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University of Delhi’s Postgraduate Fee Hike Under Fire: Protests Erupt

By DU Beat June 29, 2024

Delhi University’s postgraduate courses’ fees skyrocketed after a steady climb over the last few years, right after the 46% annual fee hike announced last year. The Student’s Federation of India (SFI) organised a protest at the Arts Faculty on June 27, 2024, against the inhuman hike in fees that has been implemented across courses from Bachelors through Doctorate programs.

Amidst controversies about Delhi University’s alignment with the ruling party and its consequent reflection in the University’s alleged negligence towards a larger goal of education, its students among minorities and its relatively indiscreet partisanism, questions about the University’s financial framework have surfaced. Over the last two years, the University has experienced mammoth hikes in annual fees, including a 46% increase announced last year, a prodigious 1100% hike in PhD course fees and a further increase in the already high fees of Postgraduate courses.

The English Department at both the PhD and M.A. levels has noticed a notoriously exorbitant hike, compared to other departments where the hike has not surpassed an amount of Rs. 2000. The PhD course has seen an increase to Rs. 23,968 from Rs. 1,932 last year, which was revised to Rs. 17,118 after protests. While Delhi University South Campus Director Shriprakash Singh opines that the fee has been “rationalised” and that they have not received any complaints from the students, DU faculty member and secretary of the Democratic Teachers Front, Abha Dev Habib, took to social media to express her strong disapproval of the mandate and that “the revision is not satisfactory.” Similarly, for the postgraduate courses in the English Department, the fees have been raised from an already hefty Rs. 15,000 in the academic year 2022-25 to Rs. 25,000 in the academic year 2024-26.

In light of the brutal fee hikes and its grim ramifications for the majority of the student demographic at the varsity, the SFI unit of Delhi University called for a protest on the 27th of June at the Arts Faculty in the North Campus of the university, agitating against, what they term the “arbitrary and whimsical” hikes. It released a statement on Instagram condemning the silence and “the inaction of ABVP-led DUSU, for their lack of accountability and failure to address student concerns”. The slogan “fee must fall”, popularised during the protests against the fee hike at Jawaharlal Nehru University, reverberated in the captions of the Instagram post, with concerned and targeted students expressing solidarity with the sentiment of SFI.

I’m a PhD scholar at Delhi University. I took my admission in October 2023. Where my seniors had to pay a thousand-four hundred, I had to pay twenty-four thousand”, a PhD scholar was recorded saying by the SFI organisers at the protest. Another lamented, “For my graduation, my fees were 13,000. When I speak to my juniors now, I discover that you will find no college with fees below the margin of 21,000.

While the University is torn apart under a regime characterised by a tumultuous power-politik and unaffordable fee structures throughout educational institutions that follow the NEP course framework, students continue to voice the injustice they face across various campuses of Delhi University.

Featured Image Credits : SFI Delhi Instagram Page

Aayudh Pramanik

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The Clock is Ticking for India’s Education System, What’s Next?

By DU Beat June 29, 2024

In the aftermath of the Lok Sabha Elections, the nation stands shook by the NEET and UGC-NET paper leaks. Besides, privatisation of public education and saffronisation of the curriculum were major issues that were raised recurrently throughout the decade. While the present diaspora signals towards a supposedly balanced Lok Sabha with the Opposition winning close to majority seats, is there any positive hope for the future of public education in India?

June 4, 2024, allegedly invited a new ray of hope for Indian democracy. Netizens chanted, ‘Democracy is back!’, the opposition rejoiced with a near majority, and a sliver ray of hope was projected for the upcoming 5 years. Studio-pandits dominated television screens with their expertise upon a more balanced parliamentary representation- with the INDIA Alliance thundering at nearly 230 seats, and the Congress owning 99 of them. ‘A balanced Parliament will keep the Modi Goliath in check’, was the unanimous declaration. ‘Economic measures will be balanced out further with GST in check!’, ‘Hindutva politics will be in check!’, ‘The Constitution is safe and it will be hard to pass the UCC (Uniform Civil Code) with a strong opposition!’, Twitteratis declared.

However, through all the discussions about the potential action-plan of ‘Modi 3.0’, there was one particular sector that was left out- Public Education, the same ministry that is now facing major hit-backs 15 days into ‘Modi 3.0’.

On June 24, as the 18th Lok Sabha launched its functioning, Opposition ministers were witnessed to chant ‘NEET! Shame!’ as the Education Minister, Dharmendra Pradhan, walked towards the podium to undertake his oath for the newly-formed Government. While student protests asking for ‘RE-NEET’ and a CBI probe into the paper leak overtook the streets of New Delhi and across India, the future of 24 lakh medical aspirants lies uncertain in the hands of a government averse to the concerns of national education previously.

When it comes to the Modi report card in terms of public education in India, the sector has undergone significant tinkering in terms of rewriting NCERT textbooks and introduction of the National Education Policy 2020; the government has failed to look into the administrative and managerial failures to implement such measures and policies within most government-run schools. With rising summer temperatures across the subcontinent and the atrocity of climate change, the education sector is on the verge of suffering yet another setback- potential dropouts and absenteeism by students due to lack of air-conditioning or functional fans in government-run schools and colleges giving rise to miserable environments which are not conducive for learning. An instance worth mentioning is the May-term examinations conducted by Delhi University amidst scorching 50 degrees Celsius.

When it comes to investment in public education, the government’s ambitious National Education Policy promised a whopping 6% of GDP by 2020. However, as per a report by Scroll.in, expenditure pertaining to education counts at 2.8% of GDP in 2019-20, and a marginal increase to 3.1% in 2022. Contrastingly, the BJP’s 2014 manifesto claimed that, “investment in education yields the best dividend.” However, the ruling party’s words have hardly aligned with their actions. Another report by Scroll.in draws upon the comparison that between 2004-24, the Congress-led Union Government invested nearly 0.61% of the GDP annually towards education. On the other hand, between 2014-24, the number significantly reduced to 0.44% of the GDP annually.

Simultaneously, the National Education Policy of 2020, introduced by the Modi government has also faced several criticisms. Several critics, student activists from the left-bloc and academicians claim that NEP has fuelled the privatisation of public education through exorbitant fee hikes, which makes it less inclusive for the economically-marginalized. Numerous exit options open doors for candidates to drop out of college much more easily. While NEP aims towards digital enhancement of classrooms- several academic institutions in India lack basic infrastructure to implement the same- several schools and colleges even lack facilities like proper hygienic washrooms and water-filters.

Under the guise of “syllabus rationalisation”, the country has witnessed its school textbooks being rewritten, its history reshaped to give birth to a ‘monocultural narrative’ at the expense of India’s multiculturalism. While school textbooks are crucial for the construction of a ‘civilizational memory’, underfunding and budget cuts in public schools hamper the development of human capital and the long-term growth of the nation.

Since 2017, the NCERT has undergone significant changes in its curriculum, all of which were passed against a weak-opposition in the House. Several instances such as the exclusion of the Mughal era from Class 12 history textbooks, removal of texts on the caste system, social movements, brief ban of the RSS post-independence and Gandhi’s unpopularity with Hindu extremists, were observed in 2022. Furthermore, in 2023, Charles Darwin’s Theory of Evolution was excluded from the curriculum as well.

Post the Lok Sabha election of 2024, the NCERT took another move towards removing any mentions of the Babri Masjid and swapped it with the phrase, “three-domed structure”. Such omissions in the curriculum were justified with fervour by BJP MPs later.

In 2022, BJP leader, Kapil Mishra explained the exclusion of the Mughal era from the syllabus alleging that “thieves” were referred to as the “Mughal rulers” and this initiative of reshaping the curriculum will “shine light on the truth.” Similarly, on being questioned about the removal of the mention of the Babri Masjid from textbooks, NCERT Director, Dinesh Prasad opines that, “teaching about riots in school textbooks can create violent, depressed citizens.” On the other hand, several critics and netizens claim that reshaping historical narratives is a convenient way to “whitewash the Ayodhya dispute.” However, it is not difficult to point out that the changes undergone by the NCERT in recent years reflect a strong saffronized stance- an alleged BJP-led government move to eliminate text that challenges the Hindutva worldview.

While curriculum-reshaping and a lack of basic infrastructure hamper public schools in the country, the BJP manifesto had promised to bridge the digital divide persisting within the country. The online-education era propelled by the COVID-19 pandemic showed that students had scant access to digital devices and the internet. Moreover, the pandemic-era led to major learning losses that are yet to be addressed.

The Modi government has not fared well through the decade when it comes to funding higher-education institutions as well. The Government changed the mode of financing from grants to loans for such institutions, which consequently caused central institutions struggle to repay loans and in turn pressurise their administration to increase fees or compromise upon other aspects of education. The BJP-majority government also rolled out a scheme to identify 50 ‘Institutes of Eminence’ by 2019 and develop them into world-class universities. However, the said-scheme has slobbered and only 20 institutions have been identified till now.

When it comes to affirmative action, the government introduced a 10% reservation for economically-backward classes and directed public institutions to increase their seats for the same. However, several institutions lacked classroom infrastructure to intake students above the usual capacity. Casteism runs rampant to this day on academic campuses. In December 2023, the Education Minister replied to a question in the Lok Sabha that, “In the preceding five years, 2622 STs, 2424 SCs, and 4596 OBC students dropped out of central universities.” This paints an ugly picture of the caste discrimination that bleeds through the country even today.

Moreover, in another attack on minorities, the government withdrew the Maulana Azad Fellowship for Muslim students and even excluded students from humanities background from the National Overseas Scholarship intended for students from marginalized backgrounds.

Besides, the education domain from 2014-24 witnessed the maximum number of student protests- with student political parties and youth wings like AISA, SFI, and NSUI holding rallies and marches against the Gaza War, Saffronisation, NEP, fee hikes, and hostel infrastructure for women, to ABVP joining protests related to the NEET 2024 paper leak.

Out of the endless issues that have been raised with the Modi Government’s decade of “revamping Indian education,” the most pertinent of these remains the display of religiosity in otherwise secular campus spaces. From the Hijab ban that proved to be a litmus test for democratic secular values to the Ayodhya Consecration ceremony that was widely celebrated with ‘hawans’ and ‘bhandaras’ across academic institutions, there have been monocultural biases when it comes to regulations upon displays of religiosity within learning spaces. This needs the state to create a healthy balance between the sanctity of secular educational spaces and the individual right to religious expression. However, with the widespread saffronisation of education across the country, rewriting textbooks and faculty displacements, the BJP’s attack on public education reflects an ethno-cultural majoritarian election agenda.

Moreover, several attempts have been made to document mass-faculty displacements in public colleges, with highly-qualified teachers being fired despite years of experience due to ideological and other pertinent differences; the faculty displacement within the Sociology department of IPCW in 2023 and Ramjas’ English Department in the same year are noteworthy instances. This has led to widespread agitation amongst students who were afraid to speak out amidst stringent suppressive measures taken by the administration of the respective colleges.

While the administrative, managerial and intellectual architecture of the Indian education system is being rapidly eroded by aggressive saffron policies, one can only hope that a healthy Opposition granted by the 18th Lok Sabha elections can voice the concerns of the students. Meanwhile, the NEET-fiasco has dug out the deeply disturbed state of testing agencies and the ignorance of the education ministry to preserve the sanctity of public education.

In such circumstances, one can only hope student protests aren’t curbed, the sanctity of investigation bureaus is maintained and opposing voices are respected within the state as a crucial part of the democratic mechanism rather than being equated with the ‘anti-national’ tag. India’s public education system is a ticking time-bomb. It is only a matter of time before it explodes and rubs out the sanctity of what we call India itself.

Featured Image Credits: Cartoonist Satish Acharya

Priyanka Mukherjee

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Delhi University to Introduce Biannual Admissions Next Year

By DU Beat June 17, 2024

In a significant change to its admissions process, Delhi University has now decided to implement a twice-a-year admission system for selected courses starting from the next academic session.

The University Grants Commission (UGC) has announced a significant decision starting from the academic year 2024–25, wherein colleges and universities in India will be able to offer admissions twice a year. This change will allow institutions to run two academic sessions annually instead of one, enabling them to admit students biannually, according to the commission’s chairperson, M. Jagadesh Kumar, on Tuesday.

Currently, universities and colleges admit students annually, typically in July-August, for the regular mode. However, following the UGC decision announced on Tuesday, institutions will now have the option to admit students twice a year: once in January-February and in July-August.

Delhi University has decided to introduce a twice-a-year admission system starting from the next academic session, beginning with a pilot project for selected courses, Vice-Chancellor Yogesh Singh informed PTI. Singh commented,

This is a positive initiative by the UGC for the benefit of students. However, achieving full implementation will take time due to the need for additional infrastructure to accommodate the increased number of students.

This decision, as per Jagadesh Kumar, aims to enhance flexibility for both institutions and students, addressing diverse academic and logistical requirements. Additionally, introducing dual admission cycles offers students who miss the traditional intake period another chance to enroll promptly, avoiding a year-long wait.

The UGC’s decision grants institutions autonomy to choose between adopting both admission cycles or sticking to just one. However, concerns have been raised regarding issues such as infrastructure readiness, faculty availability, flexibility in implementation, and the need for clearer guidelines.

“Do I need to take CUET again?”

Anika, a 19-year-old aspiring to pursue a B.A. (Hons.) in English at Delhi University this year, voices her concern over the ambiguous guidelines regarding biannual admissions:

There are no clear guidelines on whether the CUET will be conducted twice a year or not. There is currently no guidance on the admission process for the January cycle.

“DU Cannot Accommodate.”

Shambhavi, a 20-year-old student at Delhi University, voices apprehensions regarding the university’s infrastructure readiness to handle two batches per year. She points out:

Every day, there are concerns about the accessibility of DU hostels to a larger number of students, particularly since some colleges lack hostels altogether. Given the current limitations in facilities at DU, including classrooms and hostels that can barely accommodate a handful of students, it is evident that the university is ill-prepared for two intake cycles.”

Teachers have also voiced their concerns, describing the announcement as “confusing” and noting it was made without engaging in “conversation” with stakeholders.

“Concerns Over System Alignment and Feasibility”

As per the reports, Debraj Mookerjee, associate professor of English at Delhi University’s Ramjas College, said,

These changes have to emerge out of a conversation; they can’t just come out because you want to be part of the American system. Forget feasibility; the university is already hamstrung by two exams; the NEP has seven exams. I don’t know what he is trying to say. In India, there is a calendar. How does one switch from that? The American system is compartmentalized; there is no concept of first year, second year, or third year, unlike here.”

“Admission and Teaching Delays, Again.”

As per the reports, Moushumi Basu, President of the JNU Teachers’ Association (JNUTA), expressed concerns over the impact of delayed entrance examinations conducted by the NTA on the academic calendars of universities like JNU. She remarked,

The university struggles to manage the process once—how can they contemplate doing it twice? The UGC, in proposing such recommendations, appears to have insufficiently considered the practical challenges at ground level.”

Utkarsh, a third-year undergraduate student at Moti Lal Nehru College, raises concerns about the potential impact on teaching quality if admissions are conducted twice a year.

DU already takes a long time to wrap up everything, which greatly affects syllabus completion and teaching. There are occasions when we struggle to cover the entire syllabus. We are uncertain how they plan to streamline this process.”

“Amity’s VC flags alignment and infrastructural concerns.”

According to Hindustan Times reports, Balvinder Shukla, Vice Chancellor of Amity University, welcomed the initiative but voiced concerns about whether Indian institutions have sufficient infrastructure to support two admission cycles.

There are a lot of things to consider before jumping into a decision. Moreover, school academic sessions and the beginning of college admissions are aligned in a certain way. There is a possibility that applications during the January cycle will be very low,”

– Shukla said.

“I might get another chance.”

While some students raise concerns, others support the decision and welcome it. Aditi, a 19-year-old student, expresses her viewpoint:

I feel more secure knowing that if someone doesn’t do well in round 1, they’ll have another chance to try.”

Last year, the UGC permitted bi-annual admissions for students in open and distance learning, as well as online modes. The UGC chairman highlighted that this decision benefited nearly half a million students by enabling them to start their degree programs without waiting for a full academic year. This success prompted the decision to extend bi-annual admissions to regular modes as well.

Featured Image Credits: Devesh Arya for DU Beat

Dhairya Chhabra

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Delhi HC Orders Assessment of Facilities at DU Law Faculty

By DU Beat June 17, 2024

The Delhi High Court has taken significant steps to address concerns raised by law students regarding the inadequate availability of basic amenities and infrastructure at Delhi University’s Faculty of Law. The court has instructed DU to convene a meeting with all relevant stakeholders within a week to evaluate and improve the situation.

In a recent order, Justice Amit Sharma directed the university to hold a meeting involving key stakeholders, including the Dean of Students’ Welfare, the Dean of the Faculty of Law, the petitioners, and the amicus curiae, advocate Rajesh Mishra, who was appointed by the court. The focus of this meeting will be to assess the facilities, particularly the provision of water coolers, purified drinking water, and Wi-Fi services.

The petition was filed by three law students, Ronak Khatri, Umesh Kumar, and Ankur Singh Mavi, who cited severe deficiencies in the basic amenities on their campus. One of their primary concerns was the lack of air conditioning in classrooms, which makes the learning environment unbearable during Delhi’s extreme summer temperatures, which can reach up to 48 degrees Celsius. The students noted a stark contrast between the air-conditioned administrative offices and staff rooms and their own poorly ventilated classrooms.

Additionally, the petition highlighted that one of the campus buildings, constructed with tin roofs and asbestos-lined walls, exacerbates the heat issue, creating an uninhabitable learning environment. They reported instances of heat strokes and fainting, illustrating the dire need for improved infrastructure.

Moreover, the student petitioners argued that the inadequate infrastructure and lack of essential amenities constitute a violation of their fundamental rights under Article 21 of the Indian Constitution, which guarantees the right to life and, by extension, the right to education. They stressed that the current conditions pose significant safety risks and are not conducive to learning.

Justice Sharma’s bench issued notices to the Secretary of the Bar Council of India (BCI) and DU’s Dean of Students’ Welfare, seeking their responses to the petition. The court emphasized the necessity of a detailed assessment and required a report on the current status of facilities to be submitted before the next hearing on July 4, 2024.

The court also pointed out the importance of this meeting being well-coordinated by the respondents’ counsel to ensure a comprehensive evaluation and prompt improvement of the facilities.

While the respondents’ counsel informed the court that provisions for water coolers and drinking water are in place, the court’s directive underscores the need for a thorough review to confirm that these amenities meet the required standards and adequately serve the student population.

The forthcoming report from the stakeholders’ meeting will be critical in determining the actions DU will take to address these significant concerns and uphold the students’ rights.

Featured Image Credits: The Times of India

Kavya Vashisht

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When Life Imitates Art: Celebrating the 25-Year Legacy of Olivia Benson

By DU Beat June 13, 2024

A dive into the most celebrated on-screen female detective from the Law-and-Order franchise and what makes her relevant even after 25 years.

Who dunnit?

Perhaps the quintessential phrase of every detective/cop show perfectly captures the audience’s point of interest. The spotlight is always on crime. A heartless killer, a damsel in distress, 2 cops, and after a series of life/death situations, a couple of gunshots, and cops running around, we finally get our killer all wrapped up in a 1-hour long episode. Detective shows have always been narrative-driven, with little to no focus on any of the detectives’ lives, featuring male detectives majorly and if you’re lucky, a female one sometimes but relegated to bit parts or girlfriend roles. They were characters who could be strong but only to a certain point and never enough to tank the show’s TRP. However, the focus here shifts to that very show and its protagonist, a figure who not only captivated an entire generation but also left an indelible mark on the collective consciousness. So profound was the impact of this character that the actor portraying her began receiving letters detailing personal experiences with abuse, motivating her to attain certification as a rape counselor. Thus unfolds the tale of the longest-running character in television history: Detective Olivia Benson. (yeah, Taylor Swift named her cat after her!)

Dramatic Cue: In 1999, Dick Wolf introduced us to a new show, Law and Order: Special Victims Unit bringing us the staff at Manhattan SVU, a squad of detectives, medical examiners, attorneys, etc., who deal with victims of sexual abuse and children. The show is centered around mainly 2 cops, Det. Elliot Stabler and Det. Olivia Benson or Captain Olivia Benson, now. True to its name, the show focuses on the dilemmas surrounding the charges against criminals based on the nature and severity of the crime highlighting the complexity of the US judicial system. Unlike traditional crime procedurals that focus solely on solving cases, SVU focuses not only on finding the “right” criminal rather, on the right amount of evidence to convict them. It incorporates legal proceedings and courtroom drama as integral parts of its storytelling showcasing the legal challenges and ethical dilemmas faced by prosecutors in pursuing justice.

Amidst all of this, we have the badass Olivia Benson. She stands out from the rest of the squad due to her empathy and determination. She is flawed and continuously fighting both her personal and professional demons. Watching her strength and pain, how those two could exist together, you don’t feel so alone in the world that often abuses and degrades women for their struggles. Early on, we learn that her own mother was a victim of rape which resulted in her conception. What happens to Olivia becomes a part of her and impacts how she views each case. She sees her mother and later herself in her victims, affecting the way she interacts with them with absolute compassion and warmth. Routine detectives depend solely on absolute objectivity, focusing mainly on solving the case and hunting criminals, Olivia, despite her remarkable intelligence, prioritizes making victims feel safe and supported. She understands that an equally crucial part of her job is to foster a sense of security, encouraging victims to open up and aiding them through the healing process. And, it is because of Olivia’s commitment to her principles that the show despite the shifts in format and a revolving door of cast members over the years still stands the test of time. Throughout the show, Olivia’s love life has been a topic of both joy and heartache for viewers. From fleeting romances and long-term relationships, we get a glimpse of her emotional vulnerability. Despite the fandom constantly shipping Elliot and Olivia, the show’s creators chose to prioritize adding depth to their characters individually allowing them to explore a relationship based on mutual trust and shared experiences.

Olivia Benson has been the most culturally important character when we talk about issues relating to assault and abuse. The credit for that solely goes to the actress who breathed life into Oliva- Mariska Hargitay. When she began working on the show, while her co-stars received fan mail, Mariska received tragic letters of her viewer’s stories of abuse as they confided in her as if she was the character she played on screen. Mariska’s commitment to the character ignited a fervor for real-world change, elevating her stardom to a realm where it radiated not just on the television but also in the corridors of social justice.

The actress underwent formal training and became a certified rape crisis counselor, and founded the Joyful Heart Foundation for victims of abuse. She also testified in the US Congress on the rape kit backlog and never misses an opportunity to talk about the cause. Mariska’s life story is crucial to understanding the relevance of Olivia Benson because it is a testament to her unwavering dedication to the cause that has blurred the lines between fiction and reality. It’s difficult to know where Olivia ends and Mariska begins and for this reason, a dark show like Law and Order: SVU that gets inspiration from real-life newspaper headlines is a comfort show for many. Olivia has been vital to Mariska’s personal growth as well. The actress recently opened up about her own experience with sexual assault which she had tucked away for many years and remarks on how her playing Olivia Benson and working with victims in reality healed her. Mariska’s mindful use of her “star status” leaves us with the most influential “actor to activist” story.

The show, with Olivia at the epicenter, can be used as a focal point to trace the evolution of technology, social media, language, and most importantly, our ever-progressing attitudes about victims of abuse. Over 25 years, the show continuously evolves, igniting conversations around abuse and playing an important role in the #MeToo movement, and advocating about the rape kit backlog. It began with damsel-in-distress storylines but has expanded to a broader range of issues related to sexuality, gender, identity, and societal attitudes toward these topics.

It reflects a societal shift towards more inclusive and diverse storytelling, where the victims are portrayed as multifaceted characters with agency and strength, diving deeper into the need to change outdated laws. As a Bollywood-influenced girl myself, the thing that astonished me the most was the fact that there is absolutely zero mention of Olivia’s age in the show. Mariska turned 60 this year and the show never tried to showcase her as an eye candy. Unlike the usual depiction of female detectives where they strut around in high heels and tight blouses, Olivia has been left to age gracefully. Olivia and SVU form a fabric of righteousness and integrity, embodying their dedication to justice. Their only “crime,” it seems, lies in the unfulfilled desire of fans who long for Olivia and Elliot to become a couple. This unrequited love story, akin to the slowest slow-burn ever, remains a case beyond Olivia’s investigative reach.

Dun Dun !

Image Credits: The New York Times

Saanvi Manchanda

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Heeramandi: Glitz, Grit, and the Lost Legacy of the Tawaifs

By DU Beat May 16, 2024

A lavish new series, Bhansali’s Heeramandi, promises a glimpse into the lives of courtesans in 1940s India. Critics, however, worry that the show prioritises dazzling visuals over historical accuracy. Will Heeramandi offer a fresh perspective on these complex women, or will she simply reinforce stereotypes with her opulent sets and costumes? Does spectacle trump substance, or can Heeramandi educate while entertaining?

The ongoing buzz around Bhansali’s majestic Heeramandi is for its extravagant depiction of the lives of Tawaifs, which comes across as nothing else but an alternative, deranged portrayal of these women’s lives. Bhansali’s work has prioritised aesthetic representation over the realistic narrative of the courtesan culture. Heeramandi: The Diamond Baazar is set against the backdrop of India’s struggle for freedom from British control. The series delves into the lives of Tawaifs within Lahore’s Heera Mandi. The story revolves around a bitter battle for dominance. Longstanding rivals Mallikajaan and Fareedan are caught in a fierce battle to claim the top spot. Mallikajaan seems to have a successor in her young daughter, Alam. But a surprising turn of events arises when Alam defies expectations. She chooses the love of one man over the admiration of many, throwing the future of Heera Mandi into question while also throwing away our expectations in a deep ditch of disappointment with the abrupt absurdity in the plot that follows the sensitised and well-marketed drama series.

The history of courtesans in India is a story of shifting status. Once respected advisors to Mughal courts, they are now primarily seen as objects of sexual desire. This decline, from revered cultural figures to mere prostitutes, was likely influenced by British colonialism and the patriarchal structure of Oudh society. Notably, women’s contributions, both political and domestic, were often ignored or erased from history. This lack of documentation extends to Tawaifs, who were activists but were labelled as prostitutes despite their notable sacrifices.

The series holds immense promise, stretching across a significant period of nearly two decades, from the 1920s to 1947. While eight episodes offer ample room for development, the true strength lies in the visual spectacle. Every frame—from the opening shot to the finale—exudes grandeur. The costumes are breathtaking, the jewellery is dazzling, and the set design is a masterpiece. Director Bhansali’s signature style is undeniable. However, the narrative itself seems to falter, making the viewing experience less than captivating.

The term “tawaif” has undergone a significant shift in meaning. Once respected entertainers during a flourishing artistic period in India, they are now often associated with sex work in modern times. However, British rule led to their criminalization and social exclusion. Bollywood has long capitalised on the allure of courtesans. Films traditionally showcased their stories through suggestive dances and scenes. As India modernised, these depictions evolved from classical dances to more contemporary styles. Yet, the fascination with courtesans remained, with actresses viewing such roles as prestigious. These portrayals often romanticise the lives of courtesans. Lavish costumes and opulent settings create a fantastical world in films like “Devdas,” “Gangubai,” and potentially “Heeramandi.” This Hollywood-esque exotic depiction is far removed from the realities of these women’s lives.

A Lahore-based viewer raised concerns about the show’s historical accuracy. They argued that the portrayal of events, locations, and costumes doesn’t realistically depict 1940s Lahore. The viewer, identified online as Hamd Nawaz, shared their critique on X (previously Twitter). Their initial tweet stated,

“I just watched Heeramandi. I found everything but Heermandi in it. Either you don’t set your story in 1940’s Lahore, or if you do, you don’t set it in Agra’s landscape, Delhi’s Urdu, Lakhnavi dresses, and 1840’s vibe. My not-so-sorry Lahori self can’t really let it go.

Nawaz further criticised the show’s portrayal of language. They suggested that the creators relied on stereotypes by assuming an association between Lahore and a specific, highly poetic form of Urdu. Nawaz argues that this disregards the reality of the everyday language spoken in 1940s Lahore, which was likely Punjabi rather than formal Urdu.

A recent BBC report sheds light on the historical evolution of Hira Mandi through the eyes of a longtime resident. Ibrar Hussain, speaking to the BBC, described the area’s transformation across different eras:

Hira Mandi has witnessed many phases. It used to be different during the Mughal era; it transformed during the Sikh period; and then it changed again during the English occupation. And after the partition, it transformed yet again.”

He further elaborated on the current state of Hira Mandi, stating, “The government has now turned Hira Mandi into a food street. The women who used to live here moved out, and their families now live in various parts of Lahore. The bazaar was shut down in 1990, after which all the women who lived here left.”

Ultimately, Heeramandi stands at a crossroads. Will it prioritise spectacle over substance, perpetuating misconceptions? Or will it embrace the opportunity to offer a more historically informed portrayal of these fascinating women and their lost legacy? The series has the potential to spark important conversations about Heera Mandi’s complexities, women’s challenges, and the importance of recognising marginalised voices. If Heeramandi can move beyond the glittering facade, it could become a landmark series that educates and challenges audiences, leaving a lasting impact beyond entertainment.

Divya Malhotra

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Picture Credits: Y20 India

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Dalit Student Faces Online Harassment and Threats Over WhatsApp Status

By DU Beat May 8, 2024

The student shared a picture of the ‘Shivling’ on her WhatsApp status in a way that some people found inappropriate. She has lodged a formal complaint with the police against the students accountable for sending her offensive comments and threats of sexual violence.

Mira, a Dalit student at Delhi University’s Faculty of Law, recently found herself at the centre of a disturbing online controversy. It all began innocently enough when Mira posted an image of a Shivling as part of her WhatsApp status on March 6. However, what followed was anything but innocent.

Soon after Mira’s WhatsApp status update, she became the target of relentless online harassment and even received rape threats. Fellow students at the university took it upon themselves to lead a campaign against her, sharing the link to her Instagram profile in college groups with the intention of, in their words, “teaching her a lesson.”

The image Mira posted depicted a Shivling, a sacred symbol in Hinduism, in a manner that offended some individuals. However, the backlash she faced went far beyond mere disagreement over the depiction. Mira, who identifies as an Ambedkarite and is vocal about her views, believes that her harassers are affiliated with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the student wing of the Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.

This isn’t the first time Mira has experienced online harassment. Prior to the WhatsApp status incident, she claims to have been targeted on platforms like Instagram. Fake accounts were allegedly created in her name, some even soliciting money from her followers under false pretenses.

The messages Mira received after her WhatsApp status update were not only disturbing but also deeply hurtful to her person. She was attacked both as a woman and as a Dalit, receiving derogatory remarks and rape threats. Some messages contained anti-Dalit slurs and curse words, reflecting the ugly face of discrimination and bigotry.

Despite the threats and the vitriol directed towards her, Mira continues to stand firm in her beliefs, often quoting Ambedkar and Jyotirao Phule. The incident however, serves as a stark reminder of the rigorous scrutiny faced by marginalized communities, both online and offline.

Featured image credits: TheWire

Lakshita Arora

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Features

Sugarcoated Nightmares: Pepsi’s “Special Treatment” for Women in Maharashtra

By DU Beat May 8, 2024

In the heart of Maharashtra’s sugarcane fields, a sinister reality unfolds as women laboring
for giants like Pepsi and Coca-Cola face exploitation through forced hysterectomies,
overshadowed by corporate profits.

About a third of the sugar produced in India, the second-largest producer in the world, comes
from the state of Maharashtra alone. Maharashtra is a key supplier of sugar to global
corporations such as PepsiCo, Coca-Cola, and Mondelez, the parent company of Cadbury. The state
prides itself on the sprawling 1.487 million hectares of lush sugar cane fields with about
203 crushing factories producing 138 lakh metric tons of sugar every year becoming the
state’s major support system. One such district is Beed, although this one in particular is one
that the state shouldn’t be proud of.

This picturesque field of Maharashtra hides a darker reality – the exploitation of women at the
hands of sugar-producing companies. While these companies reap immense profits from the
sweet harvest, the women toiling in the fields are left to endure the bitter impacts on their
health. The issue dates back almost 30 years, when the New York Times interviewed some of
the women working in the fields to find out that the vicious cycle starts with underage girls
getting married off to the men working in the field which ropes them into a contract that seems more like lifelong slavery than wedlock. The men and women are expected to work alike at the same potential for 16-hour-long shifts every day without breaks. Tampons and pads are expensive and hard to find, and without access to running water, women address their periods in the fields with reused cloth that they try to wash by hand. The fields are located in remote locations, and it’s a whole other world in itself with workers
living under tarps, and companies seeking forced hysterectomies as a way to combat the issue of
lack of washrooms on the field.

One local government report surveyed approximately 82,000 female sugarcane workers from
Beed and found that about one in five had had hysterectomies. A separate, smaller
government survey estimated the figure at one in three. Women, already marginalized and
disadvantaged, are coerced into undergoing these surgeries under the guise of ‘health
benefits’ or as a means to prevent pregnancy or period leaves from work. This reprehensible
practice not only robs women of their bodily autonomy but also perpetuates a cycle of
systematic abuse and inequality. The issue at hand unveils a centuries-old taboo enveloping
menstruation, casting a shadow of “unsanitary” perceptions upon women during their natural
cycle. This mindset, steeped in misconception and bias, tragically manifests in the coercion of
women into undergoing hysterectomies, all in the name of the illusion of “cleanliness” on the
fields.

According to the New York Times, sugar producers and buyers have known about this abusive system for years. Coca-Cola’s consultants, for example, visited the fields and sugar mills of western India and, in 2019, reported that children were cutting sugar cane and laborers were working to repay their employers. They documented this in a report for the company, complete with an interview with a 10-year-old girl. In an unrelated corporate report that year, the company said it supported a program to “gradually reduce child labor” in India possibly referring to their plans to increase hysterectomies. This Great Indian exploitation game is nothing less of a spectacle, when women working in these harsh conditions visit the nearby gynecologists with problems like forming of cysts and irregular periods, the doctors take advantage of their patients’ illiteracy and are given an ultimatum that “hysterectomy” is their only option. The whole process is orchestrated not only by the companies but also many health practitioners from the district. These major companies even have moral codes of conduct for their workers which they evidently throw out the window in a bid to make corporate profits. After facing backlash and solely because people threatened to boycott the brand, Pepsi released the most generic statement expressing their grief over the issue while Coca-Cola still hasn’t issued a statement and continues to live in ignorance.

Of the many stories that flood the Indian news channels, none have ever made reports on this
issue, it’s as if they would rather turn a deaf ear than face the truth. In conversations with
reporters from The Fuller Project, as the workers gave them a peek inside their lives, they
sang folk songs which were inspired by Bhimrao Ambedkar in unison and had only thing to
ask everyone who visits the field, a promise; that one day the world will know their plight.

Featured Image Credits: The Fuller Project

Read Also: Feminism: A Belief or a Tagline?

Saanvi Manchanda
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Campus Central

‘Model Code of Conduct Violated’: DU Under Fire for ‘Run for Viksit Bharat’ Event

By DU Beat May 7, 2024

Delhi University’s scheduled ‘Run for Developed India’ event on May 8, aimed at raising awareness of India’s developmental aspirations, faces backlash over alleged political affiliations amidst ongoing Lok Sabha elections. While university officials maintain non-partisanship, the involvement of a BJP member in planning sparks concern. Critics, including the Delhi University Teachers’ Front (DTF), accuse the administration of breaching the Election Commission’s Model Code of Conduct. Amidst debates, the DTF urges cancellation, citing potential disruption to academic schedules and electoral integrity concerns.

Nearly 5,000 students are anticipated to participate in Delhi University’s (DU) May 8 “Run for Developed India,” according to the university’s registrar, Vikas Gupta. The university declared that the run’s objective is to increase public awareness of India’s aspiration to become a developed country by 2047.

In response to queries concerning the event’s scheduling in light of the current Lok Sabha elections and the Model Code of Conduct’s (MCC) implementation, Gupta made it clear to The Indian Express that the run has no affiliation with any one political party. He underlined that the main goal is to inspire students to use their right to vote to engage in the political process.

The University of Delhi and the Vikas Bharat Ambassador Club are co-organizing the event, the university declared. However, Kuljeet Chahal of the BJP was present at the planning and success-ensuring meeting. Chahal, a member of the New Delhi Municipal Council (NDMC) and the national convener of the Namo app, describes himself on X (formerly Twitter) as a “Viksit Bharat Ambassador.” There was no response when attempts were made to contact Chahal. The 2.4-kilometer run is scheduled to happen between University Gate No. 1 and the University sports complex, neither of which is governed by the NDMC, according to the university.

With the release of the election dates on March 16, the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) went into force. In an announcement posted on its website on March 21, the Election Commission of India’s (ECI) Secretariat ordered the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology to stop “disseminating messages about Viksit Bharat during the Model Code of Conduct.” About WhatsApp messages sent on March 15, before the implementation of the MCC, the statement mentioned that “some messages may have been delivered late due to system architecture and network limitations.”

The Commission further received complaints indicating that such messages continue to be delivered to citizens’ phones. “Given that the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) is currently in effect, you are instructed to take immediate measures to halt the dissemination of WhatsApp messages during the MCC period. A report confirming compliance with this directive should be provided promptly,” it continued.

When questioned about obtaining permission from the ECI, Gupta responded:

This event is organized by the university and colleges to inspire students. We are not collaborating with any political party or involving any ministry.

In a joint statement, the teachers’ body declared that “Viksit Bharat” is an election agenda for Narendra Modi and the BJP-led Central government. The university was urged to cancel the event by members of the Delhi University Teachers’ Front (DTF). However, the teachers’ organization claimed that the program is being run against the Election Commission’s (EC) Model Code of Conduct, which was in effect during the Lok Sabha elections.

The teachers’ body noted in its statement that:

Previously, the EC had legally admonished the Union Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology for circulating messages about the ‘Viksit Bharat Abhiyan’ in March 2024.

The forthcoming event is not politically connected, and it should be judged on its own merits rather than its affiliation with any one party.

– stressed A. K. Bhagi, president of the DU Teachers’ Association.

The teachers association stated:

In the run-up to this proposed violation of the model code of conduct, a functionary of the ruling party in the incumbent Union government has been involved in preparatory activities. It is clear that a public institution is seeking to be converted into an appendage of the outgoing ruling dispensation to influence the decisions of voters. If this were not the case, then this event could have been scheduled for a date after the Lok Sabha elections have been concluded. Surely, Bharat needs Vikas through an Abhiyan even after the first week of June 2024.

In a statement made public on Friday, the DTF questioned the rationale offered by the Delhi University administration for putting on the event. It was suggested that the event should have been called “Run for Participative Democracy” rather than “Run for Viksit Bharat” if the goal was to raise awareness of and participation in the Lok Sabha elections. Moreover, the DTF maintains that the Election Commission should have been consulted and involved in advance of any event intended to raise voter awareness and participation.

Nandita Narain, president of the DTF, voiced worries about how the event would affect the students, saying:

Delhi University is failing in its responsibility towards students. Colleges will be forced to send students to this event. It is the fag end of the teaching-learning calendar. Practical exams are already scheduled, and students are busy preparing for exams and submissions. Scheduling this event at such a time will disrupt the teaching-learning process as well as the ability of students to prepare themselves academically for the forthcoming end-semester exams.

The Delhi University administration came under fire from the DTF for what they saw as an attempt to compromise the university’s standing as a public institution and break the Model Code of Conduct that the Election Commission was enforcing in light of the Lok Sabha elections. They demanded that the event be called off right away.

Featured Image Credits: Himanshu Kumar for DU Beat

Divya Malhotra

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TISS Scholar Suspended for Two Years Due to ‘Anti-National Acts’ and Protests Outside Parliament

By DU Beat May 5, 2024

A Dalit PhD scholar, Ramadas, received a 2-year suspension notice from all TISS campuses after attending a protest march in Delhi, citing them as anti-national activities.

A PhD student has been suspended for two years by the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) in Mumbai for engaging in actions that the institution deemed “not in the interest of the nation.” The student’s participation in a protest in Delhi under the PSF-TISS banner is one example of the alleged misconduct. Additionally, Ramadas Prini Sivanandan, 30, pursuing a doctorate in development studies, is not allowed to enter the TISS campuses in Hyderabad, Guwahati, Mumbai, or Tuljapur.

Ramadas had received a notice in March advising him against his activities in the name of the college, following which he received a suspension notice in April. The notice dated March 7 stated that Ramadas misused the institute name by participating in the protest under the banner of PSF-TISS. As per the notice, since PSF is not a recognized student body of the institute, Ramadas using the name created a wrongful impression of the institute, which is funded under the Ministry of Education.

The suspension order refers to a show-cause notice sent to Ramadas on March 7 and states that a committee constituted following the notice submitted its recommendations on April 17. “The Committee recommended your suspension for two years, and your entry shall be debarred across all campuses of TISS,” states the suspension order addressed to Ramadas, adding that the competent authority has accepted the recommendations.

In addition to criticizing Ramadas’ January social media posts, the institute opposed students attending the January 26 screening of the documentary “Raam Ke Naam” because it was “a mark of dishonor and protest against the Ram Mandir inauguration in Ayodhya” in its March 7 show-cause notice. Anand Patwardhan’s documentary “Ram ke Naam” has won a national prize previously.

In an interview with The Week, Ramdas, when questioned about using the institutions for his political activities, gave the following reply:

……Secondly, whether we have “misused” the name of TISS or not. The institute asked me to explain it on March 7. I duly replied. I can confirm that I have attended a Parliament march. I was one of the speakers. There is nothing to hide about that. But what is the capacity in which I attended it? Yes, I am a student of TISS. But that is not the only identity that I am holding. I am a citizen of this country. I do have equal constitutional rights as everyone else in this country. Not only me, but all other students who have joined the march. So, all of them belong to some other university. Everyone has the right to attend there. And this was a programme conducted at a place allotted by the Delhi Police—a law enforcing agency of the land. So, if the Delhi Police has no problem, if they are allotting it time, there is nothing unusual taking place. A peaceful gathering and a public meeting taking place, what is wrong with it?

And whether we have used TISS’s name there or not, or pretended that we are officially representing TISS or not. No, we didn’t represent TISS. In every campus in the country, student organisations use the name of the university along with their name to communicate the constituency in which they are working in. So, when PSF works in TISS, it will be PSF-TISS. Not only PSF, there are seven other organisations also doing the same. So, it should not be a problem when one organisation or one individual within an organisation is using it. One of the organisations which is using TISS’s name along with their name is DSSF, which is an ABVP-affiliated organisation. If they can be use it, there shouldn’t be a problem when PSF uses them.

The allegation is we have “misused” it in the Parliament march. There is an official pamphlet jointly undersigned and released by all organisations in which there is no mention of TISS. It was only PSF.”

The Progressive Student Forum, a left-leaning student body Prini Sivanandan is associated with, said the march referred to by the TISS was related to “anti-student policies in the form of the National Education Policy.”.

Featured Image Credits: Onmanorama

Saanvi Manchanda

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