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Chief Justice of India D.Y. Chandrachud, who retired on November 10, 2024, recently reflected on his legacy and the impact of his tenure; the tenure which has been irrevocably sad and painfully disappointing as one sees him lead with a weak stature. 

 

Justice D.Y. Chandrachud’s tenure has been a free fall coupled with multiple comebacks. However, the more radically the CJI tries to be a liberally impactful judge with his put-on image of constitutionalism, it only lands him the titular trope of being a classic big mouthed MUN kid—all talks, no show.

The Chief Justice of India D.Y. Chandrachud was appointed and has been serving since November 2022. It is to be recognized here that his appraisal came at a very astute timing. The nation was convalescing with the aftermath of COVID pandemic, the Agnipath scheme had divided the youth’s job security, rampant political arrests had been ensuing with most political prisoners languishing in jails without proper trials and pending verdicts, right-wing extremism and communal clashes had grown manifold, minority rights were under scrutiny, state governments continued being unstable with the arrests of ministers and fall of coalition governments, the UCC, Article 370, and the Citizenship Amendment Act faced an undecided legal fate. The CJI, however, leaves office with a new unblinded saree-clad lady justice and folded hands that ask for forgiveness in case he hurt anyone.

Any criticism of D.Y. Chandrachud comes mostly from the fact of his identifying with morally high, progressive ideas but failing to deliver on any affirmative action that would strengthen them further. It has become a pattern of deceit. Famously, during the Marriage Equality proceedings, the Chief Justice earned his bytes of fame across social media when he corrected the Solicitor General, Tushar Mehta, saying,There is no absolute concept of a man or an absolute concept of a woman at all. Biological definition is not what your genitals are. It’s far more complex; that’s the point.”  What came from the hearing was a judgment against the legalisation of same-sex marriages under the Special Marriage Act, 1954. 

The bench also unanimously decided that the right to marriage is not a fundamental right; this sounds contradictory to other guaranteed rights such as the rights to equality, dignity, and liberty. A review petition was later filed as the court’s decision has been criticized for violating fundamental rights, ignoring lived realities, undermining constitutional morality, and contradicting international human rights standards.

Interestingly, the more the CJI edges towards his retirement, the more he finds it imperative to testify for a clean character certificate from the public. He recently said, I have always granted bail from A to Z, from Arnab to Zubair.” The statement sadly comes at a time when the movement and agitation towards Professor G.N. Saibaba’s institutional death is at its peak. The ignorance extended towards political prisoners’ plight is apparent. D.Y. Chandrachud’s judgment on the Bhima Koregaon Arrests under the UAPA is reflective of the larger judicial sentiment harbored towards those wrongly persecuted by the state. The court, in its judgment, ruled over the arrests of five human rights activists under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) by the Maharashtra Police and allowed the investigation to continue. The police had accused the activists of involvement in the Bhima Koregaon violence and sedition. There are several human rights activists and student leaders who continue to be politically incarcerated and framed while legal and political freedom withers. 

Delhi University Professor Nandini Sundar, while addressing a crowd gathered for the memorial meet of Dr. G.N. Saibaba, said,

For a judge to say that he has given bail to some and not the others, sounds akin to a teacher saying I have failed some students but passed the others.”

There had also been large public concern and criticism of the CJI when he openly hosted the Prime Minister for a Ganesh Chaturthi event at his residence. The opposition and citizens raised concern in the matters of division of powers, arguing that it was a display of negation of judicial independence, propriety, and protocol. The CJI, however, dismissed the backlash as he considers there being “absolutely nothing wrong.” 

Furthermore, adding to the populist religious sentiment around the Ram Janmabhoomi case, the CJI is said to have prayed to the “lords” to guide him through the judgment. Such statements disintegrate the secular core of public institutions. The judiciary does not in any capacity have a religion, but what one sees during the tenure of CJI Chandrachud is various judges openly endorsing religion and politics, as we see former Justices Rohit Arya and Abhijit Gangopadhyay joining the BJP.

There have also been judgments from the now former CJI that have effectively been pro-citizens and have sought to ensure and maintain the rule of law, but in a broader observation of phenomena, the CJI has delivered less of the more expected from him. Justice D.Y. Chandrachud’s legacy is a curious case of accepting the unexpected.

 

Read Also: DU Collective comes together in solidarity and remembrance of Professor G.N. Saibaba.

 

Featured image credit: The Hindu

 

Bhavana Bhaskar

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Nationwide protests have erupted following the brutal murder of a doctor at RG Kar Medical College. The Supreme Court has intervened as medical professionals continue to demand justice and improved workplace safety.

On 18 August 2024, the Supreme Court took suo motu cognizance of the rape and murder of the postgraduate trainee doctor at RG Kar Medical College in Kolkata. Initially deemed a suicide, the case was later revealed to be a horrifying rape and murder that occurred during her 36-hour shift.  A three-judge Bench led by Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud heard the case on Tuesday, August 20, 2024. The hearing led to the creation of a 10-member task force to develop strategies for ensuring doctors’ safety in their workplaces. The court also directed the Central Bureau of Investigation to submit a status report by 22nd August. Additionally, the court expressed disappointment with the West Bengal government for delaying the FIR and demanded an explanation for the three-hour gap between the murder confirmation through autopsy and the FIR filing. It also instructed the West Bengal government to refrain from suppressing protests and demonstrations in the state. The Supreme Court has also directed states not to take any punitive actions against doctors who are protesting against the brutal rape and murder.

The incident, compounded by inadequate workplace security, has ignited nationwide outrage and deeply disturbed the medical community. The country is seeing numerous protests by healthcare institutions and professionals across the city, with demonstrators demanding justice for the victim and improved security in the healthcare sector. The tragic incident has highlighted the severe challenges facing India’s healthcare sector, particularly concerning the safety of women.

In a conversation with DU Beat, two female doctors from Lady Hardinge Medical College (LDHMC) revealed,

“Female doctors often face rape threats from patients and endure harassment from uncooperative individuals. This makes particularly night shifts unsafe for women. The security conditions then become unpredictable. Thus, the implementation of the Central Protection Act for Doctors (CPA) remains another demand of the protestors.”

The students from Lady Hardinge Medical College (LHMC) had also organized a silent protest to advocate for enhanced safety for women in the workplace, with faculty members joining the demonstration on campus. The protest later extended beyond the college, as students from various institutions gathered at Nirman Bhavan at 2 p.m. to present their demands to the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. It was scheduled to continue on August 17th, but the government-imposed Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) restricted demonstrations to college campuses.

Read Also: Lady Shri Ram College Stages March in Solidarity with Kolkata Rape and Murder Victim

Featured Image Credits: Anonymous

Ashita Kedia 

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On 1 August 2024, the Supreme Court of India came through with a landmark judgement. The judgement makes sub-classification with the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes permissible, an issue that had been a matter of contention for a while.



The Supreme Court of India, on 1 August 2024, permitted states to create sub-classifications within SC and ST categories to offer wider protections to the most backward within these communities. The bench led by CJI Chandrachud reframed how the reservations may operate for the first time since 1950.  

 

India has historically been a place with rampant discrimination, infamously home to the hierarchical division of the Varna system. As is a secret to nobody, the Shudras placed at the bottom of the hierarchy were exploited by the rest, i.e., the Brahmans, the Kshatriyas, and the Vaishyas. This exploitation and social exclusion of the lower castes continued into the modern era, with social practices like untouchability being very prevalent in Indian society. It was in this grim socio-cultural environment that the constitution makers of India, with B.R. Ambedkar, being a Dalit himself, made the upliftment and protection of lower castes and tribes a priority. They did so by introducing reservations, which would guarantee a share of representation for these often socially deprived and neglected communities in institutional and lawmaking positions, as well as providing them with an adequate livelihood.


Reservation overtime has had adverse effects in various dimensions, in both positive and negative senses of the word. Some benefitted greatly from these newly introduced safeguards, while others were further pushed to the periphery by those at the apex within their communities. The uplifted ones, having gained emancipation from socio-economic exploitation, held on to these reservations, keeping them away from others, much more marginalised within those communities who could benefit more from reservations. It’s hard to imagine one giving up their privileges if it keeps on benefiting them, precisely the case present here.



However, the watershed moment turned out to be the ‘Indira Sawhney vs. the Union of the India case,’ which brought about the principle of the creamy layer or the exclusion of the economically well-off sections from reservation in 1992. This was, however, only applicable to the Other Backward Classes (OBC), and the SC-ST communities were left unaffected by the ruling due to them being deemed a homogeneous group. There have been a number of cases over the years trying to overturn the decision, notable ones being the EV Chinnah vs. State of Andhra and the Punjab vs. Davinder Singh cases. These attempts ultimately turned out to be unsuccessful on the grounds of homogeneity.


This was all to change on 1 August 2024 with a 7 judge bench ruling with a majority of 6-1 in favour of sub-classification and the introduction of creamy layer amongst the SC-ST.


Sub-classification does not violate the principle of equality enshrined under Article 14 of our constitution.

These were the words of CJI Chandrachud, who led the bench that delivered the historic judgement on Thursday. A great deal of emphasis was put on empirical data and facts to identify and exclude the deemed necessary.


There have naturally been protests and a great deal of civil unrest, albeit very expected. It’s often tough to come to terms with giving up your privileges, even if it’s for the greater social good. The reality of representation of these communities often ends up being a farce and is none more evident than in educational spaces, with the same old privileged bunch filling up the “representation quota,” which when all is said and done takes us nowhere. The ones at the apex often end up in positions of power and shape policies that end up being very one-dimensional, helping the already rich and pushing the already backwards even further into the periphery of social neglect.


Classifying these communities with empirical data and a looming census would allow the lawmakers a great deal of flexibility in shaping laws, taking into account the needs of the various stratas of our populace. In a nation with as much rampant and normalised discrimination as India, with certain social backgrounds. Case in point, “Biharis,”  having been given derogatory connotations, which as a society we should be ashamed of, it becomes a necessity that more is done to uplift the ones who actually are in need of it. Otherwise, we are going to be running in circles, going nowhere, and end up with the same sections in positions of power and stagnating the Indian society in the process, leaving us with a morally corrupt social psyche and an incompetent system. It’s almost as if not classifying would leave us with a society more homogeneous in educational spaces and positions of power than it already is.

 

Read also: SC Takes Up RG Kar Case Amidst Medical Community’s Outcry for Justice

Featured Images credits: PTI

Yash Raj

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Each time the newspaper unfurls another student’s tragic end, the pressing question lingers: when and how will this come to an end?

Welcome to the latest episode of the Supreme Court’s yet another fascinating dance of questionable rulings. In this piece, we analyse the court’s recent refusal to entertain a petition that sought regulation of private coaching institutes and a law to prescribe their minimum standards.

A fresh Monday’s dawn kindles newfound hope in the heart of petitioner Annirudha Nayal Malpani. Yet, in a distant realm, another heart faces a quiet departure of hope, navigating through the shadows of despair. In a plea that sought regulation of the mushrooming coaching institutes and presented data on student suicides, a bench of Justices Sanjiv Khanna and SVN Bhatti expressed helplessness and said that the court cannot pass any directions in such a scenario.

The court simply denied coaching institutes as a factor in suicides and backed ‘intense competition’ and ‘pressure of parents’ on their wards preparing for competitive exams as the main reasons for the rising number of suicides across the country. The court clearly mentioned that “coaching institutions in Kota cannot be blamed.” While we can’t deny the fact that societal and parental expectations do contribute a major chunk to the child’s pressure, refusing to hear any fault on coaching institutions still raises a question of doubt.

The widely acclaimed coaching hub, Kota, reported almost twenty-six deaths in 2023. An analysis by the Hindustan Times shows that more than half of the students who decided to end their lives were younger than eighteen years old. To delve into the factors contributing to these tragic outcomes, we need to acknowledge and articulate the underlying elements.

In a report by The Quint, a student studying at one of the premier coaching institutions mentioned that batches with higher aptitudes were given better treatment, like fully equipped libraries, twenty-four-hour teachers on call, etc. The potential toppers were even given fully furnished apartments with a maid and scooters. She added,

When you see others doing well, it instills a sense of competition. But when you see them being rewarded with money and other facilities, it leaves you feeling insecure.

To also contemplate this matter from a psychological lens, the toxic practice of segregating students on the basis of their ranks and grades breeds an air of superiority among high achievers, cultivating an unhealthy sense of competition among peers. Not only this, but these money-centric establishments allegedly lure the potential toppers with money so that they bring fame to ‘their’ coaching institute. As students dabble with homesickness, societal pressures, and financial burdens, the toxic atmosphere intensifies the struggle.

Notably, this isn’t the first time concerns have been raised about regulating coaching institutes and their alleged financial practices. In 2017, when this matter was previously brought before the apex court, the judicial stance was that it fell within the purview of state governments to address and regulate. History seemed to echo itself as the Supreme Court once again redirected the plea to the government, leaving us pondering a singular question: Does this constant redirection yield any effective results? While the Rajasthan government did issue guidelines in November 2022, complying with the orders of the HC and providing assurance of a law enactment, nothing seems to have changed as the state still yielded the highest number of suicides since 2015. In a parallel narrative, the issues confronting the Delhi government’s negligence find resonance in the streets of Mukherjee Nagar, still crying for the ‘framing’ of guidelines proposed in 2020.

The escalating tide of suicide cases demands a no-nonsense consideration for nationwide, centrally mandated guidelines. The grim reality is worsened by the flagrant negligence and incompetence shown by the various state governments. It screams for an urgent and concrete response because ‘pressure of parents’ no longer serves as the only scapegoat, while ‘spring-loaded fans’ and ‘anti-suicide nets’ are not the resolutions anymore.

Read also: The Supreme Court’s Handbook on Combating Gender Stereotypes

Featured Image Credits: India Today

Dhairya Chhabra
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The Supreme Court of India recently released a handbook that deals with countering harmful language used in court that fosters stereotypes against women.

The language spoken and accepted in court may not directly influence the outcome of a plea, but it serves as a significant indicator of the values upheld and endorsed by a country. Taking a step towards countering inappropriate and harmful language used against women and gender minorities, the Supreme Court recently issued a 30-page handbook detailing alternative and preferred phrases to be used in legal matters. 

(…) the language a judge uses reflects not only their interpretation of the law but their perception of society as well.” -Chief Justice Chandrachud

The handbook tries to eliminate some disdainful language that promotes stereotypes. Some of the identified phrases include ‘career woman’, ‘obedient wife’ and ‘chaste woman’. Another stereotype that the handbook aims to do away with is the idea that women are inherently overly emotional and thus incapacitated to make decisions. It also acknowledges that assumptions made about women’s characters depending on their sexual history and clothing preferences tamper with the judicial assessment of sexual violence cases as they diminish the importance of consent in sexual relationships.

The handbook also wishes to implement the use of more dignified language towards the LGBTQIA+ community. Moving forward, ‘sex assigned at birth’ is stated to be the preferred phrase in place of ‘biological sex’.  

When announcing the publication of this handbook in court, CJI D.Y. Chandrachud said that he hoped this would mark a milestone in the journey towards a more equitable society.

Implementation of measures like this one, especially by a nation’s highest authorities, is crucial for driving a fundamental transformation in how women and gender minorities are perceived within a country. Such initiatives not only signal a commitment to gender equality but also play a major role in determining societal norms in the long run. 

By challenging these long-existing biases, the Supreme Court of India has contributed to a broader cultural shift that recognizes and respects the dignity and rights of women. Hopefully, there is potential in this handbook to inspire change not only within the legal system but also in society as a whole. 

Read also: Handbook on Combating Gender Stereotypes – SC 

Featured image credits: Boom Live

Arshiya Pathania

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The Tis Hazari court granted bail to DU Associate Professor, Ratan Lal, who had been arrested on Friday by Delhi Police responding to an FIR lodged against him in regards to the ‘shivling’ comment controversy. Read to find out more.


Delhi University Associate Professor, Ratan Lal, who was arrested on Friday night, 20th May 2022, after an FIR was lodged against him for making alleged objectionable remarks through a Facebook post, has been granted bail, on a bond of Rs. 50,000 and a surety of likes, by the Tis Hazari court.

The complaint, which was lodged by a Delhi-based lawyer, Vineet Jindal, alleged that Lal had recently shared a “derogatory, inciting and provocative tweet on the Shivling”.

The DU professor had been arrested by the Cyber Police Station, North under IPC sections 153A (promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony) and 295A (deliberate act to outrage religious feelings of any class by insulting its religion). The Delhi police had been seeking a 14-day judicial remand of Professor Ratan Lal in order to facilitate a proper investigation in the case, considering that they had received six complaints against him so far.

 

Appearing on behalf of the police, Additional Public Prosecutor, Atul Shrivastava, told the court that, “prima facie some comments have been passed that have the potential to disturb public tranquility”.

Accordingly the FIR was registered… the most important aspect, not expected from such an educated person, was after making such type of remarks, he has not stopped there, he has been defending himself through different videos uploaded on YouTube,” Shrivastava argued.

 

On the other hand, Professor Ratan Lal’s lawyers (Advocates Amit Srivastava, Aditya Kumar Chaudhary, Dr Satya Prakash, Sanjay K Chhadha, ND Pancholi, Rahul, Mukesh, Deepak Jakhar and Karish Kumar Mehra) had moved his bail application before the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate, Siddhartha Malik, arguing that his arrest was in violation of the Supreme Court guidelines as mentioned in the Arnesh Kumar judgement.

What circumstances happened that you had to make an arrest? He was not a criminal or a habitual offender. He is a professor in a reputed college… You had proper time, you could have served notice, waited for a reply, and if there was an unsatisfactory reply then you could have arrested. This is contempt of Arnesh Kumar judgment and the officers involved in this arrest should face departmental enquiry,” Lal’s lawyer submitted.

 

On Saturday, 21st May, 2022, students as well as student organisations had held a protest outside Arts Faculty, DU against the arrest of Professor Ratan Lal. This included organisations cuh as AISA, Krantikari Yuva Sangathan (KYS), and DSU taking a stand in support of the professor. The students participating in the protest held placards saying “Stop attack on our teachers”, “Stop curbing democratic voices”, and “Release professor Ratan Lal”.

The FIR has been lodged against Prof. Lal under the section of blasphemy, an act which has no place in a country such as India which is not a theocratic state. Our constitution recognizes itself as a secular country, promoting all contending schools of thought, including those that are against institutional religions. Therefore, blasphemy must be decriminalized. It is only a tool in the hands of religious fundamentalists to quell voices who stand firmly against religious mongering,” said Noel Benny, SFI Delhi State committee member, while addressing the student gathering.

 

SFI Delhi also issued a statement in solidarity with the professor, condemning his arrest and the arbitrary action of the state.

This punitive action against Prof. Lal is characteristic of a Brahminical state. Brahminism since its inception as a hegemonic ideology has always violently suppressed its opposers… The current instance of using state machinery and constitutional provisions to penalize critics is only a manifestation of the oppressive ideology, which reaffirms that the state continues to follow the traditions of the Brahmanical order,” read the statement made by SFI Delhi.

 

Taking its decision, in addition to granting bail, the court directed the DU Professor to refrain from making any new social media posts or from engaging in different means of interaction such as interviews concerning the ‘shivling’ controversy.

In regards to this issue, Professor Ratan Lal had previously argued and made a statement that all he had done was impose a question to the general public as a student of history. 

People can be hurt by anything. Academic discourse cannot be sidelined on account of perceived hurt. I had asked a simple question to enquire if the so-called shivling was broken or cut. Mullahs and Pandits don’t need to comment on it. An art historian should answer this question,” said Professor Ratan Lal.

The court said that considering that the concerned remark by the professor had not been made with the intention of inciting any particular group or promoting tension/ enmity between people and had been made on a structure that was being claimed by different groups as different religious symbols, the court considered that “the post of the accused may be a failed attempt at satire regarding a controversial subject which has backfired, resulting in the present FIR.”

The presence of an absence of intention to create animosity/hatred by words is subjective nature as is the perception of the recipient who reads/hears a statement,” the court order stated.

The court also remarked that the feeling of hurt by one individual cannot be considered representative of an entire community or group of people. Thus, any such complaints should be considered in the larger context of the actual facts and circumstances.

 

This controversy also launched a lengthy discussion on the concept of tolerance as it exists in the Indian culture and the array of opinions that people might have on this subject.

It is observed that Indian civilisation is one of the oldest in the world and known to be tolerant and accepting to all religions. The presence or absence of intention to create animosity/ hatred by words is subjective in nature as is the perception of the recipient who reads/hears a statement,” the court remarked.

The Chief Metropolitan Magistrate also commented that with India being a country of more than 130 crore people, there can be 130 crore different views and perceptions on any given subject.

The undersigned, in personal life, is a proud follower of Hindu religion and would call the post to be distasteful and an unnecessary comment made on a controversial topic. For another person, the same post can appear to be shameful but may not incite the feeling of hatred towards another community. Similarly, different persons may consider the post differently without being enraged and may in fact feel sorry for the accused to have made an unwarranted comment without considering the repercussions,” said the court, talking about how different people might view the controversial post differently.

 

https://images.assettype.com/barandbench/2022-05/95080cc7-8d4c-4537-9525-eb04df387e6d/State_v__Ratan_Lal.pdfThe judge noted that the anxieties of the police could be understood and had not been completely ill-placed as they were only trying to accomplish their task of maintaining peace and order amongst the people. However, the court made its decision considering all the facts that were presented before them.

It is true that the accused did an act which was avoidable considering the sensibilities of persons around the accused and the public at large. However, the post, though reprehensible, does not indicate an attempt to promote hatred between communities,” they stated.

 

Additional Resources:

https://images.assettype.com/barandbench/2022-05/95080cc7-8d4c-4537-9525-eb04df387e6d/State_v__Ratan_Lal.pdf

Read Also: DU Professor Booked for his Remarks on “Gyanvapi”

Featured Image: @profdilipmandal on Instagram

 

Manasvi Kadian

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Since 1st November, 2019, the United Nurse Association has been protesting at Jantar Mantar for minimum wage. However, the struggle started in 2011, won on paper in 2016 with the Supreme Court verdict, and yet they are denied it till today.

The United Nurse Association (UNA) has been protesting day and night at Jantar Mantar to implement the Supreme Court verdict they fought for minimum wage years ago. The UNA caters to more than 10,000 private nurses that further carter to tens of thousands of patients in private hospitals.

The struggle began in 2011 and continued with many marches and protests to meet with the Chief Minister (CM) of Delhi, Arvind Kejriwal, to raise this issue. After being told in every meeting by him that he can only do something after the Supreme Court passes the verdict, the entire nurse association worked in same terrible conditions fighting for minimum wage.

Viveki, General Secretary of United Nurse Association said, “We were called to the residence of the CM at Civil Lines, Delhi. We begged them to help us; he promised that he’ll go to the extent of even protesting with us once the verdict comes out. However, after the verdict, he has refused all sorts of communication with us.”

However, after a tedious battle the verdict was passed in 2016 in Supreme Court in favour of the nurses.

As per the Supreme Court judgement dated 29-01-2016 in WCP(c)527/2011, nurses who are working in private hospitals in Delhi must get their salary according to the Bed Status, the salary bracket made by the Court which should have been implemented:

 

  1. In case of less than 200 bedded hospitals, salary given to private nurses must be at par with salaries of State Government Nurses.
  1. In case of less than 100 bedded hospitals, salary given to private nurses should be 10% less than that of State Government Nurses.
  1. In case of 50-100 bedded hospitals, the salary must be 25% less than that of State Government Nurses.
  1. In case of 50 bedded hospitals, salary cannot be less than ?20,000/- pm.

 

The basic dignity that comes with every profession has often been denied to these nurses. Hence, the verdict also guarantees working conditions and benefits granted to state government nurses, to be implemented to private working nurses. Essential requirements like leaves, working hours, medical facilities, transportation, and even maternity leaves are denied.

We all know about justice delayed is justice denied, however in this case, the verdict came in 2016, and it is the end of 2019 now and that verdict hasn’t been implemented yet, their right to seek redressal has been blatantly ignored in broad day light. What’s worse is that the CM’s office and Delhi Government are still not listening to them and are not even ready for a dialogue.

The first medical personnel provided to the patients are nurses. If the country treats them like this, the future of healthcare remains uncertain.

Currently, in their generosity, they finish their shifts at these hospitals and then protest at Jantar Mantar to not jeopardise their patients. From 15th November, they have been on a hunger strike, after completing their hectic shifts. However, the situation has worsened so much that they are forced to resort to a full protest, leaving patients hanging at Jantar Mantar on 10th December.

A crisis that affects all of us hasn’t received single media coverage yet. Healthcare is the building block of our society, yet it is being treated in pure abeyance. More than that, what is being expected of these nurses is inhumane; dignity that comes with each profession is a constitutional right. While the mainstream media is more interested in covering communal politics, issue that directly affects our progression as a society doesn’t even surface.

 

Featured Image Credits: Newsd

 

Chhavi bahmba 

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The Delhi High Court refused to consider a petition which sought University of Delhi to take responsibility for providing all regular college students with hostel accommodation on Wednesday.

The High Court bench comprising of Chief Justice D.N. Patel and Justice C. Hari Shankar gave unanimous decision on the aforementioned matter, and also said that the varsity was not under any statutory obligation to provide hostel accommodation to all students.

The petitioner Parveen Kumar Singh invoked section 33 of the Delhi University Act of 1922, which states that every student of the University shall reside in the College Hall or under such circumstances as prescribed by the Ordinances. This plea furthered that the regular students who were unable to secure a hostel seat should get a monthly stipend of INR 10,000.

The court was of the view that this interpretation of the section 33 was not economically viable as it would cost the University crores of rupees.

The petition which is filed through advocate Kamlesh Kumar Mishra further stated that of the 1,84,668 students enrolled in DU as per an RTI reply, only 6,235 or 3.37% have hostel accommodation.

Accomodation crunch in the University has been an issue for a long time. Due to lack of subsidised accomodation facilities, students have to give in to privatised facilities. The students who do not get the hostel accommodation are exploited by the landlords and property dealers who charge excessive amounts of money for accommodation.

The previously mentioned plea also sought to declare the area in and around the 5-kilometres radius of Delhi University’s South and North Campus as a “Special Students Zone”. It was suggested that this zone should have a fixed minimum rent for the accommodations.

The same plea also sought to end the inequal rates of departmental canteen food for staff members and canteen food for students. It stated that the prices of both should be harmonised, and operate on a break-even basis.  

On this matter, court pointed out that it is not incumbent upon the present judicial body to regulate prices in the University canteen. It is a policy issue that has to be looked at by the competent authority itself.

Advocate Mishra said that he would now move the higher court against the decision of High Court.

Feature Image Credits: DU Beat archives.

Antriksha Pathania
[email protected]

As stated in a press release, the students of Delhi School of Journalism have decided to move to the court for non-delivering of the promised facilities.

Delhi School of Journalism (DSJ) has been in the limelight for continuous protests and agitation against the University administration for non-fulfilment of basic infrastructure facilities like a proper media lab and a computer lab required for the course, since its inception. Dr. M.M. Yogi, Officer on Special Duty, Delhi School of Journalism had assured the students that their demands would be fulfilled ‘soon’, but the situation remains unchanged.

In a revolutionary move, students have now decided to appeal to the apex court against the University to resolve their problems and grievances. According to a press release, students of DSJ, Mohammad Ali, Suman Shekhar, Shahid Ansari,and Ankit Shukla moved to the Supreme Court regarding the matter.

Mohammad Ali, a second-year student of DSJ informed DU Beat that despite paying the highest fee in the University of Delhi, students of DSJ are deprived of basic facilities. He also stated that this step has been undertaken after facing disappointment by the hands of other senior authorities of Delhi University like the Vice Chancellor and Registrar. The students are seeking help from renowned lawyer Mr. Prashant Bhushan.

Maknoon Wani, another student of DSJ stated “The University and DSJ administration have collectively breached our trust. After a series of protests and the subsequent assurances given to us in writing, there hasn’t been any significant development in our college. No media lab has been established and we don’t have the infrastructure required for the proper functioning of the course. Lack of transparency is also an issue for us.” He added that the University has not made any records public citing that the audit has not been done. As a last resort, the students have decided to move to the court.

On the other hand, a press release by Professor J.P. Dubey, Honorary Director of DSJ stated that the students are being provided with the basic facilities, decent classrooms, media workshops, and field visits. It also states that students of third and fourth semester have been provided laptops and are also being exposed to various national and international agencies. 25% students from each batch and section are provided fee concession of 20% to 80% of the tuition fee was also mentioned in the release.

Mohammad Ali believes that if everything goes well, they will soon file an official court case against the University with the help of senior lawyer, Prashant Bhushan. Mr.Bhushan has also assured the students to help them in every possible way.

 

(With inputs from DU Beat Archives)

 

Image Credits: Suman Shekhar

Sakshi Arora

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As the Supreme Court ruling further attenuates the Reservation Rights of Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST) and Other Backward Classes (OBC), DUTA pushes out a letter to question the state of incompetence and wrongdoings.

The Supreme Court in the latest ruling on the reservation rights of SC, ST, and OBC for the appointment of faculty to college and university, has decided to water down from the 200-point system to the 13-point system. The latter system considers the department or subject (taught) as a unit, whereas the earlier system considered the university or college as a unit.

This decision has in turn simply stated made it so that OBC’s would be given every 4th position available in the unit, SC’s every 7th position and ST’s every 14th position, also in the case of small units or departments that don’t have for example 7 or 14 positions, no reservations will be created. The decision as expected has come to anger and agitate those working and prospective workers and has moved the hands of DUTA (Delhi University Teachers’ Association) who have written an open letter explaining how this ruling is absurd and harmful to the ‘Dalit Bahujans’ and is a step back into granting equal rights something that is taken to be the duty of the pillars of our nation. The letter in question was addressed to the Minister of Human Resource Development Prakash Javadekar asking him to bring in a Bill/ Ordinance to restore the 200-point reservation roster on the basis of college/university as a unit.

The final steps that members of DUTA have decided to undertake is to organise a march on the 31st of January from the Mandi house metro station to the Parliament street, for what they call a step necessary to ensure deliverance of basic human rights.

Feature Image Credits- Hindustan Times

Haris Khan
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