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Tiktok TradWifery: Revamping Anti-feminism from Scratch?

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The ‘TradWife’ trend romanticises traditional domestic roles and exploits choice feminism to mask its anti-feminist agenda. While presenting itself with an idealised view of financial independence, it obscures the realities of traditional gender roles.

Social media has time and again provided a sprouting landscape for the growth of different niche circles that act as catalysts for exploring different identities, opportunities, and aesthetics. However, it has turned us into commodities, constantly marketing ourselves to each other for the gain of larger corporations. It has also devised a pathway for sweeping in regressive ideologies wrapped up in harmless, glamorised visuals. The TradWife or ‘Traditional Wife’ social media trend is one such regressive, anti-feminist ideology that has been gaining prominence all over the internet. 

From “cooking from scratch” videos in their immaculate, expansive kitchens and elegant dresses to presenting idyllic farm life and taking care of their children and husbands, the ‘tradwife’ trend manifests itself in different forms. While what might seem as harmless content of women getting the choice to do what they want to and equally enjoying it, an overarching view needs to be put into perspective when consuming media that tends to romanticise and glorify ideas that for decades women have tried to fight against. 

The social media ‘tradwife’ influencers are far from what they are inevitably promoting through their content. It is very different from the average stay-at-home mom reality, where the women are financially dependent on their husbands while performing thankless, challenging labour to keep their homes running and their children fed. The ‘tradwife’ influencers are actually financially independent given the monetisation of their content while also having a lavish lifestyle. The ‘tradwife’ sidelines the harsher realities of what could go wrong if you’re financially dependent on someone. Most of the ‘tradwives’ are white women living in first-world countries built at the expense of the marginalised global south. Ironically they are financially stable enough to promote a disillusioned lifestyle to their followers.

Tradwife content is as much about what it is against as what it is for,

says Seyward Darby.

By projecting that a certain way of life is more fulfilling than the other, ‘tradwives’ create a dichotomy of what’s present in their lives and what is not present in the lives of their followers. It surfaces the idea among the followers that a desirable stay-at-home lifestyle while being financially and emotionally supported by a family is “missing” in their lives but is nevertheless attainable. These ideas, when internalised in the minds of young women, tend to create a false reality of a comfortable, more appealing traditional lifestyle.

While most ‘tradwife’ influencers might be subtle in expressing their allegiance to a particular political ideology, many members of the conservative ‘tradwives’ community are explicitly anti-feminist. This anti-feminist stance mostly stems from the false belief that feminism has forced women to surrender and overwork themselves for larger corporations while making barely enough for a decent lifestyle. Overworking, burnouts, and minimal wages, while in fact notable problems, are not caused by feminism but by late-stage capitalism and the hyper-capitalist society we are living in.

According to them, instead of serving and surrendering to a stranger, women should rather serve their husbands and children, who, in return, are going to “protect” them. Sitler-Elbel argues that the logic of some conservative tradwives is that “a woman not only stays home because she wants to be domestically focused, but because she, as a woman, must cater to and take care of her husband in these ways.” Thus, they reject the idea of women choosing to be who they want to be and perpetuate the extremist rhetoric that a nice “religious” woman must submit to these “natural roles” to “rebalance the natural order.” 

‘Housewifery’ or a stay-at-home lifestyle is not anti-feminist or oppressive to its core, as most people tend to believe. Feminism has given women the choice to choose their lifestyle. Choice feminism, as argued by Michael L. Ferguson, implies that,

We live in a post-feminist world where the women’s movement did all it needed to liberate women, and now women are totally free to make whatever choices they make without oppression.

However, one thing that goes unnoticed is that the final stage of choice feminism assumes that, due to the past victories of feminism, there is no choice that is oppressive and degrading to women.

One should be careful with how we view these positions and make sure to distinguish between the misery of being a housewife in general and the misery that stems from mistreatment and unappreciation that housewives may receive from their family or society,

states Livia Gershon.

However, feminism is supposed to question religion, laws, traditions, cultures, trends, and eventually anything that potentially subjugates women as a sexual class. It’s systematic thinking, not individual choice-focused. Thus, there is a need to question the harmful presentation of such extremist rhetoric as idyllic and choice-based.

 

Read also: https://dubeat.com/2020/03/08/the-bare-minimum-feminists-are-they-enough-barely/

Featured Image Credits: Sara Fang for The Michigan Daily

Reeba Khan

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SC Takes Up RG Kar Case Amidst Medical Community’s Outcry for Justice

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Nationwide protests have erupted following the brutal murder of a doctor at RG Kar Medical College. The Supreme Court has intervened as medical professionals continue to demand justice and improved workplace safety.

On 18 August 2024, the Supreme Court took suo motu cognizance of the rape and murder of the postgraduate trainee doctor at RG Kar Medical College in Kolkata. Initially deemed a suicide, the case was later revealed to be a horrifying rape and murder that occurred during her 36-hour shift.  A three-judge Bench led by Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud heard the case on Tuesday, August 20, 2024. The hearing led to the creation of a 10-member task force to develop strategies for ensuring doctors’ safety in their workplaces. The court also directed the Central Bureau of Investigation to submit a status report by 22nd August. Additionally, the court expressed disappointment with the West Bengal government for delaying the FIR and demanded an explanation for the three-hour gap between the murder confirmation through autopsy and the FIR filing. It also instructed the West Bengal government to refrain from suppressing protests and demonstrations in the state. The Supreme Court has also directed states not to take any punitive actions against doctors who are protesting against the brutal rape and murder.

The incident, compounded by inadequate workplace security, has ignited nationwide outrage and deeply disturbed the medical community. The country is seeing numerous protests by healthcare institutions and professionals across the city, with demonstrators demanding justice for the victim and improved security in the healthcare sector. The tragic incident has highlighted the severe challenges facing India’s healthcare sector, particularly concerning the safety of women.

In a conversation with DU Beat, two female doctors from Lady Hardinge Medical College (LDHMC) revealed,

“Female doctors often face rape threats from patients and endure harassment from uncooperative individuals. This makes particularly night shifts unsafe for women. The security conditions then become unpredictable. Thus, the implementation of the Central Protection Act for Doctors (CPA) remains another demand of the protestors.”

The students from Lady Hardinge Medical College (LHMC) had also organized a silent protest to advocate for enhanced safety for women in the workplace, with faculty members joining the demonstration on campus. The protest later extended beyond the college, as students from various institutions gathered at Nirman Bhavan at 2 p.m. to present their demands to the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. It was scheduled to continue on August 17th, but the government-imposed Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) restricted demonstrations to college campuses.

Read Also: Lady Shri Ram College Stages March in Solidarity with Kolkata Rape and Murder Victim

Featured Image Credits: Anonymous

Ashita Kedia 

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Lady Shri Ram College Stages March in Solidarity with Kolkata Rape and Murder Victim

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Lady Shri Ram College organised a solidarity march demanding justice and improved legislation against sexual violence. The march was organised in solidarity with the 31-year-old doctor who was brutally raped and murdered at R G Kar Medical College and Hospital in Kolkata.

On August 16th, Lady Shri Ram College for Women organised a solidarity march to honour the RG Kar victim. Posters circulated the previous night invited students to gather near the Principal’s office at 12:45 PM. At the designated time, students began their march from the Principal’s office, carrying placards with powerful messages demanding justice and calling for improved legislation. The slogans included “We want justice,” “Justice delayed is justice denied,” “Mard Padhao Beti Bachao,” and “Azadi hai par aadhi hai,” among other calls for action. 

As the students continued their march, they reached the service road near Moolchand Metro Station, where they encountered a police blockade. Unable to proceed further, they retraced their steps back to the college and assembled at the amphitheatre. The LSR  Student Union addressed the urgent issue of sexual violence in India, citing recent cases and calling special attention to cases from marginalized communities. They stressed the need for equitable justice and called on everyone to support and advocate for the safety and rights of all victims. The demonstration continued with chants and a two-minute silence for the victim and their family. 

The President of the LSR Students’ Union, Amishi Lamba, spoke to DU Beat about the solidarity march:

 “The march was more than just a gathering; it was a powerful manifestation of our collective outrage, our pain, and our demand for justice.”

 Lamba expressed that leading the march, the first at LSR in years, was both a deep responsibility and a beacon of hope. She noted that the event was not merely a response to one tragedy but a stand against the pervasive culture of violence and oppression.

“As a woman, I felt deeply compelled to address this. If I had not stood up for this issue and stood with my fellow students, I wouldn’t be able to look myself in the eyes.It was heartwarming to see our community come together, not just in anger, but in solidarity and hope.

 Lamba emphasized that the march was a call to action for all women, promising that this is only the beginning.

 “We are committed to continuing this fight, both within our campus and beyond, until every woman feels safe and respected.” 

The protest marked a significant moment for Lady Shri Ram College, showcasing the student body’s strong stance on women’s rights and their commitment to advocating for justice. This event was not only a tribute to the RG kar victim but also a powerful statement in support of all women and girls in India, emphasizing the urgent need for safety and justice.

Read Also: Hypocrisies Behind the Notions of Women’s Safety

Featured Image Credits: Parvathy K 

Khansa Saleem 

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Beyond the Fields of the Olympics: A Transcend into the Ball-Park of Humanity

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For a society that is deeply consumed and engrossed in sports and related forms of media. We often let our ideas and beliefs intrude into the fields, generating episodes of dismay and daunt. Similar appeared to be the case at the 2024 Summer Olympics.

The Paris Olympics 2024 held the stature of being much more than a multisport convention; rather, it became an event reflective of the socio-political situations and the subsequent ideas that flow in the world. Whether it was the transphobia over the internet, the staggering victories of athletes from lesser developed nations, or the unfazed participation of a convicted child rapist, Olympics’24 moved beyond the grounds of sports to a playground of humanity.

The distressing trajectory of Vinesh Phogat is probably the clearest mirror of societal undertaking that could be deduced from the sports event. From being mislabeled as ‘anti-national’ for protesting against an alleged sexual predator, to being subjected to witch hunts of media trials, she became a personification of female rage. A fury, when wronged and provoked, translates into an agitation against the wrong. Her unwavering resilience in the face of a system pulling her down was solidified, as she became the first wrestler to defeat Yui Sasaki internationally. She finally stepped her foot into the battle for the gold.

However, like most realities of female anguish, her journey witnessed an extinguishing swivel when she was disqualified, for being overweight by a meagre amount of 100 grams. The dispiriting visuals of Vinesh cutting her hair, in an attempt to lose the weight, raise a salient question about the nutritionists under the aegis of the Government of India and, therefore the inadequacy of the sports management facilities of the Country.

In a nation that should have lauded and amended their refusal to believe her words, labelled her loss as ‘karma’. A reflection of how societally, a large strata of the population is traversing towards a path of leader-worship being prioritised over nationalism.

For anyone who believes that the current generation is more accepting and broad-minded than the previous, the Olympics’24 suggested the contrary. The closeted racism and transphobia of the Gen Z came out in the open upon the victory of Imane Khelif, as the factually incorrect data of her being a transwoman was widespread on the internet. A mirror to how society readily propagates fake news, immense enough to ruin a person’s career and life, given that Imane belongs to the homophobic nation of Algeria, as long as their beliefs and ideas are supported.

To box with binaries and mislabel someone scantily because of the alleged lack of sense of femininity, shows how, despite the years past, we remain affixed to the age-old ideas of the sexes. From prominent public figures like Donald Trump, Elon Musk, and Rowling, to people amongst us posting on the gram against her, each of us becomes a perpetuator of the dismay she underwent. The netizens rushed to support Vinesh, questioning how a ‘man’ like Imane is allowed to compete while she was disqualified. They submitted to the idea of performative faux-feminism. To put down one woman, to uplift another, a subshoot to the Madonna-Whore complex.

The participation of convicted child rapist, Steven Van De Velde, depicts that while the administrative board of the Olympics might hold a disqualification over a meagre 100 grams or the alleged secularism policies that called for a hijab ban, they would allow a person who raped a 12-year-old to compete. Despite the backlash from people around the world, Van De Velde’s qualification shows that moral grounds seldom get respected and people committing crimes of colossal detestation will continue to be protected and prosper. On the contrary, those not subscribing to the societal hierarchical structure would continue to bear the brunt of crimes they didn’t commit.

The Olympics’24 also had its fair share of heartwarming moments, from Chinese gymnast Zhou Yaqin’s endearing medal-biting moment, the trifecta of the javelin throw being achieved by people of colour, or the bow to Rebeca Andrade on the historic all-people-of-colour podium of gymnastics. But Vinesh’s retirement from wrestling, the shattering impact on Imane’s esteem from a generation that boasts of their efforts for mental health, and various other fallacies outside the field of sports, largely reflect upon the flaws that we, as a society, sustain and propagate. Leading to the origination of an environment wherein alleged sportsmanship takes the backfoot, and propaganda leads the game. 

Read Also:

https://dubeat.com/2024/08/17/the-olympics-fostering-political-smokescreens/#google_vignette 

Featured Image Credits: The Economic Times

Shikhar Pathak

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Authorities Impose a Rickshaw Ban; Workers and Residents Face Adverse Effects

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Local authorities earlier this week banned two-seater e-rickshaws in areas around the University Enclave. The ban has been implemented due to an absence of number plates.


Earlier this week, local authorities imposed a ban on two-seater e-rickshaws in the University Enclave and surrounding areas, citing the absence of number plates. For people residing in Vijay Nagar, touted as the student hub of Delhi University’s North Campus, the ban came as a massive surprise and nuisance for the residents in the early hours of Monday. The students were faced with inflated fares or waiting for four-seater rickshaws due to a shortage of transportation options.

Walking helps save money, but sometimes I just don’t have the privilege of time to walk to any place. So, unfortunately, I have to shell out the extra cash, which has become a burden on my pocket, 

 

said Krithartha, a second-year student living in Vijaynagar, about his struggles as an outstation student managing this fare hike.


In conversation with DU Beat, Aslesha, a second-year student living in Kamla Nagar said,


The hike is bad, of course, and considering student areas are getting more expensive day by day, a hike in transport will severely lead to problems for students. Since there are no regulations on the hike, we do not know how far it might rise.


Students were understandably left upset due to the increased financial load due to a reduction in transportation choices for students who mainly come from middle-class backgrounds. However, the ban has affected people from all walks of life. A resident of Shakti Nagar commented,


Having lived here in this locality for over 20 years, something like this has never happened before. I have been facing issues running errands and travelling shorter distances.

 

There was a general feeling of anger amongst the residents. They question as to why the government has to wait for these things to go overboard before taking action and causing nuisance in their lives. The rickshaw pullers have been affected the most by the ban. Many lost their livelihoods out of the blue, given the abrupt nature of the ban. While speaking to DU Beat, one of the affected rickshaw pullers had to say opened up about the entire fiasco,

 

We had no choice but to hike up the price due to the abrupt nature of the ban, many of us had our e-rickshaws confiscated, and pulling a traditional rickshaw takes a massive toll on our bodies.


The loss of livelihood, the increased workload, and shortage of transport options have naturally made these Rickshaw pullers feel justified in their actions. The police, on the other hand, deny the abrupt nature of it all and tell a totally different tale. In conversation with DU Beat, a police officer from the area said,

 

Do not fall for what these Rickshaw pullers tell you. The ban has been in place forever, it might just be a case of stricter implementation in recent days.


While the repercussions have been felt throughout, one section perhaps might suffer more than most – the women. Delhi, to no one’s surprise, is unsafe for women and has been for many years. It is especially during the night hours, when most are returning from work or their colleges. The lack of transportation options only makes them more vulnerable.


Going via auto – rickshaws can be weird at times, with the driver often trying too hard to persuade you into his ride. The guys that you often end up sharing seats with try to sit closer to you, even when there are empty seats,

shared Mrigakshi, a student from Vijay Nagar, on her experiences in autos, often shared with a bunch of men.


Women have already had horrible experiences, particularly late at night, and the reduction in the number of transportation choices at their disposal or the ease of access to them only worsens the case. The recent rickshaw ban in areas like Vijay Nagar and Shakti Nagar might seem minor on the surface but have broader implications for almost everyone involved, some at risk of a loss of livelihood whilst others being put in precarious situations.

 

Read Also: https://dubeat.com/2016/04/29/the-e-rickshaw-phenomenon-in-north-campus/ 

 

Featured Image Credits: Vanya for DU Beat

 

Yash Raj

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Was the Supreme Court Ruling on Sub-Classifications of SCs and STs Long Overdue?

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On 1 August 2024, the Supreme Court of India came through with a landmark judgement. The judgement makes sub-classification with the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes permissible, an issue that had been a matter of contention for a while.



The Supreme Court of India, on 1 August 2024, permitted states to create sub-classifications within SC and ST categories to offer wider protections to the most backward within these communities. The bench led by CJI Chandrachud reframed how the reservations may operate for the first time since 1950.  

 

India has historically been a place with rampant discrimination, infamously home to the hierarchical division of the Varna system. As is a secret to nobody, the Shudras placed at the bottom of the hierarchy were exploited by the rest, i.e., the Brahmans, the Kshatriyas, and the Vaishyas. This exploitation and social exclusion of the lower castes continued into the modern era, with social practices like untouchability being very prevalent in Indian society. It was in this grim socio-cultural environment that the constitution makers of India, with B.R. Ambedkar, being a Dalit himself, made the upliftment and protection of lower castes and tribes a priority. They did so by introducing reservations, which would guarantee a share of representation for these often socially deprived and neglected communities in institutional and lawmaking positions, as well as providing them with an adequate livelihood.


Reservation overtime has had adverse effects in various dimensions, in both positive and negative senses of the word. Some benefitted greatly from these newly introduced safeguards, while others were further pushed to the periphery by those at the apex within their communities. The uplifted ones, having gained emancipation from socio-economic exploitation, held on to these reservations, keeping them away from others, much more marginalised within those communities who could benefit more from reservations. It’s hard to imagine one giving up their privileges if it keeps on benefiting them, precisely the case present here.



However, the watershed moment turned out to be the ‘Indira Sawhney vs. the Union of the India case,’ which brought about the principle of the creamy layer or the exclusion of the economically well-off sections from reservation in 1992. This was, however, only applicable to the Other Backward Classes (OBC), and the SC-ST communities were left unaffected by the ruling due to them being deemed a homogeneous group. There have been a number of cases over the years trying to overturn the decision, notable ones being the EV Chinnah vs. State of Andhra and the Punjab vs. Davinder Singh cases. These attempts ultimately turned out to be unsuccessful on the grounds of homogeneity.


This was all to change on 1 August 2024 with a 7 judge bench ruling with a majority of 6-1 in favour of sub-classification and the introduction of creamy layer amongst the SC-ST.


Sub-classification does not violate the principle of equality enshrined under Article 14 of our constitution.

These were the words of CJI Chandrachud, who led the bench that delivered the historic judgement on Thursday. A great deal of emphasis was put on empirical data and facts to identify and exclude the deemed necessary.


There have naturally been protests and a great deal of civil unrest, albeit very expected. It’s often tough to come to terms with giving up your privileges, even if it’s for the greater social good. The reality of representation of these communities often ends up being a farce and is none more evident than in educational spaces, with the same old privileged bunch filling up the “representation quota,” which when all is said and done takes us nowhere. The ones at the apex often end up in positions of power and shape policies that end up being very one-dimensional, helping the already rich and pushing the already backwards even further into the periphery of social neglect.


Classifying these communities with empirical data and a looming census would allow the lawmakers a great deal of flexibility in shaping laws, taking into account the needs of the various stratas of our populace. In a nation with as much rampant and normalised discrimination as India, with certain social backgrounds. Case in point, “Biharis,”  having been given derogatory connotations, which as a society we should be ashamed of, it becomes a necessity that more is done to uplift the ones who actually are in need of it. Otherwise, we are going to be running in circles, going nowhere, and end up with the same sections in positions of power and stagnating the Indian society in the process, leaving us with a morally corrupt social psyche and an incompetent system. It’s almost as if not classifying would leave us with a society more homogeneous in educational spaces and positions of power than it already is.

 

Read also: SC Takes Up RG Kar Case Amidst Medical Community’s Outcry for Justice

Featured Images credits: PTI

Yash Raj

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Are internships the solution to India’s jobs crisis?

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Finance Minister Nirmala Sitaraman presented the Union Budget 2024 on July 23. After reducing the allocation to higher education by over Rs 9000 Crores, the Government announced an internship scheme for vast unemployed youth. With a stipend below minimum wage, this scheme feels more like a consolation prize.

The Union Budget 2024 paid more heed than usual to skill development to create an employable youth. Thus, the centre rolled out a new voluntary internship scheme for the leading 500 Indian companies to skill one crore youth over five years. It targets those between the ages 21-24 who are neither employed nor in full-time education. However, individuals who have graduated from IITs, IIMs, IISER, CA or CMA are not eligible to apply under this scheme. 

The government will subsidise the program, covering most costs, with organisations required to contribute from their CSR funds. Through this scheme, the government aims to inculcate valuable job-market skills beyond the classroom, and makes it mandatory for an organisation to provide an intern with an actual working experience, inculcating industry-specific skills. 

The scheme offers a generous stipend of Rs. 5000 monthly for a period of 12 months. That’s Rs. 150 per day – below the minimum wage. So who exactly is benefitting in this economy? Such a minimal stipend already excludes a major portion of the student population who, owing to their financial conditions, cannot commit to such a program for a long duration. The “unpaid internships industry”  which pays in experience, already does enough to exclude this section of society. Thus, this scheme does little to alter the status quo. However, the government certainly wishes for us to look at it with rose-tinted glasses, and count our blessings.

The one major problem in all of this is that the internship scheme caters individuals in their early twenties, who also happen to not be full-time students. Why would a 21-year-old college graduate, who isn’t a part of the workforce, be asked to work below minimum wage? Is the Finance Minister indirectly acknowledging the state of the Indian economy which makes such a scheme plausible? 

The fact is that students usually look for internships to upskill themselves and gain valuable experience before they graduate and enter the corporate world, or go for professional courses like an MBA. Furthermore, students who are passionate about research and academia, and wish to build a career in the same, are always on the lookout for opportunities (paid or unpaid) which provide them a conducive learning environment beyond their classrooms. This internship scheme in particular, offers nothing to either group.  

Students have also expressed mixed feelings about the scheme, 

I appreciate the fact that the government is acknowledging that the industry requirements and our academic curriculum don’t really match, thus raising the need for a practical exposure before students enter the job market. Having said that, I am still sceptical about the eligibility for the same. The targeted age of 21-24 is one where individuals usually graduate, and the scheme also excludes students from reputed organisations like IITs and IIMs, apart from those who have done professional courses like CA, CMA, etc. Furthermore, any of the individual’s family members should not be a government employee or assessed to the income tax department. All of this makes the scheme ‘segment specific’. The eligibility criteria in itself limits the extent of the scheme, by reducing the number of beneficiaries who will actually be impacted by this. I would say that it’s just a sham,

comments Rachit Gupta, a second year Economics student at Hindu College. 

On the flip side, the centre has significantly reduced the budget allocation to the education sector by over Rs 9000 crore. While, allocation to school education has been increased, the higher education grant has been slashed significantly. From Rs. 1.29 lakh crore in 2023-24 to Rs. 1.20 lakh crore allocation to the Ministry of Education in 2024-25. In particular, IITs and IIMs face a marginal dip compared to the past year. With the declining state of academia in our country, the Union Government’s expectation that a reduced budget allocation to the education sector will be balanced out by a consolatory internship scheme, there’s little hope for true acknowledgement of the jobs crisis in India. 

In light of this, the internship scheme comes off as a consolation prize at best, and a poor attempt at diverting the attention from rightful criticisms of  the budget, to a glammed-up sham, at worst! 

Image Credits: Newslaundry

Gauri Garg

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Three Civil Services Aspirants Die Due to Flooding at Coaching Center

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Three civil services aspirants tragically died when the basement of a Delhi coaching centre flooded during heavy rains, highlighting serious safety and infrastructure problems.

On July 27th, three civil services aspirants lost their lives after the basement of a coaching centre flooded during heavy rainfall. The incident occurred at Rau’s IAS Study Circle in Old Rajinder Nagar, a well-known hub for civil services preparation. The victims, identified as Shreya Yadav from Ambedkar Nagar, Uttar Pradesh, Tanya Soni from Telangana, and Navin Dalwin from Ernakulam, Kerala, were all young aspirants aged between 25 and 30. 

The incident took place around 6:30 PM when torrential rains flooded the basement of the coaching centre, which was illegally being used as a library. Despite the heavy downpour, the students were studying in the basement, unaware of the impending danger. The floodwaters quickly filled the room, leaving the students with no means of escape. The tragedy has shocked the local community and has raised serious questions about the safety protocols and infrastructure standards in the area.

In response to the incident, a night-long protest was organised by other UPSC aspirants, demanding immediate action and accountability from the authorities. The students expressed their frustration over the lack of safety measures and the apparent negligence that led to the fatal incident.

 “It’s heartbreaking to lose our fellow aspirants in such a tragic way. We trust these coaching centres with our safety, and what happened betrayed that trust,” 

said an anonymous student. 

The Delhi Police quickly took action by arresting the owner and coordinator of the coaching center. According to Delhi Fire Service chief Atul Garg, the facility had been granted a no-objection certificate (NOC) on the condition that the basement would only be used as a storeroom. However, the management violated this condition by using the basement as a library.

 “The use of the basement as a classroom or library was a clear violation of the NOC. This negligence has led to a tragic loss of young lives,” 

Garg stated.

In the aftermath of the incident, Delhi Revenue Minister Atishi announced an inquiry to investigate the circumstances leading to the tragedy. The probe will examine whether there were lapses in adhering to safety regulations and if the flooding could have been prevented with better infrastructure management. Meanwhile, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leaders have criticised the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government, accusing it of negligence for failing to address the chronic drainage issues plaguing the capital. As of now, the Municipal Corporation of Delhi has sealed the basement of  13 other civil services coaching centres. 

The incident is not just an isolated tragedy but reflects a broader issue of inadequate infrastructure and safety standards in educational institutions across the country. Delhi, being a prime destination for students from all over India, especially for competitive exam preparation, has numerous coaching centres. However, many of these centres operate in cramped and unsafe buildings, often flouting safety norms. This incident has brought to light the urgent need for stricter enforcement of building codes and regular inspections to ensure the safety of students.

The lack of proper drainage systems and infrastructure maintenance in Delhi is another critical issue that needs addressing. The capital has long struggled with waterlogging during the monsoon season, causing significant disruption and posing safety hazards. The flooding at Rau’s IAS Study Circle is a stark reminder of the consequences of neglecting urban infrastructure and disaster preparedness.

Read Also: Shaheed Bhagat Singh College inaugurates newly-constructed infrastructure.

Featured image credits: BusinessToday

Lakshita Arora

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New criminal codes: Modern Rendition of Colonial Laws?

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The Parliament passed the Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita on July 1, replacing the long-standing colonial criminal laws. While they bring an array of much needed changes to the criminal justice system, they have been rightfully criticised for retaining Victorian ideals of gender justice. So where do these laws find themselves in “Naya Bharat”?

 

These laws are made by Indians, for Indians and by an Indian Parliament and marks the end of colonial criminal justice laws,

said Union Minister Amit Shah. Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita, the official Criminal Code, replaced the dated Indian Penal Code (1860). The new criminal laws boast of prioritising justice dispension, as opposed to penal action, according to him. 

 

Many overlapping sections have been merged and simplified, with 358 in BNS against 511 in IPC, along with each section being defined expansively to make the laws accessible and improve law enforcement. Furthermore, under the new laws, an individual can now report incidents through electronic communication, without needing to enter a police station. This allows for efficient reporting, facilitating prompt action by the police. With the introduction of Zero FIR, a person can file a First Information Report (FIR) at any police station, regardless of jurisdiction. This eliminates delays in initiating legal proceedings. An interesting addition to the law is that in the event of an arrest, the individual has the right to inform a person of his choice about their situation. This will ensure immediate assistance to the arrested.

 

Besides, arrest details will now be prominently displayed within police stations and district headquarters, allowing families and friends of the incarcerated, easy access to important information. To strengthen cases and investigations, it has become mandatory for forensic experts to visit crime scenes of serious offences and collect evidence. Furthermore, judgement in criminal cases has to come within 45 days of completion of trial and charges must be framed within 60 days of the first hearing.

 

While these are needed and plausible provisions, will India’s judicial system which is already reeling from a backlog of cases and inadequate dispensation of justice, be able to efficiently implement them? 

 

The case for sedition: The biggest grey area

 

In an attempt to decolonise the legal justice system, BNS comes forth as just a rendition of the very idea it wished to replace. By expanding powers of the state and the police, BNS retains offences grounded in archaic morality, similar to that of the colonial set up.  It widens the penal network through broad but stringent and vaguely-defined offences, thus strengthening the state’s resolve of power over the citizen. 

 

Section 124A of the IPC titled, “Offences Against the State”, includes the offence of sedition. Section 152 of BNS,  mimics the IPC section with a few changes, only the offence of sedition has been replaced with, ‘‘an act endangering sovereignty, unity and integrity of India.”

 

While the former focuses on activities that incite hatred, contempt or disaffection towards the government, the latter penalises activities that excite “subversive activities” or encourage “feelings of separatist activities” or endanger the “sovereignty or unity and integrity of India”. But BNS does not explicitly state what constitutes either of these. 

 

In the case of Kedar Nath Singh vs State Of Bihar (1962), the court limited the extent of the IPC section to only “speech that poses an imminent threat to public order”, to safeguard citizens’ freedom of speech guaranteed under the Constitution. Since the implementation of BNS, the court’s decision on the IPC sections are no longer applicable. Hence, the scope of section 152 of BNS remains  unclear. 

 

The Union Government has clarified that BNS no longer criminalises sedition, but criminalises treason, and criticising the Government is no longer an offence. But broadly defined provisions of the BNS empower law enforcement agencies to detain individuals based on an ambiguous law.

 

Similarly, section 197 of BNS, which includes provisions on fake news, states that whoever makes or publishes false or misleading information, jeopardising the sovereignty, unity and integrity or security of India – shall be punished with imprisonment which may extend to three years, is another vaguely-defined provision. 

 

A man in Uttar Pradesh’s Bhadohi was arrested and booked for imputations and assertions prejudicial to national integration under section 197 – his offence, waving a Palestinian flag during a Muharram procession.  According to the police, in a report by The Indian Express, the incident could create feelings of hatred and animosity among the public.

 

Punishment of Sexual Offences: What about marital rape?

 

According to colonial notions of morality, husbands are exempt from the crime of rape, which was reflected under section 375, which stated, “sexual acts or sexual intercourse by a man with his own wife…is not rape.” Despite widespread criticism, the BNS has retained these regressive and patriarchal values in Section 63. Although, the age of consent of a married woman has been raised to 18 from 15. 

 

While the MRE (Marital Rape Exception) was overturned in England through a judgment in 1991, it has been retained in BNS.  However, there have been several attempts to overturn the MRE in the past. In 2013, the Justice Verma Committee had recommended its repeal, but the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs rejected the recommendation – on the grounds  that “the entire family system will be under great stress.” Similarly in May 2022, Delhi High Court delivered a split judgement, with one Justice striking down the MRE as unconstitutional due to its denial of bodily autonomy and agency of married women, while the other conceded that often, consent is given for sexual intercourse though will may not exist. “The state should not interfere with privacy within a marital relationship”, he had stated.

 

The constitutional validity of the MRE is currently pending before the Supreme Court through a batch of petitions. But BNS, a supposedly decolonised legislation, continues to uphold the unfortunate colonial mentality of attacking a woman’s bodily autonomy through stringent social union that is marriage, apparently even above a country’s laws, making the husband as the sole owner of his wife’s body. 

 

Furthermore, BNS’s assumption that a man can’t be raped, reinforces the colonial ideas, particularly excluding queer men, who often face sexual abuse. 

What about protection of queer people against sexual offences?

 

Sections 63 to 71 of BNS pertain to types of rape, but there is no reference to transgender people. BNS omits section 377, which criminalised same sex relationships, with that provision being repealed in 2018 in the landmark Navtej Singh Johar case (2018). But the section also criminalised non-consensual sex between adults of all genders and orientations, as well as sexual offences against animals. Despite a Parliamentary Committee’s recommendation to retain these provisions, the new Bill omits them, making the rape of men, transgender individuals, and animals non-offences.

 

National Crimes Record Bureau (NCRB) of India recorded 826 cases under IPC Section 377 in 2020 and 955 cases in 2021. Despite this, these crimes often go under-reported due to social stigma or mishandling by police officials. However, there is a scope to register an FIR under section 75 of the the BNS which covers sexual harassment but is gender neutral.

 

According to a report by The Hindu, there is a possibility that BNS may be amended to incorporate a section about sexual violence against men and transgender people. Tansgender people in particular after often more vulnerable to sexual abuse in domestice settings or prisons. Till the time that amendment is brought about, charges of wrongful confinement or physical hurt might be applied to such cases. However, at present, there is no appropriate provision to deal with cases of sexual violence and offers survivors no recourse to seek justice, leaving their protection hanging by a thread. 

 

Sexual minorities in India are a particularly vulnerable group, with the Supreme Court recognising in the judgement on marriage equality petitions that they require legal, social and systemic protections. But does modern India’s supposed decolonised extension of a colonial law offer this recourse to the queer community? Unfortunately it does not, leaving an already vulnerable section of the Indian society, with no legal redressal. 

 

Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita, in its quest to decolonise and modernise the Indian legal system, has left many in the shadows of justice. Focusing more on the nature of the criminal act, there seems to be no scope for the people. Vaguely defined criminal laws, non-recognition of marital rape, no redressal for the queer community, and many more grey areas and missed opportunities. This decolonised law essentially establishes itself as an Indianised version of its Victorian past. 

 

Read Also: https://dubeat.com/2020/03/15/crushing-dissent-aaya-police/

Featured Image Credits: Deccan Herald

 

Gauri Garg

[email protected]

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Campus Central

Shaheed Bhagat Singh College inaugurates newly-constructed infrastructure.

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SBSC inaugurated the new infrastructure under principal Prof. Atree to enhance the college’s facilities and support the academic needs of its students. 

On 22 July 2024, Shaheed Bhagat Singh College celebrated the inauguration of its new infrastructure under Principal Prof. Arun Kumar Attree. The event was joined by Delhi University’s Vice Chancellor Prof. Yogesh Singh as the Chief Guest, Prof. Shri Prakash, Director South Campus, Prof. Balram Pani, Dean of Colleges, and Dr. Vikas Gupta, Registrar, along with the faculty members, students, and invited guests. 

The infrastructural  additions include multiple air-conditioned classrooms equipped with smartboards, multipurpose halls, and sports blocks. With this initiative, the college is aiming for greater engagement and academic achievement. The college hopes to offer students access to the latest tools and materials necessary for their academic development by incorporating technology and resources.  In conversation with DU Beat, Prof. Attree shares his take on infrastructure and the NEP, 

“No academic institution can grow academically without the support of the infrastructure. So, infrastructure is the basic thing that one should provide. It is the responsibility of every administrator that they work on the infrastructure. But I feel that providing infrastructure to the students and the teachers is the first responsibility, and in fact, the institutions exist first for the students. So, in this step, definitely we are all going to support the NEP.”

Inadequate funding to colleges has always been one of the primary concerns of all faculty members across DU. The issue comes to light, especially with the ongoing problems in funding and governance of 12 DU colleges by the state government. Most recently, such shortages were noted during the summer semester exams, where many students were taking exams during the heatwave. 

Attree adds on the role of infrastructure: 

“As I have already mentioned, infrastructure is the basic thing that provides the platform where the students can explore their true potential. Students want to come to the college, but when they see that the classes, benches, board, etc. are in bad condition, they are discouraged. It’s like you send a soldier on the war front and you say that you don’t have the weapon. So you have to provide that infrastructural support. Infrastructure helps in creating an ecosystem, an academic environment where everybody wants to come and learn.”

 The earlier additions to the college such as water coolers during the peak summer time had raised the students’ expectations only to be shattered by the news of lizard infestation in the coolers due to poor maintenance. Therefore, the new infrastructure and the principal’s address have received a lukewarm response from the students. 

 Recognising skill enhancement as one of the key elements for his plans regarding SBSC in the coming months, Atttree shares, 

 “There is a skill development centre that we already have in the college, and there is a career development centre also. And in the next three months, we are going to start a project where there will be a bakery, where the students will learn how to bake, and students will learn how to do editing and digital marketing.”

Attree has been infamous in the news for starting the harsh attendance policy among DU colleges. In conversation with DU Beat, he further states his reasons behind the policy, 

 “A student pays 15,000-17,000 rupees per week. And do you have an estimate of how much the government spends on a student? The government spends around 2 lakh rupees per annum on a student, and the student is paying 15,000-17,000. If in a class, if 60 students are there and only 20 students are coming, 40 students, those who are not coming, it is a loss to the government of India. There are students, those who could have availed of these opportunities. 

Attree also talked about policies adopted in SBSC to help the students. SBSC mandates all its professors to notify students 48 hours prior regarding the cancellation of lectures, along with strict punctuality.

Vice-chancellor Yogesh Singh who was also present at the event weighed in on his views about student activism and journalism, 

“ We need patriotic journalists who understand the problems of our country and then provide the right kind of perspective. Positive criticism is fine but we should not create unnecessary confusion and chaos. We are all sons and daughters of this country and we must work in the direction of PM’s Viksit Bharat by 2047’’ 

Singh also downright denied the allegation regarding the commercialisation of education under  NEP and expressed his views in the following statement, 

“We are in the third year of implementation of NEP, many good things are happening but the results will come after a few years because this period involves investment and guidance in the proper direction” 

However, the current state of most DU colleges suggests otherwise. Roof collapses, and unsanitary canteens among other issues have become routine news for students. The existing infrastructure in most colleges barely supports the needs of the students’ core disciplines, let alone support newer courses under NEP. The New Education Policy has received criticism from both student and teacher bodies due to its unplanned and hasty implementation and minimal guidelines from the University about its proper framework.  

Featured Image Credits: Madhur for DU Beat

DU Beat

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