth noting that rankings might be useful in offering an overall assessment of institutional quality and repute. They can help prospective students, researchers, and employers collect preliminary information and make well-informed judgments. Rankings may also serve as a benchmark for colleges to evaluate their performance and identify areas for improvement. Along with their pursuit of rankings, colleges should prioritize a student-centered approach that supports genuine learning, personal growth, and the development of critical skills. By doing so, they could deliver a more balanced and meaningful educational experience for their students.
A 19-year-old student from the University of Delhi was allegedly stabbed to death outside of Aryabhatta College.
On Sunday, in front of Aryabhatta College in South Campus, a 19-year-old Delhi University student, named Nikhil Chauhan, was allegedly stabbed to death. A week ago, one of the accused had allegedly harassed a woman friend of the victim, to which he had objected, said a senior police officer in conversation with The Hindu.
On Sunday, around 12:30 pm, the key accused and three of his accomplices met with Nikhil outside the College and stabbed him in the chest, the police stated. He was later rushed to the Charak Palika Hospital, where he was declared dead. CCTV footage has surfaced online, which, captured near the college, purportedly showed the accused escaping on scooters and a bike.
While talking to The Hindu, Nikhil’s father had this to say
We deserve justice, this is not what we send our children to school for.” He further stated, “I received a call at 12 p.m. that Nikhil has been injured, I rushed to the hospital, but by the time I reached, he passed away.”
The victim, who has been survived by his two brothers and parents who live in West Delhi’s Paschim Vihar, worked as a part-time model. His parents have said that he loved modelling and acting, taking part in many competitions in the city.
My son was also into modelling. He told me that he also wants to study political science to have vast knowledge about our country. He had a bright future. We don’t know what to do now,”
– said Mr Chauhan.
A case under IPC 302(murder) has been registered and an investigation is ongoing to apprehend the accused-who have been identified, the police have said.
“It is very unfortunate and sad that a young life has been lost and that also just outside the college where students come to learn and make career.” said a Delhi University spokesperson in a statement to The Hindu.
DU has launched three new B. Tech courses under the Faculty of Technology from the upcoming academic session, 2023-24, added with several benefits and incentives from supernumerary seats for single girl child to reimbursements upon purchasing laptops.
The University of Delhi besides introducing three B. Tech courses- namely, B. Tech Computer Science and Engineering, B. Tech Electronics and Communication Engineering, and B. Tech Electrical Engineering- is also offering several incentives along with the programmes. Supernumerary seats for single girl child, scholarships for underprivileged students, and laptops for all are some of those incentives, as underlined by Vice-Chancellor Yogesh Singh on Wednesday.
Addressing a press conference, the Vice-Chancellor also mentioned that the new academic session shall begin on August 16. Expanding more upon the B. Tech programmes, he went on to add that 360 students would be admitted to the engineering curriculum, with 120 seats in each course while a seat in each of these three programmes will be given to a single girl child in the form of a supernumerary seat. Moreover, every student enrolled in B. Tech will be reimbursed up to Rs. 50,000 on the purchase of a laptop.
He said that the University will also introduce a Financial Support Scheme (FSS) to extend the benefits of equity and access to quality education to economically weaker students seeking admission to BTech programmes. Under this, candidates whose parents’ income is Rs. 4 lakh or less will be given a 90 percent fee waiver at the time of admission while candidates whose parents’ income is more than Rs. 4 lahks and less than Rs. 8 lahks will get a 50 percent fee waiver at the time of admission. The University has also included a supernumerary quota for orphan students this year.
The B. Tech programmes would be designed in such a manner that there would be a minimum of 50 percent weightage given to the major subject area of study with a maximum of 65 percent weightage. The remaining weightage would be to the minor subject areas of study, the Vice-Chancellor added.
Not only that, students will have several exit options with the National Education Policy. Students who will have completed one year of study with requisite credits will be awarded a certificate, those with two years and requisite credits would be provided with a diploma, those with three years and requisite credits will be granted an advanced diploma while those completing all four years of study along with a proper number of credits will get a B. Tech degree.
Lastly, the Vice-Chancellor mentioned that the Faculty of Technology will be situated on the North Campus of DU for logistic support and proximity to other departments. Besides the B. Tech courses, the university will also be launching a five-year LLB programme along with ITEP courses from the upcoming academic year.
“Parade of Power, Pride and Resistance- March for Progressive and Inclusive Campuses” read the poster of the pride parade organised by Students’ Federation of India (SFI). However, the march was met with strong opposition from members of the queer community, who accused SFI of queer baiting and alleged that the parade was nothing more than tokenism.
On June 1, 2023, the North Campus of Delhi University was engulfed in the colours of the pride flag. Hundreds of marching feet echoed across campus as the Student Federation of India (SFI) organised a pride parade to celebrate and support the LGBTQIAP+ community. Horizontal reservations for transgender students, GSCASH implementation, gender-neutral washrooms, queer-inclusive mental health cells, and anti-ragging cells were among some of the top demands of this year’s pride parade.
However, the parade drew strong criticism not only from queerphobes but also from members of the community who accused SFI of queer baiting. Many queer student activists and members of queer collectives and gender cells across Delhi alleged that the pride march is nothing more than SFI’s tokenistic attitude. The SFI’s ignorance or inaction on queer matters throughout the year created a solid foundation for these allegations. Many queer activists and students chose not to participate in the parade. This caused a heated debate within the community.
If not SFI then who? The majority of student unions have historically neglected queer issues, and this continues to be the case today. Whether it is NSUI, ABVP, or AISA. SFI is the only student organisation that talks about queer rights and organises pride parades on campus that are attended by hundreds of people and stands out for queer rights. It’s still better than doing nothing even if they are only doing it for political reasons.
-Prakhar Gangwar (He/They)
Some people in the community, however, believe that building a new room is better than making concessions or attempting to fit into a certain space.
Most political parties or student unions don’t care about queer issues. They talk about rights when doing so serves their political objectives. Abolishing such places sends a loud and clear message that queer lives are not a commodity to be exchanged for votes. Resisting tokenistic behaviours will likely lead to a successful organisation that cares about queer rights.
-Astha Bansal (She/Her)
But in a country like India, where everything revolves around politics, Is this really a good option?
You can’t abolish such spaces. Majority of the country is still unaware about the queer community. It is only cities like Delhi, Mumbai or other metropolitan cities which give you freedom and a chance to organise and attend queer events like pride parades where you get to meet people from the community and freely express yourself.
-Pravishti (She/ Her)
The conversation on whether the pride parade was just a bait or not became pertinent after a few people who attended the parade posted about their experiences on social media.
It appeared to be an SFI political rally. The number of SFI flags heavily outnumbered the number of pride flags.
-Anonymous (She/They)
It was not an apolitical pride parade. A political party organised a political pride parade. So, of course, we’ll have our flags. I identify as queer. I would not have stayed here if SFI uses pride parade as a queerbaiting tool. As a queer student, I say that SFI supports us, and I say this as the president of Indradhanush: The queer affirmative of ZHDC (Morning), not as a representative of SFI. If SFI stops to be the support system, the QC won’t last a single day.
-Arnab Adhikari (He/Him), SFI Member & President of Indradhanush
According to Arnab, the absence of effective social media management has resulted in this debate.
We aren’t handling social media properly. We don’t talk much about the work we do on social media. We all realised that we must communicate, we must post more to avoid such misunderstandings.
-Arnab Adhikari (He/Him)
Pride month always brings discussions around queer baiting into the limelight. Pride month, when it comes to queerbaiting gets reduced to nothing more than a celebration of the unfair privilege enjoyed by the dominant segment of the queer community. The privileged section of the community, largely cis-gay men who dominate most queer spaces, is at the top, while the transgender community is at the bottom. To fully understand this, we must first acknowledge that hierarchy and dominance are inevitable, and, consequently, this cycle of dominance also exists within the queer community. Cis-gay men dominate most queer spaces, tokenistic behaviour by political parties or corporations has little influence on them, and they continue to feed corporate tokenism and empty politics and benefit from it at the same time.
The scorching heat of May-June, sipping on countless glasses of Glucon-D one after another, monsoon rains to soothe our sweaty bodies; I miss summer vacations.
Nostalgia is like an unforeseen wave on the vast and uncharted seashore of blurred memories; washing down our immortal soul with the bitter-sweet syrup of the past. A frequent visitor in most minds, the nostalgia of school days unconsciously forms a subtle curve on our lips; an uninvited smile at times and a known frown on some days.
After a tiring day of online classes while you sip into a glass of lemonade, scrolling through your Instagram feed to move your eyes up from the screen only to complain about the extra sourness of the drink, your eyes fall on the calendar. Apart from realising that fact that time flies away and disappears into stardust, you notice the month: June. Your mind spontaneously retraces itself to the fogged memories of summer vacations; no studies, endless rounds of hide-seek from dawn to dusk, stealing mangoes from the neighbour’s backyard and what not.
The last working day of school before the commencement of the vacation held a different vibe to it. The sadness of being parted away from your school friends for one and a half months was muffled by the joys of relaxation from academics. You restlessly tap your feet with alarmed ears to hear the ringing of the final bell. Once the hands of the clock align themselves with the chutti time, an uproar is followed with the same. The silent corridors become a witness to the thunderstorm of students storming out of their classrooms, the whispers of gossip and rumours amidst the commotion and the lively chaos for one last time before it delves into a state of hibernation.
You bid farewell to your friends for the short long duration of the summer vacation, get up on the bus and sit on the last seat. While you slide the rusted window with all your strength to allow some air to soothe down your sweaty forehead, you take one last glance at the school. An eerie silence forms around those once animated lifeless walls of the palace-like building. You carefully store the aesthetic scenery in your mind under the album of ‘school life’ to cherish when you reunite with your lost, unforgettable friends from school.
Looking back, summer breaks for me were nothing less than a patchwork of metaphors- amber coloured evenings laced with the sound of laughter, too many hands in one single basket of mangoes, my grandmother and her lullabies, wishes whispered upon dandelion fluffs, the sea and the sunshine. everyday blessed me with a new story of its own and i count each of these stories as my most treasured memories,
–cherishes Bidisha P. Kashyap from Guwahati, Assam.
These days of leisure which were supposed to spin off by laziness playing the role of protagonist goes on to start with your mother switching off the Air-Conditioner (AC) or fan and waking you up vigorously. Once awake, there’s no scope that any of your family members would find you in the house anymore. You hurriedly brush your teeth, push down a slice of bread into your mouth and boom! You directly run down to the ground floor to catch up with the buddies from the same housing society or nearby areas and decide on the games to play the whole day till the sun sucks all of the Glucon-D in your body.
On some days, you lazily lie on your bed while your mind goes on a stroll with Shikari Shambu within the colorful, twisted lanes of Tinkle comics; a golden era of innate happiness without the aid of social media and mobile phones. The cravings for a dozen sweet-sour mangoes take birth within you; a desire that a single mango handed down by your mother cannot satisfy. The longing for a frizzy Kala-Khatai would grow with the passing of each minute, eagerly waiting for the seller to set up his stall in the afternoon. You decide on your choice of flavour before going up to the seller only to reconsider your decision when you see those vibrant colours gleaming in front of your eyes. After fighting battles with your own self on the choice of flavour, you decide on one and you see the seller doing his magic. You suck into the colourful ice and the soothing water snakes down your throat to calm down the heat burning inside you.
Sometimes there is a desperate desire to go back in time and wait in anticipation till the bell rings on the last day of school before summer break. The memories of enjoying summer break in our grandparent’s village,playing in the rain,eating mangoes on the porch and kicking aside studies to live a peaceful life hit you hard now as you watch them from a distance
–states Mridusmita Barman.
The vacation would remain incomplete without a trip to your grandparents’ abode in which the walls speak of love and objects resonate memories of the past. You listen to their stories; some vibrate with patriotism, some with the innocence of your parent’s childhood narrations. You move away from the hustle and bustle of the city life to embrace the quietness of the abode, romanticising the peace and trying to pack a bottle of it when you return back to the city lights that cast a fainter light than the fireflies that you chased down in your grandpa’s kitchen garden.
Amidst the warmth of the summer fairies and the evenings dyed in raspberry shades, you suddenly realise the never-ending summer vacations are about to get over. You turn your eyes towards your study table to see a pile of assignments stacked at one corner; to cry and crib about spending the holidays in a more productive manner.
Unfortunately, all of these memories now feel like an utopian dream; washed away like the dust resting on the old photograph frames by the monsoon rains of time.
The University of Delhi announced the launch of its Common Seat Allocation System (CSAS) portal for undergraduate admissions for the academic session of 2023-2024. Along with the launch of the portal, announcements regarding the launch of new B.Tech. courses, the Financial Support Scheme, etc. were also made.
On Wednesday, June 14, 2023, the Delhi University admissions season commenced for undergraduate courses. During a press conference on Wednesday, the Vice Chancellor, Prof. Yogesh Singh, launched the CSAS portal for UG admissions for the session 2023-2024. The School of Open Learning (SOL) and Non-Collegiate Women’s Education Board (NCWEB) admissions portals were launched as well.
The next session for the upcoming batch will begin on August 16. Students who want to apply to Delhi University’s regular programmes must login to the portal with their CUET application number and upload the necessary documents, which include their high school marksheet (12th and 10th grade), valid government ID, and caste certificate or PwD/EWS/CW/KM/Minority certificate, as applicable. Following the release of the CUET results, the next round of admissions will begin. Students will be asked to mention their preferred colleges and courses. Following this, their scores will be used to determine which college and course they will be assigned to.
The candidate must “accept” the seat before the deadline for that round of allocation after a seat has been allocated, according to DU authorities; inactivity or inaction would be considered non-acceptance. Following the completion of each allocation cycle, DU will publish information regarding vacant seats in each course across all colleges. After being accepted, candidates can choose to either upgrade or freeze their allotted seat.
SOL and NCWEB’s admissions procedures, however, differ. Class 12th results are required for admission to UG programmes at SOL and NCWEB. Candidates interested in enrolling in these programmes must first register on the CSAS site before uploading their necessary documents. The forms for the same are available on the websites of these institutes.
Vice Chancellor Prof. Yogesh Singh also announced the launch of three new B.Tech. programmes: computer science and engineering, electronics and communication engineering, and electrical engineering, along with the launch of the UG admissions portal.
DU is also introducing a financial support scheme (FSS) to extend the benefits of equity and access to quality education to students from economically weaker sections (EWS) for the B.Tech. programmes.
– Prof. Yogesh Singh, DU Vice Chancellor
A B.Tech. student at DU can get a reimbursement of 50,000 for new laptops, he added. Additionally, he mentioned including a new quota for orphan students. The Vice Chancellor further stated,
Candidates whose parents’ income is ₹4 lakh or less will be given a 90% fee waiver and between ₹4 lakh to ₹8 lakh will be given a 50% waiver. The university has also included a supernumerary quota for orphan students this year and all DU affiliated colleges will admit two candidates (one male and one female) under this quota at both UG and postgraduate (PG) levels.
In the final week of June, the portal for postgraduate (PG) course admissions will go live. The registration process for PG admissions will also be on similar grounds.
