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The Parliament passed the Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita on July 1, replacing the long-standing colonial criminal laws. While they bring an array of much needed changes to the criminal justice system, they have been rightfully criticised for retaining Victorian ideals of gender justice. So where do these laws find themselves in “Naya Bharat”?

 

These laws are made by Indians, for Indians and by an Indian Parliament and marks the end of colonial criminal justice laws,

said Union Minister Amit Shah. Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita, the official Criminal Code, replaced the dated Indian Penal Code (1860). The new criminal laws boast of prioritising justice dispension, as opposed to penal action, according to him. 

 

Many overlapping sections have been merged and simplified, with 358 in BNS against 511 in IPC, along with each section being defined expansively to make the laws accessible and improve law enforcement. Furthermore, under the new laws, an individual can now report incidents through electronic communication, without needing to enter a police station. This allows for efficient reporting, facilitating prompt action by the police. With the introduction of Zero FIR, a person can file a First Information Report (FIR) at any police station, regardless of jurisdiction. This eliminates delays in initiating legal proceedings. An interesting addition to the law is that in the event of an arrest, the individual has the right to inform a person of his choice about their situation. This will ensure immediate assistance to the arrested.

 

Besides, arrest details will now be prominently displayed within police stations and district headquarters, allowing families and friends of the incarcerated, easy access to important information. To strengthen cases and investigations, it has become mandatory for forensic experts to visit crime scenes of serious offences and collect evidence. Furthermore, judgement in criminal cases has to come within 45 days of completion of trial and charges must be framed within 60 days of the first hearing.

 

While these are needed and plausible provisions, will India’s judicial system which is already reeling from a backlog of cases and inadequate dispensation of justice, be able to efficiently implement them? 

 

The case for sedition: The biggest grey area

 

In an attempt to decolonise the legal justice system, BNS comes forth as just a rendition of the very idea it wished to replace. By expanding powers of the state and the police, BNS retains offences grounded in archaic morality, similar to that of the colonial set up.  It widens the penal network through broad but stringent and vaguely-defined offences, thus strengthening the state’s resolve of power over the citizen. 

 

Section 124A of the IPC titled, “Offences Against the State”, includes the offence of sedition. Section 152 of BNS,  mimics the IPC section with a few changes, only the offence of sedition has been replaced with, ‘‘an act endangering sovereignty, unity and integrity of India.”

 

While the former focuses on activities that incite hatred, contempt or disaffection towards the government, the latter penalises activities that excite “subversive activities” or encourage “feelings of separatist activities” or endanger the “sovereignty or unity and integrity of India”. But BNS does not explicitly state what constitutes either of these. 

 

In the case of Kedar Nath Singh vs State Of Bihar (1962), the court limited the extent of the IPC section to only “speech that poses an imminent threat to public order”, to safeguard citizens’ freedom of speech guaranteed under the Constitution. Since the implementation of BNS, the court’s decision on the IPC sections are no longer applicable. Hence, the scope of section 152 of BNS remains  unclear. 

 

The Union Government has clarified that BNS no longer criminalises sedition, but criminalises treason, and criticising the Government is no longer an offence. But broadly defined provisions of the BNS empower law enforcement agencies to detain individuals based on an ambiguous law.

 

Similarly, section 197 of BNS, which includes provisions on fake news, states that whoever makes or publishes false or misleading information, jeopardising the sovereignty, unity and integrity or security of India – shall be punished with imprisonment which may extend to three years, is another vaguely-defined provision. 

 

A man in Uttar Pradesh’s Bhadohi was arrested and booked for imputations and assertions prejudicial to national integration under section 197 – his offence, waving a Palestinian flag during a Muharram procession.  According to the police, in a report by The Indian Express, the incident could create feelings of hatred and animosity among the public.

 

Punishment of Sexual Offences: What about marital rape?

 

According to colonial notions of morality, husbands are exempt from the crime of rape, which was reflected under section 375, which stated, “sexual acts or sexual intercourse by a man with his own wife…is not rape.” Despite widespread criticism, the BNS has retained these regressive and patriarchal values in Section 63. Although, the age of consent of a married woman has been raised to 18 from 15. 

 

While the MRE (Marital Rape Exception) was overturned in England through a judgment in 1991, it has been retained in BNS.  However, there have been several attempts to overturn the MRE in the past. In 2013, the Justice Verma Committee had recommended its repeal, but the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs rejected the recommendation – on the grounds  that “the entire family system will be under great stress.” Similarly in May 2022, Delhi High Court delivered a split judgement, with one Justice striking down the MRE as unconstitutional due to its denial of bodily autonomy and agency of married women, while the other conceded that often, consent is given for sexual intercourse though will may not exist. “The state should not interfere with privacy within a marital relationship”, he had stated.

 

The constitutional validity of the MRE is currently pending before the Supreme Court through a batch of petitions. But BNS, a supposedly decolonised legislation, continues to uphold the unfortunate colonial mentality of attacking a woman’s bodily autonomy through stringent social union that is marriage, apparently even above a country’s laws, making the husband as the sole owner of his wife’s body. 

 

Furthermore, BNS’s assumption that a man can’t be raped, reinforces the colonial ideas, particularly excluding queer men, who often face sexual abuse. 

What about protection of queer people against sexual offences?

 

Sections 63 to 71 of BNS pertain to types of rape, but there is no reference to transgender people. BNS omits section 377, which criminalised same sex relationships, with that provision being repealed in 2018 in the landmark Navtej Singh Johar case (2018). But the section also criminalised non-consensual sex between adults of all genders and orientations, as well as sexual offences against animals. Despite a Parliamentary Committee’s recommendation to retain these provisions, the new Bill omits them, making the rape of men, transgender individuals, and animals non-offences.

 

National Crimes Record Bureau (NCRB) of India recorded 826 cases under IPC Section 377 in 2020 and 955 cases in 2021. Despite this, these crimes often go under-reported due to social stigma or mishandling by police officials. However, there is a scope to register an FIR under section 75 of the the BNS which covers sexual harassment but is gender neutral.

 

According to a report by The Hindu, there is a possibility that BNS may be amended to incorporate a section about sexual violence against men and transgender people. Tansgender people in particular after often more vulnerable to sexual abuse in domestice settings or prisons. Till the time that amendment is brought about, charges of wrongful confinement or physical hurt might be applied to such cases. However, at present, there is no appropriate provision to deal with cases of sexual violence and offers survivors no recourse to seek justice, leaving their protection hanging by a thread. 

 

Sexual minorities in India are a particularly vulnerable group, with the Supreme Court recognising in the judgement on marriage equality petitions that they require legal, social and systemic protections. But does modern India’s supposed decolonised extension of a colonial law offer this recourse to the queer community? Unfortunately it does not, leaving an already vulnerable section of the Indian society, with no legal redressal. 

 

Bhartiya Nyaya Sanhita, in its quest to decolonise and modernise the Indian legal system, has left many in the shadows of justice. Focusing more on the nature of the criminal act, there seems to be no scope for the people. Vaguely defined criminal laws, non-recognition of marital rape, no redressal for the queer community, and many more grey areas and missed opportunities. This decolonised law essentially establishes itself as an Indianised version of its Victorian past. 

 

Read Also: https://dubeat.com/2020/03/15/crushing-dissent-aaya-police/

Featured Image Credits: Deccan Herald

 

Gauri Garg

[email protected]

SBSC inaugurated the new infrastructure under principal Prof. Atree to enhance the college’s facilities and support the academic needs of its students. 

On 22 July 2024, Shaheed Bhagat Singh College celebrated the inauguration of its new infrastructure under Principal Prof. Arun Kumar Attree. The event was joined by Delhi University’s Vice Chancellor Prof. Yogesh Singh as the Chief Guest, Prof. Shri Prakash, Director South Campus, Prof. Balram Pani, Dean of Colleges, and Dr. Vikas Gupta, Registrar, along with the faculty members, students, and invited guests. 

The infrastructural  additions include multiple air-conditioned classrooms equipped with smartboards, multipurpose halls, and sports blocks. With this initiative, the college is aiming for greater engagement and academic achievement. The college hopes to offer students access to the latest tools and materials necessary for their academic development by incorporating technology and resources.  In conversation with DU Beat, Prof. Attree shares his take on infrastructure and the NEP, 

“No academic institution can grow academically without the support of the infrastructure. So, infrastructure is the basic thing that one should provide. It is the responsibility of every administrator that they work on the infrastructure. But I feel that providing infrastructure to the students and the teachers is the first responsibility, and in fact, the institutions exist first for the students. So, in this step, definitely we are all going to support the NEP.”

Inadequate funding to colleges has always been one of the primary concerns of all faculty members across DU. The issue comes to light, especially with the ongoing problems in funding and governance of 12 DU colleges by the state government. Most recently, such shortages were noted during the summer semester exams, where many students were taking exams during the heatwave. 

Attree adds on the role of infrastructure: 

“As I have already mentioned, infrastructure is the basic thing that provides the platform where the students can explore their true potential. Students want to come to the college, but when they see that the classes, benches, board, etc. are in bad condition, they are discouraged. It’s like you send a soldier on the war front and you say that you don’t have the weapon. So you have to provide that infrastructural support. Infrastructure helps in creating an ecosystem, an academic environment where everybody wants to come and learn.”

 The earlier additions to the college such as water coolers during the peak summer time had raised the students’ expectations only to be shattered by the news of lizard infestation in the coolers due to poor maintenance. Therefore, the new infrastructure and the principal’s address have received a lukewarm response from the students. 

 Recognising skill enhancement as one of the key elements for his plans regarding SBSC in the coming months, Atttree shares, 

 “There is a skill development centre that we already have in the college, and there is a career development centre also. And in the next three months, we are going to start a project where there will be a bakery, where the students will learn how to bake, and students will learn how to do editing and digital marketing.”

Attree has been infamous in the news for starting the harsh attendance policy among DU colleges. In conversation with DU Beat, he further states his reasons behind the policy, 

 “A student pays 15,000-17,000 rupees per week. And do you have an estimate of how much the government spends on a student? The government spends around 2 lakh rupees per annum on a student, and the student is paying 15,000-17,000. If in a class, if 60 students are there and only 20 students are coming, 40 students, those who are not coming, it is a loss to the government of India. There are students, those who could have availed of these opportunities. 

Attree also talked about policies adopted in SBSC to help the students. SBSC mandates all its professors to notify students 48 hours prior regarding the cancellation of lectures, along with strict punctuality.

Vice-chancellor Yogesh Singh who was also present at the event weighed in on his views about student activism and journalism, 

“ We need patriotic journalists who understand the problems of our country and then provide the right kind of perspective. Positive criticism is fine but we should not create unnecessary confusion and chaos. We are all sons and daughters of this country and we must work in the direction of PM’s Viksit Bharat by 2047’’ 

Singh also downright denied the allegation regarding the commercialisation of education under  NEP and expressed his views in the following statement, 

“We are in the third year of implementation of NEP, many good things are happening but the results will come after a few years because this period involves investment and guidance in the proper direction” 

However, the current state of most DU colleges suggests otherwise. Roof collapses, and unsanitary canteens among other issues have become routine news for students. The existing infrastructure in most colleges barely supports the needs of the students’ core disciplines, let alone support newer courses under NEP. The New Education Policy has received criticism from both student and teacher bodies due to its unplanned and hasty implementation and minimal guidelines from the University about its proper framework.  

Featured Image Credits: Madhur for DU Beat

DU Beat

The Delhi University Admin Cycle of ad-hoc replacement strikes at LSR, as reputed teachers from departments get replaced. What follows is absolute silence from the college administration.

After the ad-hoc replacements of Mr. Samarveer Singh at Hindu College, and Dr. Itisha Nagar at KNC, the unsettling trend continues, with Ms. Pushplata Kumar from LSR being the most recent case. 

On 20th July, 2024, the esteemed Department of Journalism, at Lady Shri Ram College(LSR) suffered a crucial setback when the news of the non-retention of Ms. Pushplata was received. This comes as a part of the continual cycle of Delhi University, wherein the ad-hoc professors are being granted permanent status, while some ad-hoc professors are being replaced from their posts. However, the lack of transparency in the process, alleged political powerplay, and unjust temperament had sparked concern and discontentment amongst the students, at the loss of such qualified and cherished academicians. Protests by both DUTA and the students, have not resulted in any change in the opaque procedure undertaken by the University of Delhi.

Ms. Pushplata, who had been teaching under the aegis of the Journalism Department of LSR for 9 years as an ad-hoc professor, experienced a similar situation when her non-retention was notified. This comes as a shock to the students, most of whom credit her for their ignited interest in the subjects of Advertisement, Public Relations, Media Industry Management et al., and as a constant source of guidance in their career trajectories. Given the brevity of the situation, DU Beat reached out to students from the Department, and under the guise of Anonymity, they spoke about the unjust mannerism under which the department functions, the replacement of Pushplata Ma’am, being one of the many commented one of the Students, expanding upon the mismanagement within the Journalism Department. They further stated that most of the guest lectures and talks under their tenure were held by Ms. Pushplata, and through the exceptional network she had within the industry, she would also provide aid for students to obtain better career opportunities.

Since 2016, LSR has been the top college within DU for Journalism; for 5 consecutive years, and in 2020, the top four positions within Journalism were taken by LSR, so when the teacher(s) are giving such exemplary results, then their non-retention comes up as a greater dismay,

Another student from the department spoke about the zeal she developed within them for the subjects, sharing that,

She taught us the practicality of the subject, taught us how we can move beyond the scope of televised advertisements, and work for change. Ma’am made sure we attended film festivals, and introduced us to people from the industry, so that we could realize and work on the scope of our careers.

These testimonials from students become a vital point, in correlation to the fact that these decisions have a direct impact on the academic lives of the students, and thus, their consensus and feedback should be an important parameter before undertaking a drastic step like this. 

The students took to social media to raise their opposition against this drastic step. This is a remarkable moment, given the “reduced sense of political temperament amongst the newcomers”, as alleged by an alumna of the college. In conversation with DU Beat, one of the students mentioned how this apoliticism of the students is a reflection of the improper supervision of the admin and the senior management of LSR,

Here at LSR, one can see the difference when a student enters here, and exits. They don’t bother talking about their concerns, for they know nothing would happen and a ‘Blame Chain’ would be formulated.

The incident at LSR further adds to the chain of questions about the opacity and unjust mechanisms used by the colleges and selection committees. And a perplexity about the lack of consensus from the students regarding a decision that not only has an impact on the reputation of the college, but also the academic (and otherwise) lives of the students. 

 

Read Also: https://dubeat.com/2024/07/05/dus-faculty-of-law-postpones-end-term-llb-exams-hours-before-the-scheduled-date/

 

Featured Image Credits: DU Beat

 

Shikhar Pathak

[email protected]

Protests against the freedom fighter quota, having been sparked since the High Court judgement which declared the annulment of the 30 per cent quota illegal earlier this month, escalated on Sunday night. The government has declared a nation-wide curfew, the internet has been cut-off and the casualties stand at 105 currently. Professors at several universities across Bangladesh, mobilising the student protest groups, have called for fresh protests. 

 

Up until 2018, the quotas maintained by the Bangladeshi government for its civil service jobs included the infamous freedom fighter quota, standing at 30 per cent. This quota reserved the seats of civil service posts for the children and grandchildren of the freedom fighters of the nation. Coupled with the other quotas, only 46 per cent of the jobs were left that could be contested on the basis of merit. In 2018, protests against the quotas rose and were subsequently quelled promptly by the government, which later decided to scrap all quotas, except the quota reserving seats for the freedom fighters’ posterity. A verdict regarding this was passed on July 7 by the High Court which declared the move as illegal. 

In Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s address on July 14 to the protesting students, she has been recorded saying, “Why are the freedom fighters so resented by them? If the grandchildren of freedom fighters do not get jobs, do they encourage the razakars to get them? This is what I ask the nation.” The term razakar, a pejorative euphemism denoting conspirators against the nation during the Bangladeshi Liberation Movement of 1971, struck a grisly chord with the students who interpreted her address as an oblique comparison of the student protestors with razakars. They organised rallies, chanting “Tumi ke, ami ke, razakar, razakar” (Who are you, who am I, razakar, razakar), allegedly mocking the PM’s address. 

The Bangladesh Chhatra League (Bangladesh Student League), the youth wing of the ruling party, alongside the police, attacked the protestors on July 5,  leading to a bloodbath in public and private universities across the country. The government has announced its decision to deploy military forces, to curb the protests. No communication has been received from the ground on account of the nation-wide internet shut down. 105 people have died in midst of the protests and over 2500 have been injured so far. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the primary opposition party, has joined hands with the protestors and claims to support their cause. On Friday, the police launched tear gas on the BNP protesters and arrested the party leader, Ruhul Kabir Rizvi. The Indian Railways has cancelled trains to Bangladesh. Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson,  Randhir Jaiswal claims that around 15,000 Indians including 8,500 students, are residing there. He further reports that they are all safe. Of the aforestated number, 450 students have been evacuated so far and returned via Agartala. Imtiaz Ahmed, former professor of Dhaka University’s political science department opines, “Hasina should have called for conference with the students instead of unleashing her trigger-happy police if she wanted to handle the situation better.”

As the country continues to grapple with intense protests and student casualties keep mounting, a burgeoning consensus against Hasina’s government condemns her methods – for being “autocratic”. “The public, alongside the cumulative effect of Hasina’s four-term anti-incumbency, also resents her autocratic way of handling dissent,” remarks former Bangladeshi diplomat and president of Bangladesh Enterprise Institute, Humayun Kabir.

Read Also : University of Delhi’s Postgraduate Fee Hike Under Fire: Protests Erupt

Featured Image Credits : Cubangla Instagram Page

Aayudh Pramanik 

[email protected]

Shikhar Pathak

[email protected]

The policy-behemoth of 2020, the NEP, has begun to seep into the cogwheels of the state machinery, and an ugly picture now stands before us. Has the NEP oiled the machine or soiled it?

With its first major revision since 1986, the New Education Policy of India (NEP), cradling promises to remedy the fractured education system and its often dysfunctional multiplicity of boards, targeted skill-sets and examination protocols, has finally started to lose moss as it roars down the steep slope of universities and schools dotting the Indian landscape alike, and needless to say, it poses the threat to obliterate the status-quo hitherto observed. The question remains whether an overhaul of such prodigious proportions should be a welcome change. Do Indian institutions, and in fact, the institute that is India itself, possess the capacity to contain it and not crumble in the process? Perhaps a fortification is imperative. Have we given the political and academic structures adequate time to recalibrate and fortify themselves in order to welcome the change? 

Indeed, having to model the Indian paradigm of education after the Americans presents appealing prospects to those who wish to pursue their higher education abroad. Statistically, we must determine how much of the student population that truly represents. One need not resort to the numbers, however, to infer that it must not constitute a generous portion of the Indian-student demographic. A disparate wealth distribution in the Indian economy continues to persist, consequently shutting a devastating majority of the population out from access to foreign lands. Education in the UK and the US for just one year is almost as expensive as an Indian’s kidney, if one were to pardon the conceit.  Within India itself, private universities cost as much over the course of four years. We may safely say that the structure under the NEP, benefits only a microscopic percentage of Indian students. Simultaneously, it insinuates certain cultural and ideological conflicts. 

Of course, change is daunting, abrasive at times. I desire to direct our attention to the realised change therefore; that is where the NEP stands, four years after its conception and more than  a year after it having been implemented. Lying beyond the theoretical assent and dissent, how has the change shaped itself in practice? 

The syllabi structured under the NEP have introduced subjects such as GE (Generic Elective), SEC (Skill Enhancement Course), VAC (Value Added Course), AEC (Ability Enhancement Course) with the respective departments offering choices from a pool of courses. Some of these courses such as “The Art of Being Happy” may be taught by professors of any and all departments! The obverse side of the coin parades this as ‘holistic development’ that should buttress an individual’s employability. The reverse, practical side of this coin reveals a diluted core syllabus and therein the concomitant and ironic risk of a half-baked education. Can subjects such as ‘Sports for Life’ or ‘Personality Development’ substantially better the depth of a student’s learning, especially at the University level, where courses are supposed to be rather rigorous and demanding? 

Professor Debraj Mookerjee, Associate Professor of English at Ramjas College, reflecting on the Economics Honours syllabus for St. Xavier’s University, Kolkata, says,

Of the eight courses being taught, only one is in the Honours subject paper…are the students learning enough about the core subjects to make them optimally employable? Can the other subjects not be self-learnt in the age of the internet?

A 3rd Year English Honours Student at the University of Delhi, Pema Choekyi Thongdok, in conversation with DU Beat, echoes the same concern

Also, while one may argue that papers like yoga, sports, etc. do help in extra-curricular development, I still believe that this should be the choice of the student. A student should not be forced to study a whole new paper, simply in the name of “holistic development”, if it wouldn’t even be of any help to them in the future.

A critically upsetting point that Pema raises is that these subjects, with the exception of the GE courses, may not be repeated after one semester of having studied it. How does one fathom the idea of learning a subject well enough within the span of four months, with six other such courses to cater to, including 3 core papers, to find any practical or academic use for it later in life? If the practical use is eliminated entirely, an academic use is tenuously possible. Even in that scenario, additional rigorous research must be done to develop a scholarly understanding of the topic in the first place. This research shall only be the qualifying pre-requisite and no more. 

Highlighting another pitfall of this system, Shivam Bhanushali, Assistant Professor of English, B.N.N College ventures,

The policy’s emphasis on student choice in subject selection is commendable. However, large class sizes and an uneven teacher-student ratio make it difficult to offer diverse options. This can lead to schools prioritising feasibility over student preferences, potentially hindering the policy’s objective.

The cause behind such a butchered syllabus coupled with an equally ignominious execution may be ascribed to the inadequate workforce in terms of, on one hand, administrative sections that must be reconditioned to accommodate the changes in the dealings with students and a largely under-equipped faculty.

Many of the universities are facing problems because they do not have the manpower required for proper implementation. This programme has many sub-sections like value-added and skill-based courses. If institutes want to offer these courses, they need to have proper departments in the university.

 says Professor Imankalyan Lahiri, Department of International Relations, Jadavpur University. 

Taking this argument further, Priyanka Mukherjee, third year journalism student at Delhi College of Arts and Commerce laments

NEP, while it boasts of introducing “practical aspects” into the syllabus, doesn’t take into account that several DU colleges lack the basic infrastructure to even accommodate a media lab in their premises.

 In the recent fee hike at JNU and DU postgraduate and doctorate programmes, one of the contentions seemed to be a constantly failing infrastructure that did not reflect or justify the increased fees. If colleges were not being able to handle infrastructural demands even before the NEP was implemented, it is only natural for a massive bottleneck to have been birthed in the wake of NEP’s structural reform demands. For instance, one of the AEC papers offered under the NEP syllabus is “Environmental Science – Theory Into Practice”. As an unfortunate victim of the NEP myself, I may assuredly proclaim that there was nothing generally practical about the course structure exempting the practical waste of my precious time as an honours student. The “practicals” prescribed in the syllabus decreed the making of a practical file, with an arbitrary number of experiments left to the discretion of the teacher responsible for teaching it and a viva-voce at the end of the semester. I trust you have understood that there were no opportunities created for us that warranted leaving the four-walls of the classroom or our living accommodations. Unless I am practically delirious, it bothers me that there are no realised practical, or hands-on aspects to courses that purport to be largely practical. 

Under the NEP, one may skip completely their Master’s and appear for the UGC-NET provided they can meet the criteria of a “minimum of 75% marks or equivalent grades in their four-year undergraduate course”. Additionally, the UGC has already scrapped the M.Phil degree entirely. Commenting on this, Professor Saswata Bhattacharya, Associate Professor of English at Deshbandhu College, University of Delhi, in conversation with Times of India, says,

The 4th year requires a student to acquaint themselves with research methodology and research work. The papers that they have, were previously a part of M.Phil courses, let alone M.A. Speaking of their M.A. courses, which they may now skip, they have a one year programme with not more than 8-10 papers. We had a minimum of 12-16. The length of their M.A courses have been effectively halved. I can vouch for the paramount importance of a two-year course for their M.A. Students who have been introduced to a specialised discipline only recently, and have been studying it for not more than 3-4 years, will find themselves severely ill-suited for serious research. In fact, a 2 year M.Phil course after their master’s helps bridge the large gap in the nature and workload between a Master’s and PhD course.

The hoped expedite is not so much an expedition as it is a hindrance; the process leaves students insufficiently armed and unable to ease into the succeeding steps of their lives. Professor Biswajit Mohanty exposes a dangerous area of quicksand in the exit policy of the NEP undergraduate programmes.

The exit policy is clearly disadvantageous for the underclass category students because it is easy to exit and difficult to gain re-entry into the system, considering the fact that the poor students would find it burdensome to expend energy and financial resources for four years to get the desired degree. Earlier three years seemed achievable but it seems a distant goal for them. This has manifested in the form of one of my students from Rajasthan now contemplating a move to SOL as he cannot afford to study in Delhi because of his family’s financial situation. This will also be disadvantageous for girls, as they would be the first to be taken out of school.

Certainly, given the India now, in an attempt to dig new pathways, the NEP has run the drills under whole residential areas without relocating the inhabitants. It has done so under the influence of a flimsy vision and a threadbare execution. The damage control has been pitiful because it lacks the work-force and the resources to acquire said workforce. In simple words, India is not ready to so radicalise its educational wireframe. It is not simply the universities that have failed, but the government responsible for funding them. “It is, however, not a big surprise that the present government has implemented yet another ambitious policy without taking into account the ground-reality of our academic institutions.” concludes Priyanka. While the students suffer from not having been eased into degrees in a rush to acquire them, the academic institutions suffer from not having been eased into the NEP. One cannot deny the NEP’s transformative capacity. However, a ceramic bowl cannot contain oversized bricks. There is hope for the NEP, but the damage done to the first batches in its inchoate stages seems irremediable. 

Read Also : The Good, Bad, and the NEP: A Far Dream?

Featured Image Credits : The Times Of India Website

 

Aayudh Pramanik

[email protected] 

Video and audio clips of a vandalised DUSU office surfaced on the 14th of July. ABVP members claimed NSUI involvement and took to social media to condemn the alleged heinous act. The University of Delhi has set up a 4-member board to investigate the vandalism at DUSU office and an FIR has been registered.  

As political tensions further burgeon between the incumbent DUSU President, Tushar Dedha from Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and Abhi Dahiya, DUSU Vice President, representative of NSUI, a case of ruthless vandalism at the DUSU office has left the DUSU members smarting and has invited a grim prognosis for the suspected vandals. The office of the President, Tushar Dedha; Secretary, Aparajita; Joint Secretary, Sachin Baisla and the visitor’s room have been ransacked by whom ABVP members alleged were NSUI goons, possibly led by Mr. Abhi Dahiya. 

DU Proctor Rajni Abbi has revealed in conversation with Indian Express on Sunday that ongoing investigations have discovered several liquor bottles in Mr. Dahiya’s office. The ABVP has also alleged that the violent act had been carried out under the influence of alcohol, at around 3AM the same morning. The ABVP has taken to social media to expose the extent of damage caused to the public eye, wherein claims of NSUI goons having urinated on the “Roll of Honour” Nameplate, thrown out statues of religious icon Ram and the framed portrait of leader Swami Vivekananda have been documented. RSS-affiliated ABVP in a statement floated on Sunday condemned the Congress’s student wing –

“Between 3-4 AM this morning, NSUI goons broke into the Delhi University Students’ Union office, causing chaos. They broke the doors of the offices of President Tushar Dedha and Secretary Aparajita, vandalised the office, and threw out statues of Lord Ram and pictures of great leaders like Swami Vivekananda.” 

In an interview with Press Trust of India (PTI), secretary Aparajita confessed

“As the only female student representative working at this level, I feel unsafe in my own office.”

DUSU Vice-President Abhi Dahiya has released a statement on his Instagram on Monday, following the allegations, accusing ABVP goons to have likewise vandalised his office “first” in retaliation for his attempt last week to uncover the “fraudulent means” used by the Mr. Dedha to gain admission in DU, and the “false affidavit” submitted by him in order to contest elections. He claimed that the incident was orchestrated as an act of diversion from the critical issue of the fabricated documents, urging that there be a thorough investigation into the matter and entreating students to not get carried away by the propaganda fuelled by ABVP. “This act of vandalism and fear mongering not only damages DUSU property but also threatens the safety and integrity of our student community” he wrote on social media. 

An official intimation conveyed the decision of the varsity’s administration to set up a 4-member panel comprising Delhi University Proctor Rajni Abbi, Dean of Students’ Welfare Ranjan Kumar Tripathi, Delhi University Students Union (DUSU) staff advisor Surender Kumar, and Joint Proctor Geeta Sahare, to probe into the matter. The panel endeavours to submit its report within seven days. 

Read also : Controversy Erupts Over Tushar Dedha’s Presidential Candidature as DUSU VP Files Complaint

Featured Image Credits : ABVP Delhi Instagram Page      

Aayudh Pramanik

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Sorry, the old RaGa cannot come to the PressCon right now. Why? Oh, cause he’s dead. Let’s explore his journey from the Prince of Political Dynasty, to Pappu, and then Beyond.

Perhaps one of the most interesting things about the General Elections of 2024 was the escalated and expeditious participation from Generation Z, a large strata of whom finally got a direct vote in the election of the Government. This participation was also rooted in the Twitteratis and their constant political pundit-esque commentary that remained persistent throughout this apparent festival of democracy. From the viral “Dimple Bhabhi Hatiye…” tweet to the pookie-fication of Narendra Modi, nobody escaped the brunt of the internet folks. A leading player in the battle for the seat of prime minister was Rahul Gandhi, who displayed a staggering transformation. From him being posted to the edits of ‘Daddy’s Home‘, his subsequent babygirlification and portrayal as the Batman of Indian political scenario et.al., RaGa seemed to be a Twitter favorite; pre, midst, and post the election season. And this, comes as a surprise for someone who has long been ridiculed by both, the politicians and the masses, as ‘Pappu’.

When the National Democratic Alliance, on its third subsequent win, boasts about a new era of Modi 3.0, it is notable that this also embarks the beginning of RaGa 3.0. Something that is even more remarkable is how every epoch of his political career draws a direct parallel to the state of the current opposition in the country. In retrospect it might appear to be a vague statement, however, this opinion piece attempts to substantiate the same, and for that, the political trajectory of Rahul Gandhi needs to be analyzed in a trifactorial manner.

In a political climate that was being conditioned for Priyanka Gandhi to be the new face of the Indian National Congress, with the re-emphasization of her parallels to Indira Gandhi, the launch of Rahul Gandhi as the face of INC was a rather unanticipated change for the politicians and the masses alike. In a direct parallel to Rajneeti (the 2010 Prakash Jha Directiorial’s) Samar Pratap, played by Ranbir Kapoor, ‘a foreign returned relatively less-known to-and-of the political scenario‘ heir was placed into the position of a party supremo. However, that is where the parallels end, while Samar goes on to become a force to reckon with, RaGa displayed a relatively inconsistent political profile. His political prowess at that time focused largely upon as the ‘uniter’ of the nation, working on reducing the caste and religion-based divisiveness in the country. Subsequently, he won from the ancestral seat of Amethi and was popularised as the Yuva Neta, and harbinger of justice, by the media. However, despite this popularised imagery that he had cultivated around himself, he refused to hold positions of power within the INC and rather struck to the youth wings. The launch of RaGa drew a parallel into the INC as it witnessed a rejuvenation of the Gandhi Parivaar within the leadership positions, after 14 years of absence, albeit in an indirect mannerism with Manmohan Singh being the Prime Minister then.

Post the smooth and apparent surged political prowess, the era of Rahul Gandhi 2.0 comes into play with the elections of 2014 and beyond; the General Election of 2014, posed a drastic change in the climate of the Indian Political Scenario, wherein the 10-year streak of the INC was fiercely shattered by the National Democratic Alliance and its figurehead, present Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The dramatic downfall of the INC marked the beginning of RaGa as the undisputed King of Bloopers and the face of Indian Political Memes, the person who was hailed as the Prince of the Politically Dynastic Gandhi Parivar was now ridiculed as ‘Pappu’, and worse. The lack of a proper redressal mechanism from the INC upon the same, and RaGa’s subsequent infamous statements like the ‘potato-gold‘ alchemy theory, the hug in the parliament, misgendering of the Speaker, et.al., cemented the NDA alliances claim of the ‘Shehzada’, in attempts to mock his lack of proper developmental work despite the privilege he was equipped with. A subsequent political debacle also surrounded the Indian National Congress, as it witnessed the lowest-ever tally of 44 seats post the 206-seat mark they achieved in 2009.

Post the 2019 stint of the National Democratic Alliance, and its subsequent chants of Abki Baar, 400 Paar; the public expectation from the erstwhile political bigwig declined, and an absolute majority of the present ruling party was largely accepted and anticipated. Despite the anti-heroic downfall that the INC witnessed, he kept walking (quite literally) and conducted two Nyay Yatras, which is speculated to have become a source of connection between the common man and the INC, and the reason for its subsequent victory in certain places. His newfound oratory skills and social media tactics labeled RaGa as the herald of the change of the apparent de-Modicisation and Democratization of the country. The connection that he attempted to build at a grassroots level, and better redressal skills, led to a surge in the INDIA vote bank, and a subsequent declination in the expected votes for the NDA.

However, RaGa’s relatively newer 3.0 trajectory did not stop there, the 1st July speech in the parliament, ended the era of his silence and negligence regarding the political climate and the flaws of the NDA, as he delivered a speech outlining the very same. The Speech won him further accolades over social media, as the netizens proclaimed that the tectonics of the Indian Political Scenario witnessed a shift that day, the void of an improper Leader of Opposition seemed to be filling. This is followed by his recent visits to places that have been impacted by violence and improper governance like Manipur, Assam, site of Hathras Stampede, loco pilots of Delhi, et.al. This is a clear indication of a political consistency, which he is infamously unknown of. The transition from Pappu to the Leader of Opposition, depicts a shift in the political ball game of the country, a probable subdued indication of the resurgence of the INC, and a new arena into his political trajectory. However, it remains long to be seen whether this political conundrum turns out to be a sham, or has Prime Minister Narendra Modi finally found an able competitor.

Read Also: Saffron Politics: A Path To Majoritarianism

Featured Image Credits: X

Shikhar Pathak

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The Faculty of Law, DU had proposed to introduce two books on the ancient Hindu text as suggested reading under Unit V – Analytical Positivism of the subject Jurisprudence for first and third year students in the undergraduate course paper in LLB, inviting criticism from the Social Democratic Teachers Front (SDTF) and students. The proposal has been rejected by the V-C after he issued a clarification on Thursday i.e. 11 July, 2024.

The Faculty of Law, DU had proposed to introduce two books on the ancient Hindu text as suggested reading under Unit V – Analytical Positivism of the subject Jurisprudence for first and third year students in the undergraduate course paper in LLB. The said proposal was rejected earlier today, prior to the academic council’s meeting by the Vice – chancellor Yogesh Singh after a controversy erupted over the matter.

Today a proposal by the Faculty of Law was submitted to Delhi University. In the proposal, they had suggested changes in the paper titled Jurisprudence. One of the changes was to include readings on Manusmriti. We have rejected both the suggested readings and the amendments proposed by the Faculty. Nothing of this sort will be taught to students,

 stated the V-C in a video message shared by the university.

Medhatithi’s concept of State and Law, the oldest and most popular commentaries on the Manusmriti, had been proposed as a suggested reading under Unit V – Analytical Positivism of the subject Jurisprudence, being taught in the first semester of the three and five-year undergraduate law courses, specifically Manusmriti with theManubhasya’ of Medhatithi, by GN Jha, and Commentary of Manu Smriti – Smritichandrika, by T Krishnaswami Iyer as the suggested readings.

The proposed integration was subjected to major criticism as the Manusmriti infamously endorses the caste system, gender inequality, outdated social norms and social ostracisation. The move is being criticised on the grounds that it would promote and perpetuate discrimination against marginalised communities, especially when it is integrated in the legal education system at a central university.

In an interview with The Indian Express Professor Anju Vali Tikoo, Dean, aculty of Law, had stated,

The Manusmriti has been introduced in line with the NEP 2020 to introduce Indian perspectives into learning. The unit under which it has been introduced in itself is an analytical unit. It has got nothing to do with Hindus, Hindutva or Hinduism. Hence, in order to bring in more perspective for the student to compare and understand analytical positivism, this step has been taken.

While teachers and students believed that a comparative understanding of the same is not the problem, its integration as a standalone paper is irrelevant and outdated.

Many students and teacher’s bodies had expressed their distaste towards the move. Objecting to the development, the Social Democratic Teachers Front (SDTF), a collective of teachers, wrote to DU Vice-Chancellor Yogesh Singh on Wednesday, stating that the text Manusmriti propagates a “regressive” outlook towards the rights of women and the marginalised communities and that it is against a “progressive education system”. They demanded that the proposal should be immediately withdrawn and not approved in the academic council’s meeting.

In the letter to the VC, SDTF general secretary S S Barwal and chairperson S K Sagar had stated

Introduction of any section or part of Manusmriti is against the basic structure of our Constitution and principles of Indian Constitution.

 

Samvardhan Tiwary, a first year student at ILC, Faculty of Law, spoke to DU Beat regarding the development.

DU’s decision to introduce Manusmriti as a part of its law undergrad syllabus, has its own pros and cons. The text can act as a source of origination of law in India, but should not be included as a standalone curriculum in the UG framework. It’s important for the administration to take cognizance of the fact that now the Indian Legal has reached a certain pedestal where the relevance of Manu won’t benefit the students, rather it defeats the purpose of modern jurisprudence. It’s not news that the text has had prejudiced connotations against women in ancient India; it doesn’t serve the purpose of teaching equity and justice in the modern day.

The Delhi University Academic Council was set to hold a meeting today, i.e. Friday, 12 July, 2024 on the proposal to introduce the ancient Indian text as part of its undergraduate law courses, however, a University official said that although the amendments were to be discussed on Friday, the Act of the University “empowers the V-C to take any decision regarding the larger interest of the University, students, and staff”. The matter was discussed with the Dean, Faculty of Law and decided on accordingly.

Feature Image Credits: Himanshu for DU Beat 

Read Also: https://dubeat.com/2024/07/05/dus-faculty-of-law-postpones-end-term-llb-exams-hours-before-the-scheduled-date/ 

Gauri Garg

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DUSU Vice President, Abhi Dahiya, filed a complaint with the Delhi University Vice-chancellor on Friday, 5 July 2024, against the DUSU President Tushar Dedha alleging that, “he produced a false affidavit to contest elections.” However, Tushar Dedha has denied such allegations.

On Friday, 5 July 2024, DUSU (Delhi University Student Union) Vice President – Abhi Dahiya, filed a complaint against the DUSU President Tushar Dedha, with the Delhi University Vice-chancellor, alleging that the latter used “illegal means” to get admission to the University and produced a false affidavit to contest elections.

(Image Source: Abhi Dahiya via Instagram)

Incidentally, this is not the first time a DUSU President has been (allegedly) “exposed” for using illegal means to secure admission into the University. In 2018, the former ABVP-led DUSU President Ankiv Baisoya was involved in a similar incident. Following the NSUI presidential candidate Sunny Chillar’s challenge to Baisoya’s elections on the same grounds, the then-DUSU President resigned from his position and has been sacked by the ABVP. This occurred when his bachelor’s degree from Thiruvalluvar University in Tamil Nadu was found to be fraudulent. 

Abhi Dahiya, in conversation with DU Beat, spoke out about the issue:

“The current DUSU President, Tushar Dedha has used ‘illegal means’ to gain admission within Delhi University. As per the records, the DUSU President holds two examination marksheets of intermediate class (Standard 12)- one from CBSE in Arts examination and the other from Madyamik Siksha Parishad Uttar Pradesh in Science Stream. How is it possible for one person to pass from two boards at two different places with two different streams? We urge the University to take stringent action against him as he does not deserve to remain the President for another minute, let alone an entire year.”

In his official complaint filed to the Vice-Chancellor of Delhi University, the Vice President of Delhi University’s Student Union cites that:

“As per the record received, he (Tushar Dedha) has two examination certificate/marksheets of intermediate class (12th), one from CBSE in Arts stream having roll number 9130384 and the other from Madyamik Siksha Parishad Uttar Pradesh in Science stream having roll number 0322496 District/School code 06/1328 both passed in year 2016 as a regular student.That as per the rules of both CBSE and Uttar Pradesh Board. It is mandatory for the regular student to have 75% attendance to appear in the 12th board examination and also, he has not passed equivalent Examination from any other Board.  However, in case of Mr. Tushar Dedha, he holds two marksheets from two different Boards, both passed in year 2016 which is in total of Examination by-laws of CBSE and Madyamik Siksha Parishad Uttar Pradesh Board and therefore, both the mark-sheets are void.”

While speaking to DU Beat, Abhi Dahiya also notes that:

Such illegal means have fooled the students of the University who put a lot of faith in their elected candidates while voting and we are looking forward to the University administration to take appropriate measures post the complaint by NSUI.”

 

Image Credits: Abhi Dahiya on  X

The DU Beat team was unable to reach Tushar Dedha, but he took to his Instagram on 6 July, 2024, in response to the allegations:

 

“NSUI cannot digest the fact that a student hailing from a village, hailing from a backward class, not only contested elections for the post of DUSU President, but also won. My admission to the UG and PG programs at the university is fair, authentic and legal. They can approach any organisation for verification, and all their allegations would prove to be baseless. On the contrary, there are many student leaders of NSUI, against whom there have been allegations and ongoing investigation of fraudulent admissions and paper leaks. The fact that NSUI has remained silent on cases of 19 paper leaks in Congress-ruled Rajasthan, goes on to show their hypocrisy.”

 

Besides NSUI, several student political-parties of the left-bloc have taken their stance related to the issue.SFI Kamla Nagar Joint Secretary Aditi, spoke to DU Beat, reiterating SFI’s stance on the matter:

 

“The fact that this fraudulent action ‘escaped’ the eyes of the DU administration that is otherwise so strict about the document verification process, to the point that it puts the futures of so many common students at risk over issues in documents, does not seem like a mere coincidence. This issue also brings into question the authenticity of the educational qualifications of other DUSU office bearers and candidates. Students do not want frauds as their leaders. The DU administration should stop supporting the fraud of ABVP-led DUSU and penalise the goons who take admission using illegal measures to contest elections”

In a consolidatory stance, AISA (All India Students Association) took to its social media pages to question the ‘DU Admin and ABVP Nexus’ and alleged that: 

While DU Admin goes ahead with implementation of NEP through fee hikes, FYUP, SEC, VAC, seat cuts, fund cuts, graded autonomy and bulldozes social justice and gender justice, it lets its stooge ‘Akhil Bharatiya Violence Parishad loose on students resisting their exclusion and marginalization.”

Tushar Dedha graduated in BA Programme from Satyawati College in 2019 and is currently pursuing his post-graduation in MA (Buddhism) from Delhi University. Adding to the uproar of student political leaders on social media, NSUI National President, Varun Choudhary shared a copy of the complaint and Tushar Dedha’s marksheet on X and alleged:

“DUSU President Tushar Dedha made a fake 12th mark sheet from UP Board and CBSE Board in 2016 and ABVP gave him a student union ticket in 2023. ABVP and SCAM party leaders are relying on fake mark sheets. The DU administration should immediately take strict action.”

While the debacle brews on, DU Registrar Vikas Gupta cited to The Indian Express that:

The issue has reached us and we will take a look into it on Monday.”

As per recent updates, the complaint demands that the results of DUSU Presidential elections be declared null and void and Dedha be sacked from his position. However, Dedha denied any wrongdoing and said he will file a defamation case.

Read Also: The Politicised Pareshani of DUSU 2023

Featured Image Credits: Arush Gautam for DU Beat

Gauri Garg 

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Priyanka Mukherjee 

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Hours before the LLB examinations were scheduled to start on Thursday, 4 July, 2024, the Faculty of Law, University of Delhi, released a notice informing the students about their postponement.

The Delhi University’s Faculty of Law postponed the LLB end-term exams scheduled to begin on July 4, 2024, in an official notification released a night before the planned date. “Under the orders of the Hon’ble Vice Chancellor, the examinations of LLB II, IV,  and VI term scheduled from 4th July are postponed,” it said, without citing any reasons. “Fresh dates would be notified in due course of time,” it added. The exams were scheduled to start on July 4 and end on July 26. 

As per the PTI reports, Vice Chancellor, Yogesh Singh, explained that the exams were postponed due to a significant number of students being unable to attend, citing low attendance. He stated,

Students will need to attend two weeks of classes to make up for the shortfall in attendance. After this period, new dates for the end-term examinations will be announced.

Raunaq Bali, a final semester student, expresses their anguish on X, about the potential delays in the academic and professional journey of students.

Hundreds of us in the final semester have been stranded now and won’t be able to join our law offices and LLM programs on time.

Sonakshi Gaur, another user on X criticized the institution for delayed teacher appointments and highlighting that students suffer due to these management failures.

The appointment of teachers is inexplicably delayed by 1-2 months, exacerbating the problem. How can the Faculty of Law, which prides itself on being a premier institution, lag so far behind in these critical areas? Students are bearing the brunt of these management failures.

Students also voiced their concerns about the unfairness towards those who attended classes regularly, as the decision seems to be driven by some students failing to meet the attendance requirements. Speaking to DU Beat, a student from the Faculty of Law, who wished to remain anonymous, said, 

This is not a new issue. Students are detained almost every semester, but it is unfair to make others sacrifice and disrupt their future plans.

As per the The Indian Express reports, Megh Raj, an assistant professor at Faculty of Law, adds,

The postponement of examinations for even semesters in the Law Faculty by V-C will create difficulties for students. Some of the final-year students who already have taken provisional admission in LLM courses at different universities will not be able to submit their final degree within time. Also, there will be a delay in the completion of the LLB degree; and consequently, the registration before the Bar Council as an advocate. Moreover, this decision would disturb the next academic session as well.

Raj is also a DU academic council member.

This abrupt postponement is part of a series of recent disruptions, including the postponements of the University Grants Commission – National Eligibility Test (UGC-NET) and the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test – Postgraduate (NEET-PG). It also comes on the heels of several reported irregularities in the NEET Undergraduate (UG) exam conducted by the National Testing Agency (NTA).

Read Also: Heavy Rainfall Exposes Infrastructure Failures in Premier Institutes

Featured Image Credits: Himanshu for DU Beat

Dhairya Chhabra

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