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The classroom has turned into an assembly line of submissions, and teachers, overwhelmed by grading requirements, have little time left for meaningful mentorship or feedback.

Education has long been regarded as a process of intellectual discovery—of thinking deeply, questioning boldly, and learning meaningfully. Yet, this ideal is steadily eroding. Across universities and schools, students now live within an unending cycle of evaluation—internal assessments, projects, presentations, assignments, and the list goes on. The logic behind this system seems sound: frequent evaluation is meant to encourage consistent learning, reduce exam stress, and provide teachers with an ongoing understanding of student progress. However, beneath the promise of fairness and engagement lies a troubling paradox—when everything is assessed, very little is actually learned deeply.

The shift towards continuous assessment has been one of the most significant changes in modern education policy. From the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 in India, the trend is clear: move away from high-stakes final exams and towards a “holistic” evaluation system that values participation, projects, and internal assessment. On paper, it sounds progressive—a model that rewards effort and creativity rather than last-minute memorisation. But in practice, this model has created a culture of constant performance, where students are perpetually producing rather than reflecting.

One of the major drawbacks of this system is the disappearance of depth. Instead of allowing students to spend weeks exploring a concept or topic, reading beyond the syllabus, or revising and refining their understanding, the system demands quick, measurable outputs. Every week brings a new deadline, a new rubric or stylesheet, and a new mark. Students, caught in this cycle, quickly learn the art of strategic compliance—doing just enough to meet the criteria without engaging deeply with the material. The intellectual curiosity that education is meant to nurture is replaced by a survival instinct: What’s the word limit? How many marks is this worth?

This is not laziness; it is adaptation. When evaluation becomes omnipresent, students prioritise what is measurable over what is meaningful. In such an environment, thinking deeply—the hallmark of genuine learning—becomes a luxury few can afford.

The continuous assessment model has also reshaped the teacher’s role. Instead of acting as facilitators of thought, teachers often become administrators of evaluation. With dozens or even hundreds of students to assess weekly, providing detailed, personalised feedback becomes almost impossible. The lack of time for thoughtful evaluation has profound consequences. Feedback, when rushed or generic, loses its value. It neither guides improvement nor encourages reflection. What should have been a dialogue between learner and teacher turns into a transaction. This mechanisation of feedback erodes the relationship between teacher and student as co-thinkers. 

The push for continuous assessment is not merely educational. It reflects a managerial mindset prioritising accountability, data, and efficiency over critical inquiry. Pressured to show measurable outcomes, institutions reduce education to quantifiable deliverables. Learning becomes performance, not understanding; students turn into data points, teachers into evaluators. This technocratic approach, appealing for its promise of transparency and productivity, flattens intellectual depth, replacing curiosity with compliance. By reducing growth to checklists and metrics, efficiency begins to matter more than thought, and deep, reflective learning becomes a luxury modern education can no longer afford.

At the heart of this crisis lies a more basic issue—the disappearance of time. Both students and teachers are caught in a perpetual rush. There is no pause between one assessment and the next, no breathing space for reading beyond the syllabus, developing skills, pursuing their hobbies, interests, etc.

Deep learning, however, requires slowness. It requires the patience to wrestle with difficult ideas, to make mistakes, to reflect and return. The constant churn of assessments denies this possibility. Students move from one topic to another without the chance to consolidate their understanding. What remains is surface learning—fragmented knowledge held together by deadlines rather than comprehension. This commodification of learning undermines intrinsic motivation. The joy of discovering something new, of following a thought simply because it is interesting, is replaced by a transactional mindset. Over time, students internalise a dangerous belief: that knowledge is not something to live with, but something to complete and move past.

None of this is to argue for a return to the anxiety-inducing system of one-shot final exams. Continuous evaluation can, in theory, support learning if implemented thoughtfully—with fewer assessments, better feedback, and more emphasis on reflection rather than output. To reclaim depth in education, institutions must reimagine assessment as a process of dialogue, not surveillance. Teachers need time and trust to mentor rather than manage. Students need space to think, fail, and revise without the constant fear of being graded. Education must once again become a space for intellectual risk-taking, where questions matter more than answers and where thinking slowly is valued as a form of courage, not inefficiency.

Read Also: NEP’s Three-Language Formula for Schools

Image Credits – Hindustan Times

Richa Choudhary

[email protected]

Campus politics often mirrors national politics in ways that feel uncomfortably familiar. The fractures inside DU echo larger democratic patterns, while the Left continues to wrestle with questions of unity, relevance, and survival in DU’s current landscape.

Every year in DUSU elections, the positions are clean-swept by ABVP and NSUI, the student wings backed by the RSS (and by extension BJP) and Congress, respectively. Each year during the elections, questions are raised about what drives the electoral politics of DU, and the answer often isn’t ideas but an intermix of caste and class, alongside a blind display of money and muscle, not just in campaigning but even in how candidates secure their tickets. From the number of SUVs to banners and posters printed, everything is taken into account. This reflects how politics and democracy in our country often seem to operate based on social and caste equations; here, ideas and ideologies frequently take a back seat.

This time we saw an overwhelming majority of ABVP wins in DUSU; the only seat won by NSUI was the Vice President’s. After Ronak Khatri’s viral Instagram reels and popularity, NSUI might have expected a better chance, so where did it go so wrong? The answer, which connects us to the bigger picture as well, may lie in the sudden exit of Umanshi Lamba from NSUI. After Khatri, she was perhaps their most popular member, but when the party refused to give her a ticket, she contested as an independent candidate. While details on why she was denied remain unclear, it can be speculated that the party’s decisions were shaped less by ideas, logic, or strategy and more by personal relationships. A parallel can be drawn with the 2024 Haryana elections, where Kumari Selja, Sirsa MP and senior Congress leader, had expressed willingness to enter state politics and sought a ticket for a family member from Uklana, her native village. Despite local enthusiasm and Selja’s overall popularity, the ticket was denied, leading to the BJP’s win in her own constituency. This pseudo-democratic model of elections, where choices are manufactured and popular candidates among voters are sidelined, often results in the kind of politics we see in DUSU today.

When ABVP sweeps votes in this way, questions are also raised about the significance of progressive politics and organisations in DU. AISA, even with a larger cadre than other leftist groups, often fails to deploy candidates with experience and real popularity on campus. First-years are frequently fielded—students who have only just joined the university are expected to gather support, build campaigns, and become the party’s public face. The AISA-SFI alliance in DUSU was finalised only in the last week before the election, leaving their campaigns entirely separate. This reinforced the perception that the Left is not a united front. AISA and SFI often distinguish themselves because of their different parent parties, and though their student members protest similar issues, the alliance falters on these divisions. The breaking of the AISA-SFI alliance in JNU and HCU has likewise allowed ABVP to bag seats in universities where progressive organisations had enjoyed majority support for decades.

That said, it would be false to say the Left’s electoral losses are solely due to weak campaigning. More than a decade of right-wing rule at the centre has fractured university structures, making it increasingly difficult for progressive organisations to sustain themselves. Right-wing ideologies are being taught and subtly embedded into daily life, to the point of becoming the default. To bridge this gap, the Left needs to focus on building strong organisations and mobilising students through education, creating space for nuanced and alternative ideologies, and calling out pseudo-democratic elections, rather than participating in a corrupt electoral system without first demanding change.

Image Caption: NSUI vs ABVP: more muscle, less manifesto. 

Image Source: SVC Student

By Gaurika Bahl

[email protected]

Ratan Tata’s legacy, while celebrated as a philanthropist, is tainted by the exploitation and violence against indigenous communities. Despite a public image of philanthropy, the capitalist corporations and their practices reveal a deeper commitment to profit, often at the expense of local populations, reinforcing systemic inequalities.

The billionaire philanthropy, as claimed by most of the elites, is meant to change the world, but a close look at the philanthropic institutions that are growing at a faster pace in the current century showcases the disguise meant to maintain the world as it is. After the death of Ratan Naval Tata, the former chairman of the Tata Group and Tata Sons, on 9th October 2024, condolences flooded the internet, mourning the loss of the philanthropic industrial giant of India. Tributes from the corporate industry, business partners, and international associates were on the horizon; however, the massive outpouring of respect and a sense of personal loss from the working class of the country demonstrates the “naive optimism” of the public and their misled trust in the generosity of the elites.

Tata’s passing gives a good reason to explore the legacy that Ratan Tata inherited and advanced. The legacy of the Tata Group was built on the colonial exploitation of the masses. Nusserwanji Tata, father to Jamsetji Tata, a small merchant, started trading opium to China. Opium was India’s largest export for much of the 1800s—and the “backbone of the British imperial economy.” The opium trade heaped misery on China by shoving the addiction down their throats and forcing the farmers in Bihar to grow the profitless poppies. Millions died in the Bengal famine of 1770, as once productive agricultural land was forcibly converted to poppy production. While the Tatas did engage in the opium trade, they were not dominant players in this industry. They built their wealth by contracting with the British Army to supply troops during wars, notably the Anglo-Persian War of 1856–57. These contracts, linked to colonial military efforts, were profitable and positioned the Tatas within the imperial power structure. The Tata Iron and Steel Company was set up with the main job to supply the British military during World War I. As reward, the Tatas also received the land—which today is called Jamshedpur in honor of Jamsetji, which led to the displacement of Adivasi communities, who were often forcibly evicted from their lands.

 

The Land Acquisition Act of 1894 facilitated compulsory dispossession in favor of private companies if they served a ‘public purpose’. Over the years, Tisco was a landowner, landlord, and municipal authority in Jamshedpur, buying up entire villages, charging rents at a profit, and providing patchy services.”

Thus the local capitalists, the Tatas, profited by provisioning British campaigns as it expanded its exploitation and ransacked places like modern-day Ethiopia.

When Tatas were handed over the land for its mining operations in Noamundi and for the Jamshedpur township in 1907, the company removed Kusumgaj trees, vital to the Adivasi communities for livelihood and sustenance as they initially refused to work in the mines. Thus, in a desperate attempt for livelihood, Adivasis started working in the mines for Tatas. The forced employment generation that continues to be applauded poses a threat to the tribals and their financial security. Furthermore, in 2000, Tata Steel allegedly destroyed a crucial water spring in Agaria Tola, near its coal mines, the only water source for a local tribal community. This act disrupted the local community’s access to essential resources, worsening their displacement and undermining their way of life.

The Gua Massacre of September 1980 or the Kalinganagar Massacre of January 2006 are the glaring realities of state-sanctioned violence against tribals to protect and further the interests of the profiteering capitalist. The tribal villagers in Noamundi protested against the use of their lands for a Tata aerodrome. Tatas urged the state to take stringent actions against the tribal activism. The next day, state forces opened fire on unarmed tribals in Gua, killing eight, including those seeking medical treatment, to quell the growing tribal movement in Jharkhand.

In Kalinganagar, police opened fire on Adivasi villagers protesting Tata Steel’s construction on their ancestral lands. This crackdown occurred soon after the discussion between Tata Steel and Odisha’s Chief Minister, signaling an aim to secure land for a steel plant despite local opposition. The violence led to killing, and the dead bodies returned after the post-mortem were mutilated. Tata Steel called the incident unfortunate and still continued its plans for the plant at Kalinganagar, intensifying tensions over land rights and corporate expansion. In 2006, Tata Motors acquired 900 acres of land for their car manufacturing project in Singur, West Bengal, by forcibly taking the land from local farmers. The state, backed by Tata, deployed armed police to secure the project site, turning the area into a heavily policed zone to suppress the opposition.

Tata and the deep-seated desire to exploit the tribals do not limit to India only. In 1997, while many companies exited Myanmar to protest its military regime’s human rights abuses, Tata Motors continued business with the Myanmar Military Junta, supplying hardware and vehicles. Despite allegations of severe human rights violations, including forced labor and violence against tribal groups, Tata maintained ties with the regime. The Land Rover Defender, owned by Tata Motors, is the most operational patrol vehicle in the Israeli military, which, with its oppressive onslaught, has killed more than 43,000 Palestinians in Gaza since October 7, 2023.

The Tata Group also has a history of strong anti-labor policies and developed a reputation for union-busting, often through violent means. Since liberalization, Tata Steel’s workforce has sharply declined from 78,000 in 1994 to 38,000 by 2006. It’s alleged that the company’s voluntary retirement scheme pressured employees into leaving, with many reporting they were placed under emotional strain to accept the offer. Since Ratan Tata’s leadership began in 1991, aggressive downsizing has led to tragic incidents, including two contract workers who self-immolated in 2003 in protest of their illegal termination. Tata is also accused of violating the Contract Labor and Regulation Act by assigning contract workers the work of permanent staff as a tactic to reduce costs.

With the profound history of exploitation and oppression, Tata Group continues to maintain the spectacle of an altruistic corporation in India and globally. Apparently, Tata Trusts contribute 66% of the earnings made by the Tata firms under the holding company Tata Sons towards charitable causes. However, people tend to forget that these charitable acts serve as a path for tax deduction, as stated under Section 80G of the Indian Income Tax Act. It also acts as a public relations tool to obscure the fact that the capitalists are hoarding an unregulated amount of wealth. Interestingly, we as taxpayers also subsidize these donations in the form of lost tax revenue. Reduced tax revenue could mean that the government has less to allocate to public spending. In theory, this shortfall might be compensated by public funds through other forms of taxation or adjustments in budget allocations to maintain services and infrastructure.

 

“In reality, the amount [billionaires] donate is a fraction of what they would pay if their tax rates were in line with the working class. I think billionaires donate for various reasons, but it’s clear that giving away the equivalent of what’s in their couch cushions helps them avoid having to face steeper bills that would actually make a difference in solving systemic problems.”

Says Gravity Payments CEO, Dan Price

 

“If the rich do not take on this responsibility, they risk provoking the public into a political backlash against the economic system that allowed them to become so wealthy,”

says Matthew Bishop in his work Philanthrocapitalism: How the Rich Can Save the World.

The “benevolent” corporations and their executives, regardless of the personal “moral virtues” they may hold, act with minimal ethical consideration for the public by deploying enough resources that shape the public perception in their favor and sustain their class interest. It’s also astounding to note that in the meantime, their wealth grows by more than what they give. The philanthropic institutions present an altruistic image of the corporations while simultaneously manufacturing the public consent so as to shield the elites from public scrutiny and criticism. These institutions play as a public relations strategy to guise the hyper-profit-driven practices and maintain a deception of capitalist generosity. This helps the capitalist to thrive in their class, exploiting agendas, manipulating the social narratives, and obscure the broader reality behind the social welfare pursuits.

Read Also: Mohanchand to Mahatma: haunting ghosts of Gandhi

Featured Image Credits: Reuters

 

Reeba Khan

[email protected]

 

Wrestler and activist Vinesh Phogat transitions to politics by joining Congress for the upcoming Haryana elections. Her activism and family dynamics add complexity to her candidacy for the Julana constituency.

The pipeline from sports to politics is a well-trodden path in India, with several celebrated athletes transitioning from stadiums to political offices. Vinesh Phogat, a celebrated wrestler, is the latest to make this leap. In a bold move, Phogat joined the Indian National Congress on 6th September, emerging as one of the party’s prominent faces for the upcoming Haryana elections. Since then, Phogat has submitted her candidacy for the Julana Assembly constituency. While adding a fresh dynamic to the Congress campaign in Haryana, her entry into politics has also sparked debates and controversies, drawing attention to her wrestling accolades and the circumstances surrounding her political journey.

Athletes entering the political arena are not unique to India. Globally, several high-profile sports personalities have successfully made the switch to politics, often leveraging their popularity and influence to garner public support. A prime example is Imran Khan, the legendary Pakistani cricketer who transitioned from being a World Cup-winning captain to serving as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Khan’s political journey, marked by his determination and public charisma, is a testament to how athletes can reshape their image and career beyond the sports field. Similarly, Vinesh’s accession into politics signifies a shift in her career trajectory, aiming to translate her on-field grit into political clout and her fandom into a voter bank.

Closer to home, the comparison to her cousin, Babita Phogat, is inevitable. Babita, also a wrestler of repute, joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2019 and even contested in the Haryana state elections. Although Babita did not win her seat, her move was seen as a strategic decision by the BJP to leverage her appeal among Haryana’s youth and sports communities. This parallel entry into politics, albeit on opposing sides, has created a controversy within the Phogat family, with the cousins now split between rival parties. The tension between the two has raised eyebrows, particularly in Haryana’s political circles, where the familial discord could impact public perception and voter behaviour. In a recent statement, Babita accused senior Congress leader Bhupinder Singh Hooda of “creating a rift” within the Phogat family by bringing Vinesh into the party, suggesting that his move was a calculated effort to weaken the BJP’s support in the state by playing on internal family dynamics. The accusation has only deepened the perception of a widening chasm between the Phogat sisters, who were once united in their journey to promote women’s wrestling in rural India.

Adding fuel to the fire is the ongoing scandal surrounding the Wrestling Federation of India (WFI) and its former president, Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh. Earlier this year, Vinesh Phogat emerged as one of the leading voices in a dramatic protest against Singh, accusing him of sexual harassment and mismanagement within the sport. The explosive allegations sparked a nationwide uproar, igniting demands for Singh’s resignation and significant reforms within the WFI. In a surprising twist, Singh has openly mocked Vinesh’s political ambitions, dismissing her candidacy as nothing more than a “Congress-scripted drama.”He accused her of using her political platform to undermine the BJP’s influence in Haryana, suggesting that her activism was a conspiracy orchestrated by the Congress rather than a sincere commitment to public service. This contentious backdrop raises eyebrows, as the public speculates whether Vinesh’s political ambitions are merely a tactical maneuver by the Congress party to exploit her sportsperson/celebrity status in a bid to challenge the BJP and its allies. The tension has deepened, with Singh’s scathing remarks not only polarizing public opinion but also framing Vinesh’s candidacy as a potential pawn in the BJP vs INC conflict.

Furthermore, Vinesh Phogat’s recent disqualification in the 2024 Paris Olympics finals cannot be ignored. As one of India’s top wrestling talents, she faced a technical disqualification that abruptly ended her Olympic aspirations, igniting widespread sympathy and support among fans and the general public. Vinesh was anticipated to be a strong medal contender, and her disqualification was perceived as a significant blow not only to her personally but also to the reputation of Indian wrestling as a whole. As disheartening as the setback was, it could inadvertently bolster her political campaign. The Congress party may be counting on her ability to convert this wave of sympathy into votes, leveraging the emotional resonance of her story to rally support in the Julana constituency. With her public persona now intertwined with this narrative, Vinesh’s campaign is uniquely positioned to tap into the electorate’s sentiments, which could prove pivotal in the upcoming elections.

In her campaign, Vinesh has embraced the “rustic bahu” image, aiming to connect with the people of Julana. This persona seems to resonate particularly well with local women, who have been welcoming and supportive of her candidacy. However, one can’t help but question the authenticity of this image, with some speculating that it may be a calculated effort to cultivate a voter bank rather than a true reflection of her character. The dichotomy of being both a celebrated athlete and a down-to-earth figure is a delicate balance, and as the election approaches, it remains to be seen how voters will perceive her true self.

With polling in Haryana set to commence on 5th October, all eyes will be on Vinesh Phogat as she embarks on her first election as a candidate. Will her performance in the elections mirror her spectacular performance on the mat? The outcome of this election could redefine not only her political career but also her legacy as an athlete cum social activist in India. As voters consider their options, the question remains: can the ‘rustic bahu’ make a lasting impact in the political arena, or will she remain a star confined to the world of wrestling?

Read Also: Beyond the Fields of the Olympics: A Transcend into the Ball-Park of Humanity

Featured Image Credits: The Times of India

Ashita Kedia

[email protected]

Gandhi is introduced as a messiah of morals to a child. Stories of the three monkeys turning the other cheek and the celebratory personhood of ‘the father of the nation’ have cast him away from ideologies appreciated critically to a domain of morality concerning only the judgement of an immediate right or wrong; this domain is scary for it appeals widely but negates a deeper philosophical intervention or understanding of the figure, what he stood as, and why he appeals still.

The modern Indian liberal attitude of tolerance and non-violence draws heavily on the principles of the Mahatma—a politically potent image inflated with the task of disseminating a high moral cause. Gandhi advocated for a legitimacy of authority to be found in the conscience of man, extending to include a moral regeneration of the people. This emphasis on ‘regeneration’ comes from the idea of the moral decadence of Indian people that resulted in colonial enslavement, thus allowing British rule. His path to freedom is that of an enlightened anarchy.

This rejection of constitutionalism and parliamentary democracy for Gandhi doesn’t come from a Marxist critique of democracy, which nonetheless repulsed him for being anchored in violence and the denial of God. The British parliament to Gandhi is a ‘sterile woman’ for not having ‘done a single good thing’ and a ‘prostitute’ because ‘it is under the control of a minister who changes from time to time.’ Why then is this non-democratic father of the biggest democracy still revered and set as a principle?

This essay is not an attempt to demystify Gandhi or dissect his ideological perspectives, considering the mixed bag his thoughts were and the considerable changes they underwent. Neither does this discredit his contribution to the freedom struggle. It rather tries to frame Gandhi’s relevance in a post-colonial world.

In a country that prides itself on elevating demigods with cult followings seasonally who influence entire elections, run scandals, encroach on lands, are crime apologists, and turn tides over with their bhakts, the occurrence of the image of an academic Mahatma shouldn’t then feel very alien. This nation of ours produces ‘godmen’ that talk of the culture taught by the Vedas, the Upanishads, and the Gita and always desperately want to “go back to” and restore the lost. Their appeal to reason involves the acting on a soul force which carves out an existence replicating some past, further nudging us towards living a more perfect life in embodying this now realised historical truth. As ahistorical and pathetic as it sounds, it works when nationalism taints it and it appeals to a nation fraught with poverty, patriarchy, corruption, casteism, and obviously, the aftertaste of centuries of imperialist-colonialism.

The appeal for religion that comes strictly from the Hindu tradition and charms the upper caste consciousness, parading as spiritualism and distinguishing between good and bad Hinduism is a peak Mahatma move from Gandhi. For Gandhi, the acme of Hinduism is to be found in the Ramrajya. The rule of Ramrajya was a central element of his political philosophy and social vision for India; it stood as the manifestation of a philosophical anarchy that his ideas professed. The memory of that Ramrajya reverberates strongly today as one would see in the right-wing fundamentalist ruling state wanting to capitalise on vote banks using a similar analogy. Now, one doesn’t need to venture into the fraudulent concept of the Ramrajya and what it entails for minorities living in India. Such imagination of an ahistorical lofty state is in essence anti-equality, and attempts to extract the good from the fundamentally bad are attempts of deception. While there are Gandhian politicians/academicians who excessively differentiate Gandhi’s conception of an ideal state from the current trends, it only means that this idealism is confusing and largely interpretative while also being highly remunerative to talk about for the appeal it holds still after 77 years of independence.

This ascetic image of Gandhi is carried by the tokenistic ‘Mahatma.’ The deification of Gandhi, where he is seen as a saint who fasts, meditates, prays, abstains, and lives in an ashram while also providing a stage for people to opine regarding the role of women in public life, capitalism in a developing country, caste relations, the importance of import substitution, the significance of village life of family relationships and tradition, in general, work best in the Indian context. Our modernity isn’t too modern or radically progressive and always finds a place back to the religious to validate any step forward; all that is now scientific predates to a past where it has been discovered but apparently lost.

Gandhian philosophy is of spiritual passive resistance, which is a method of securing rights by personal suffering; it is the reverse of resistance by arms. It requires the use of soul-force over body-force. While the ambit of spirituality can be all encompassing (since it has no specific criteria of inclusion) and helpful, it detaches an individual from the product of a society and historical events. Injury to the self in resistance to the state still forms a criterion of recognizing a protest as valid and non-retaliatory. The figure of Gandhi emerges in resistance to the police while one defends and keeps defending their nature to be non-violent and peaceful. Violent attacks on the state, on the other hand, are deemed consequential and thus not acceptable, deserving a public trial of punishment. 

While it is certainly true that the celebrityhood of Gandhi has been withering, his ideas and philosophies still haunt us. So long as we remain a nation obsessed with religion forming our politics and us conceiving moral Mahatmas in every sphere, the ghosts of Gandhi will long endure.

 

Read Also : Spinning Selfhood : The Story of Gandhi Bhawan, Delhi University

 

Image credits: Pinterest

 

Bhavana Bhaskar

[email protected]

TW: This article references acts of sexual violence 

As the nation lets forth a clarion call for justice surrounding a raped, mutilated and desecrated body, governments deflect blame while remaining complacently paralysed. The question that reverberates – to politicise the raped body, or not to politicise? 

West Bengal, and the nation as a whole, sports an odious record of mercilessly politicised cases – Nandigram, Amta, Sandeshkhali, Nirbhaya, Hathras, Unnao and recently, R.G. Ka  are now exempting the last, hollow, intangible apparitions of the distant past. We gather in armies for a few breaths, armed with candles and rage. Then, we forget. We forgot. The serving memory summons two images: First, that justice was and is a thing of the legends, wished for yet having no practical manifestation. Second, that the raped body has turned into a battleground for the state powers to rub clean their own slates with, and to use as a conduit through which to inundate the others’ with ad hominems and catastrophic, yet priorly known failures. In simple words, we do not remember justice as an object or idea served and we do not remember the raped body that has been spared the indignity of apathetic opining by the unimaginative and fortunate. We do not remember the raped body that has been spared the opprobrium of having been transformed into a political agenda.

Is this to say that we must depoliticise cases of rape? To answer this, we must follow a pattern of thought based upon irrefutable evidence. Let us take the recent offer of sex workers in Kolkata to perform as the means to a man’s sexual ends. There are three particularly macabre consequences of such an act of what may be called none other than self-immolation, and certainly not for a benevolent cause, as a pathetic majority is making it out to be. The three understandings of the rapist and the figure of the raped betrayed in such an admission are that 1) most understand rape to be a direct consequence of intractable desire; 2) it is tacitly understood that for men to repress their bestial inclinations in civilised company is inconceivable; 3) the inherent recourse to self-effacement in the face of such a crime is glaring; the identity of the victim, as it would to a murderer, hardly matters to a rapist. 

The psychology of a rapist has seldom been satisfied at the cost of carnal access to a non-consenting, struggling body. The rapist has, time and again, gone above and beyond to inflict pain upon, mutilate and deform the body. Therein it must be understood that gratification of sexual desire is not the object of rape. Hence, we cannot deny that rape has been, is and possibly shall continue to be a political weapon. Rape behaves as an act of asserting and imposing a condition of control that is an axillary of the patriarchy. The patriarchy is fed by and perpetuates itself through the political machinery of a civilisation. Rape is and must be conceded to be a political weapon; one that is used to establish a statement of subjugation and one that materialises in the brutal encroachment upon an individual’s bodily autonomy. 

The same weapon manifests in the form of hasty judgements of rape cases, their disproportionately protracted trials, which even parade such rapists, garlanded and paunched, on national television – comfortably absolved of all crimes. The patriarchy protects rapists for rape protects the patriarchy by ensuring its survival. 

This is a fairly simple argument to understand. It is not so fairly simple to accept it as universal truth. Given this argument were true, the existence of men that do not rape, or that do not succumb to such “natural biological desires” would be tantamount to the admission of biological anomalies and there is no evidence that points to that fact. There exists a fair proportion of men that exhibit perfectly healthy levels of sexual desire and are not brought to such violent outlets. Research has yielded a plethora of results pursuant to the popular positive correlation between the levels of testosterone and the degree of sexual desire experienced – such evidence remains inconclusive. Therefore, it is no more than an excuse to extenuate the rapist by ascribing the act to a biological compulsion. Once again, rape appears to be the satisfaction of a political security; the assurance that is begotten through renewed acts of rape, that subjugation is possible and that the man is still cushioned at the top of the ‘social chain’ as it were. 

One of the chief premises of ecofeminism and deep ecology has been that environmental disregard in the face of a rampant incipient urbanisation, industrialisation and colonisation is only a reflection of patriarchal tendencies. The ego-centric man, modelled in the image of the Renaissance, the Enlightenment and the Romantics, must control all that is not themselves; the forests, the resources of the earth, the decision as to whether an animal survives or is slaughtered, the women, the children and ultimately, by extension, the earth. There are incidents where men have raped dogs, goats, and even komodo dragons. We might take the instance of where men have raped pre-pubescent children and senile old women. To think that these figures could excite sexual arousal in a man is admittance of either of two facts, or both: All men that rape are veritably paraphilic and unfit to inhabit civilised society or, that the identity of the raped is of no consequence to a man. While the former is a possibility and indeed, I am fairly certain, is the reality in several cases, the latter furnishes the argument I have explored throughout this article. Rape, being a tool to exercise control and assert dominance, obviates the need for the identity of the individual that is raped to be known. The individual’s body therein becomes a faceless vessel through which the rapist wields a political weapon, a political assertion of position and power, and a political consequence of supremacy. 

The kernel of the argument must now be clear. It is impossible to depoliticise the raped body or the intentions of the rapist. To say that it is a humanitarian issue is mere sophistry. While it happens at the cost of the raped body, one cannot deny that every single case of rape ultimately reflects upon the government and its ineptitude. Every single case of rape is an immediate exposé of the inner, corroded workings of the judiciary. Every single case of rape carries on its back the heavy history of raped bodies that haven’t been produced to the legal system, let alone been prepared with justice. Every act of rape is political as is every raped body. We must identify the culprits that draw us away from this recognition. Governments have contrived for themselves and popular understanding, a meaning of their own that serves to deconstruct the acknowledgment of a crucial face of rape; they have effectively discouraged the political consciousness of the event of rape through textbook whataboutery. But we must construe the idea of a political weapon as it is, and so rape is a political weapon, whether it be yielded by the rapist or the state, and it stands to the same effect. Given this, we must also understand that it is necessary to deal with it as such. Approaches to counter a political weapon cannot be apolitical. Names must be dragged and the authorities universally questioned, however ruthlessly, however politically, but it must be done by the multitudes of whom, by whom and for whom the government(s) exists. 

Read Also : SC Takes Up RG Kar Case Amidst Medical Community’s Outcry for Justice

Featured Image Credits : Sandeep Adhwaryu for TOI

Aayudh Pramanik

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Sorry, the old RaGa cannot come to the PressCon right now. Why? Oh, cause he’s dead. Let’s explore his journey from the Prince of Political Dynasty, to Pappu, and then Beyond.

Perhaps one of the most interesting things about the General Elections of 2024 was the escalated and expeditious participation from Generation Z, a large strata of whom finally got a direct vote in the election of the Government. This participation was also rooted in the Twitteratis and their constant political pundit-esque commentary that remained persistent throughout this apparent festival of democracy. From the viral “Dimple Bhabhi Hatiye…” tweet to the pookie-fication of Narendra Modi, nobody escaped the brunt of the internet folks. A leading player in the battle for the seat of prime minister was Rahul Gandhi, who displayed a staggering transformation. From him being posted to the edits of ‘Daddy’s Home‘, his subsequent babygirlification and portrayal as the Batman of Indian political scenario et.al., RaGa seemed to be a Twitter favorite; pre, midst, and post the election season. And this, comes as a surprise for someone who has long been ridiculed by both, the politicians and the masses, as ‘Pappu’.

When the National Democratic Alliance, on its third subsequent win, boasts about a new era of Modi 3.0, it is notable that this also embarks the beginning of RaGa 3.0. Something that is even more remarkable is how every epoch of his political career draws a direct parallel to the state of the current opposition in the country. In retrospect it might appear to be a vague statement, however, this opinion piece attempts to substantiate the same, and for that, the political trajectory of Rahul Gandhi needs to be analyzed in a trifactorial manner.

In a political climate that was being conditioned for Priyanka Gandhi to be the new face of the Indian National Congress, with the re-emphasization of her parallels to Indira Gandhi, the launch of Rahul Gandhi as the face of INC was a rather unanticipated change for the politicians and the masses alike. In a direct parallel to Rajneeti (the 2010 Prakash Jha Directiorial’s) Samar Pratap, played by Ranbir Kapoor, ‘a foreign returned relatively less-known to-and-of the political scenario‘ heir was placed into the position of a party supremo. However, that is where the parallels end, while Samar goes on to become a force to reckon with, RaGa displayed a relatively inconsistent political profile. His political prowess at that time focused largely upon as the ‘uniter’ of the nation, working on reducing the caste and religion-based divisiveness in the country. Subsequently, he won from the ancestral seat of Amethi and was popularised as the Yuva Neta, and harbinger of justice, by the media. However, despite this popularised imagery that he had cultivated around himself, he refused to hold positions of power within the INC and rather struck to the youth wings. The launch of RaGa drew a parallel into the INC as it witnessed a rejuvenation of the Gandhi Parivaar within the leadership positions, after 14 years of absence, albeit in an indirect mannerism with Manmohan Singh being the Prime Minister then.

Post the smooth and apparent surged political prowess, the era of Rahul Gandhi 2.0 comes into play with the elections of 2014 and beyond; the General Election of 2014, posed a drastic change in the climate of the Indian Political Scenario, wherein the 10-year streak of the INC was fiercely shattered by the National Democratic Alliance and its figurehead, present Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The dramatic downfall of the INC marked the beginning of RaGa as the undisputed King of Bloopers and the face of Indian Political Memes, the person who was hailed as the Prince of the Politically Dynastic Gandhi Parivar was now ridiculed as ‘Pappu’, and worse. The lack of a proper redressal mechanism from the INC upon the same, and RaGa’s subsequent infamous statements like the ‘potato-gold‘ alchemy theory, the hug in the parliament, misgendering of the Speaker, et.al., cemented the NDA alliances claim of the ‘Shehzada’, in attempts to mock his lack of proper developmental work despite the privilege he was equipped with. A subsequent political debacle also surrounded the Indian National Congress, as it witnessed the lowest-ever tally of 44 seats post the 206-seat mark they achieved in 2009.

Post the 2019 stint of the National Democratic Alliance, and its subsequent chants of Abki Baar, 400 Paar; the public expectation from the erstwhile political bigwig declined, and an absolute majority of the present ruling party was largely accepted and anticipated. Despite the anti-heroic downfall that the INC witnessed, he kept walking (quite literally) and conducted two Nyay Yatras, which is speculated to have become a source of connection between the common man and the INC, and the reason for its subsequent victory in certain places. His newfound oratory skills and social media tactics labeled RaGa as the herald of the change of the apparent de-Modicisation and Democratization of the country. The connection that he attempted to build at a grassroots level, and better redressal skills, led to a surge in the INDIA vote bank, and a subsequent declination in the expected votes for the NDA.

However, RaGa’s relatively newer 3.0 trajectory did not stop there, the 1st July speech in the parliament, ended the era of his silence and negligence regarding the political climate and the flaws of the NDA, as he delivered a speech outlining the very same. The Speech won him further accolades over social media, as the netizens proclaimed that the tectonics of the Indian Political Scenario witnessed a shift that day, the void of an improper Leader of Opposition seemed to be filling. This is followed by his recent visits to places that have been impacted by violence and improper governance like Manipur, Assam, site of Hathras Stampede, loco pilots of Delhi, et.al. This is a clear indication of a political consistency, which he is infamously unknown of. The transition from Pappu to the Leader of Opposition, depicts a shift in the political ball game of the country, a probable subdued indication of the resurgence of the INC, and a new arena into his political trajectory. However, it remains long to be seen whether this political conundrum turns out to be a sham, or has Prime Minister Narendra Modi finally found an able competitor.

Read Also: Saffron Politics: A Path To Majoritarianism

Featured Image Credits: X

Shikhar Pathak

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An event by the student group ‘Brahmins of DU’, sponsored by the University of Delhi, was supposed to be held on May 10, 2024, i.e., Friday. However, the event faced protests from the left-bloc of student politics, alleging casteist and discriminatory sentiments, causing the event to be consequently canceled.

In the continual skepticism over the democratic nature of Delhi University and the inherent ‘saffronization’ and ‘brahmanization’ that is allegedly being promoted by the university, there was yet another DU-Admin-sponsored event organized by the student wing, ‘Brahmins of DU’. The university-wide association announced an event titled ‘Brahmins and the Tapestry of Hindu Civilization: Weaving Bhartiya Heritage and Calling Astikas to Fulfill Rșiṛṇa  that was programmed to take place on May 10, 2024, at the Conference Center of the North Campus, along with a campus-wide ‘Shobha Yatra‘ on the same day.

The event received widespread backlash from the student community, citing its alleged casteist approach. This was further vitalized by claims from Professor Abha Dev Habib, an Assistant Professor at DU, who, in conversation with EdexLive, cited a recent example of how events are being ‘policed’ and ‘restricted’ and a poetry reading session on the Palestinian crisis that was supposed to be held on April 15 was canceled by the university ‘without citing any valid reason’. In opposition to the event by ‘Brahmins of DU’, the Students’ Federation of India (SFI), under the umbrella of Humans of DU, organized a parallel event on the same date, i.e., May 10, 2024, at the Arts Faculty. The event organized was a photo exhibition and open mic themed around the ‘Saffronization’ of DU and against the ‘Normalization of Casteist Politics on the Campus’. Students university-wide joined the event in solidarity with the cause and presented their ideas, pieces, and writings, and the words of prominent Dalit writers like Omprakash Valmiki were also echoed.

Aditi, State Committee Member SFI Delhi, adds about how the undertakings in the university are a “direct reflection of the societal tapestry of our country”, expressing her fear over an ‘uncertain future’ wherein incidents like the “recent TISS debacle could be replicated in Delhi University”. She further states that, with opposition events like this:

 we will not let them destroy the dissent, debate, and other progressive nature of our campus.

Besides SFI, the All India Student Association, AISA, also made a post on Instagram condemning the event, stating:

Their ideologies promote hatred, discrimination, and division, which directly contradict the values of equality, solidarity, and social justice.

While the SFI Event was an alleged success in presenting their opposition to the events and undertakings held by the group Brahmins of DU, the event organized by Brahmins of DU did not materialize. In a consequent press release, SFI states that fervent backlash and dissent from “progressive student pressure groups” and political bodies compelled the administration to call off the event organized by ‘Brahmins of DU’ eventually.

Read Also: TISS Scholar Suspended for Two Years Due to ‘Anti-National Acts’ and Protests Outside Parliament

Featured Image Credits: SFI Official Instagram

Shikhar Pathak

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In a swift response, Delhi University takes action against a staff member accused of sexual harassment, reflecting a commitment to student welfare. As students rally for justice at the Central Institute of Education, officials ensure a thorough investigation by the Internal Complaints Committee, prioritizing safety and transparency.

The University of Delhi’s Establishment Branch has terminated the employment of a non-teaching staff member who was allegedly involved in the sexual harassment of a student at the Central Institute of Education (CIE) earlier this month. The incident occurred in the Department of Education’s new building, per the student’s official complaint with the Head and Dean of CIE. The defendant is alleged to have engaged in several inappropriate behaviors, such as unwanted approaches, invasive personal inquiries, and acts that created a great deal of discomfort and fear for the student’s safety.

The student has asked for her peers’ support, expressing how the encounter violated and deeply distressed her. She also expressed fear for her safety because the harasser was walking around the department unhindered. Students came together to plan a demonstration at CIE on Wednesday to support the student’s right to justice.

The Indian Express was notified by Pankaj Arora, Head and Dean of CIE, that the Internal Complaints Committee was notified of the student’s complaint as soon as it was received on Monday. The accused, who worked for the company under a contract, was let go early on Wednesday.

We have engaged in extensive discussions with the students and have assured them that the university’s ICC will handle the matter with care.” Arora said in response to the protest.

While the ICC investigates the case, questions remain about the student’s ongoing safety and the support system available. Did the University offer counselling services or connect her with external support groups specializing in trauma recovery? Transparency regarding the ICC process would also be beneficial. What are the expected timelines for the investigation? Are there resources readily available to explain the process to students involved in such cases?

The case is presently under review by the ICC, and until the process concludes, it would be challenging to disclose specific details of the proceedings.” said DU Proctor Rajni Abbi.

The Students’ Union or other student committees at CIE likely played a crucial role in supporting the student and organizing the protest. Including a statement from a student representative would amplify the students’ voice and highlight the collective stand against harassment. The incident serves as a stark reminder of the prevalence of sexual harassment in educational settings. By creating a culture of support, ensuring a fair and transparent investigation process, and implementing robust prevention programs, universities can foster safe learning environments where every student feels empowered and respected.

Read Also: Where are you ICC: Looking at DU’s History of Sexual Harassment 

Featured Image Credits: India TV News

Divya Malhotra

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On March 8, 2024, the ABVP – led DUSU (Delhi University Students Union) announced an initiative where 10 women would assume the role of DUSU President for one day each, commencing from the first day of Navratri, April 9.

Having begun on the first day of Navratri i.e. April 9, 2024, the ABVP-led Delhi University Students Union (DUSU) announced a commendable initiative where 10 women students will be chosen for the role of DUSU President for a day each.

The names of the 10 students were selected from a competition wherein the participants were asked to write an article on “The Role of Women in Making Viksit Bharat”. Tushar Dedha, DUSU President, took to his Instagram on April 5, sharing the official list of names of the 10 selected students which included Isha Awana (Department of Hindi), Akshita Johar (Ramjas College), Sophiya (Swami Shraddhanand College), Anshita Chauhan (Daulat Ram College), Deeksha Lingayath (Sri Venkateswara College), Ankita Anand (Centre for Hindu Studies), Zainab Nigar (Hansraj College), Shyama Arunbhai Trivedi (SPM College), Preeti Singh Nain (Kirori Mal College), and Sakshi Patel (Satyawati College), who served as the first DUSU President on April 9, as a part of the campaign. She is a third year B.A. Programme student hailing from Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh, and aims to help financially weak students through her position.

Preeti Singh Nair, the second DUSU President under the campaign, spoke to DU Beat about her selection and how it aims to empower women while increasing their participation in politics to bring about a change not just at the University level but even at the national level in the future.

We have the incredible opportunity to learn about DUSU’s functioning and receive valuable insights into student politics. This campaign in itself sends an important message as it aims to empower women students to hold political offices at the national level, as it gave every selected student the space to put forth major problems in our colleges before the union. Personally, I felt incredibly happy, although surprised, to have received this opportunity out of more than 5000 students who had participated in the competition. Having witnessed the lack of inclusive and accessible spaces for PWD (persons with disabilities) students in most DU colleges, including mine, I wish to use this opportunity to bring about major changes and take a stand to make our campuses inclusive and accessible for all. – Preeti Singh Nair, the second DUSU President 

In conversation with the media, Tushar Dedha, added that these one-day DUSU presidents will have all the powers of the chair to take decisions and issue any notice concerning students during their term.

On each day of the Navratri, a woman will head the DUSU as its President, exhibiting Nari Shakti. We have taken this initiative to promote women’s representation in student politics. 

Read Also: After WRB, Gender-Based Representation in DU’s Student Unions Too?

Featured Image Credits: Arush for DU Beat

Gauri Garg

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