According to the official schedule, registration for Spot Round began on 29 August at 5 pm via the Common Seat Allocation System (CSAS) Portal under the ongoing admission process for Delhi University.

Delhi University administration started the registration for Spot Round of undergraduate admissions. Students can register on the admissions website, admission.uod.ac.in.

In the spot admissions round 1, declaration of allocations was done on 1st September (5 pm), and candidates will have time till September 3, 4.59 pm to accept the allocated seats.

Following that colleges will have time from September 2 (10 am) till 4.59 pm September 4, to verify and approve online applications. Last date for online payment of admission fees is scheduled for September 5, 4.59 pm.

The steps for application process include first visiting the official website, admission.uod.ac.in. Then by clicking on the UG admission 2023 link, the page will be redirected. The next step is to fill in all the requirements, incorporating all personal details and educational qualifications. Next review the application and pay the application fee. Finally, submit the application and download the application for future use.

“In its first round, a total of 202416 eligible candidates were considered for allocation based on their preferences of programme and college combinations. A total of 85853 allocations have been done in the First CSAS round itself. This includes an allocation to all programmes in all colleges in UR, SC, ST, OBC(NCL), EWS and two supernumerary quotas, PwBD and Kashmiri Migrants. As many as 7042 candidates got their first preference. About 22000 candidates have been allocated a seat from their first five preferences.” -ANI Report

During the first round seat allotment round, over 3,04,699 students registered the CSAS 2023 portal, among those, 2,45,235 students submitted their CSAS DU 2023 application form and 59,464 didn’t submit their application forms.

Image Source: Business Today

Read Also: DU Witnesses 87% Seats being Secured in the First Round of UG Admissions

Aanya Mehta

[email protected]



The revised history syllabus for the fourth and fifth semester undergraduate students, which was approved by the DU Academic Council on May 26, has been ratified by the Executive Council on June 9, 2023. The removal of a paper on inequality, the elimination of the term “Brahmanization,” and the addition of matriarchal perspectives are some of the changes that have been introduced.

On June 9, 2023, the University of Delhi’s Executive Council, the apex academic decision-making body at the university, ratified the amended curriculum that had been approved by the Academic Council on May 26. The Academic Council revised the history syllabus for the fourth and fifth semesters under the new Four-Year Undergraduate Programme (FYUP). A few of the changes include the deletion of the words Brahminization and ‘Brahmanical’, the removal of the paper on “Inequality and Differences”, and the introduction of matriarchal perspectives.

The revision aims to align the syllabus with the suggestions of the New Education Policy, NEP 2020.

-Shri Prakash Singh, Director, South Campus, in a report by The Indian Express

The phrase Brahminization has been removed from the fourth and fifth semester Generic Elective paper ‘Religion and Religiosity’, which has been renamed ‘Religious Traditions in the Indian Subcontinents’. One of the topics in the paper titled ‘Approaches to Brahmanization in the Early Mediaeval Era’ has been renamed ‘Approaches to Shaiva, Shakta, and Vaishnava in the Early Mediaeval Era’. In addition, the revised syllabus removed the term ‘Brahmanical’ from the fifth-semester paper on the Brahmanical Patriarchy. Furthermore, the title of the article has been changed from ‘Evolution of Patriarchy’ to ‘Evolution of Patriarchy in Early India’.

Apart from this, the paper titled ‘Inequality and Differences’ in semester four, which talks about the concepts of jati, varna, caste, class, and gender and their evolution, has been withdrawn.

Constructive suggestions are also given — there is now more diversity and more information. It was a unanimous decision and the changes were reported to the academic council way in advance. There is no dissent. Suggestions were given by the standing committee as well.”

-Dean of South Campus, DU, in a report by Jagran Josh

Furthermore, the paper Women in Indian History will provide fresh perspectives on matriarchy. The units that were previously centred around patriarchy will now also include discussions around matriarchy. The primary goal of this modification, reportedly, is to make students aware of and have a diverse viewpoint.

Image Credits: Devansh Arya for DU Beat

Read Also: Gandhi replaced with Savarkar in BA Syllabus; Row Erupts in DU

Dhruv Bhati
[email protected]

In a meeting held by the executive council, the university is all set to introduce B. Tech courses for the
academic year 2023-24 from August. Three courses will be offered with an intake capacity of 120
students for each programme.

Starting in August, Delhi University (DU) will offer engineering courses for students to pursue for the
academic year 2023-24. The courses will range from B.Tech degrees in Computer Science and Engineering; Electronics and Communication Engineering; and Electrical Engineering. The total intake capacity of the students will be 360, consisting of 120 for each program. Admissions under the B.Tech course will be conducted on the basis of JEE scores Mains score. The course structure, credit distribution and syllabi for the first two semesters have been finalized by the executive council.

On Friday, 9 June 2023, in a meeting presented before the executive council, the new course structure received approval. Earlier in April, the Ministry of Education also approved the introduction of 72 teaching and 48 non-teaching posts for the new programmes in April.

In 2021, a committee had been deliberately set up by the University to introduce new courses.

“The committee held several meetings in the last one-and-half years and systematically deliberated upon various issues within its terms of reference to facilitate the initiation of the three BTech programmes under the Faculty of Technology in the emerging subject areas of computer science and engineering, electronics and communication engineering and electrical engineering,” an official stated in reference to the report submitted by the panel.

The committee suggested adequate infrastructural facilities for the classrooms and laboratories be
arranged until the Faculty of Technology building is fully functional.

“The committee authorized the vice-chancellor to decide upon the space and other essential physical
infrastructure for initiation of these B. Tech programmes,” the report stated.

The course structure is designed in such a manner that a minimum 50% weightage will be applicable to the major area of study with a maximum of 65% weighable. The rest will be applicable towards the minor area of study. In accordance with the National Education Policy (NEP), students will be provided with multiple exit options. A student who has successfully completed one year of study and earned the requisite credits will receive a certificate. Two years of successful completion of the required credits will earn the student a diploma and three years of successful completion along with the required credits will earn an advanced diploma. Students who have successfully completed the required credits for four years will be awarded a Bachelor’s in Technology degree.

In line with the introduction of new programmes, the executive council approved the introduction of the four-year Integrated Teacher Education Programme (ITEP) for the academic session 2023-24. The ITEP will replace the current Bachelor of Elementary Education (B.El.Ed) programme.

Read Also: https://dubeat.com/2023/06/06/du-to-introduce-three-b-tech-courses-from-this-academic-year/

Featured Image Credits: Devesh for DU Beat

Sri Sidhvi Dindi
[email protected]

Delhi University embarked on a new journey after signing an MoU with Ambedkar University in order to share resources with each other in sync with NEP.

On Thursday, May 18, the University of Delhi and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar University Delhi (AUD) signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) to ensure the optimum utilisation of their resources with one another. Both universities have agreed to work together in areas of research, extension activities, student and faculty exchange, consultancy, and outreach. Officials reportedly agreed to maintain a common ground by allocating libraries, sports grounds, research laboratories, seminar halls, auditoriums, etc. for students and staff of both universities.

Due to proximity, the collaboration can explore the possibility of mobility of students between the two universities. It will help students study courses/papers offered in the collaborating university and their credit transfer as well as issuance of a certificates.

– DU Vice-Chancellor Prof. Yogesh Singh

The Vice Chancellor also proposed to conduct joint PhD programmes for the students to get the best opportunities under the co-supervision of both universities. The universities will work on emerging areas like the impact of artificial intelligence on social sciences and promote research in the fields of science and technology.

Committed to academic partnerships and collaborations with other institutions, the goal of Ambedkar University is to become a Multidisciplinary Education Research University in alignment with the objectives of NEP 2020. Vice Chancellor of Ambedkar University, Prof. Anu Singh Lather, said that the University is committed to the ideals of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar by bridging equality and social justice with excellence.

We are working on becoming a Multidisciplinary Education Research University (MERU) and have recently signed MoUs with GGSIP University, NSUT, DTU, NLU-D.

– AUD Vice Chancellor Prof. Lather

Prof. Lather added that AUD’s mission is to create sustainable and effective linkages between access and success in higher education. The MoU will be a step towards fulfilling this purpose.


Read also: DU Scraps Existing B.El.Ed. Programme, Teachers Raise Objection 

Featured Image Credits: B.R. Ambedkar University Website

Aanya Mehta
[email protected]  

Delhi University opens online applications for paid internship opportunities at its departments and centres for summer 2023. Last date of applying on the university website is May 17, 2023.

Dean Students’ Welfare Office, Delhi University has launched the second iteration of the Vice Chancellor Internship Scheme – Summer Internship 2023 on its official portal. Undergraduate and Postgraduate students of the university are invited to apply for a multitude of paid opportunities. Applications are open till May 17, 2023, on the university website.

All regular bonafide students of DU, irrespective of their course or stream – excluding First Year and Semester 2 students, are eligible to apply for the Summer Internship 2023 program. This opportunity can be availed by students only once during their course of study at DU, therefore, students who had already availed VCIS-2022 cannot apply for this edition of VCIS: Summer Internship 2023.

The internship demands a flexible time commitment of 15-20 hours per week. The program will run over a period of two months – tentatively June and July 2023. It has also been informed that the attendance requirement in the candidate’s enrolled UG/PG course will not be relaxed during the internship tenure. The university is offering a stipend of Rs.10,000 per month, drawn from the University Student Welfare Fund.  Students completing the internship tenure will be awarded an experience certificate from the Dean of Students’ Welfare, subject to an appraisal report from the concerned employing department, centre, or institution.

All university institutions, departments, and centres, including the VC’s office, Office of Dean of Colleges, Registrar’s Office, the central reference library, departmental libraries, departmental labs, the admissions branch, and the Equal Opportunity Cell, will be covered by the program. The selection process involves filling up an application form, stating three domains of interest, uploading a letter of recommendation (LOR) and no objection certificate (NOC) from their head of department/college, and an interview round.

VCIS was launched in the 2022-23 academic year with the objective to “impart training on soft and hard skills by integrating cognitive knowledge with experiential learning”. The program is said to achieve the objectives of “Samagra Shiksha” (holistic education) as enlisted in NEP 2020. For the 110 openings in its paid internship program last year, the university got more than 3,800 applications from undergraduate and postgraduate students. All further information will be shared on the DSW website.

Read Also: What To Expect From Your First Internship

Featured Image Credits: Anshika for DU Beat

Bhavya Nayak

[email protected]

An ‘All India Convention on Higher Education Under the NEP 2020’ was hosted by AIFRTE to deliberate upon the New Education Policy (2020). The event included a long list of educationists, coming from various parts of the country, who presented their views on the subject. Read ahead to find out more.


The All India Forum for Right to Education (AIFRTE) organised an ‘All India Convention on Higher Education Under the NEP 2020’, on 27 May 2022 at the Gandhi Peace Foundation. The event was attended by renowned educationists and professors, who came from various parts of the country to deliver speeches on a subject of shared interest. Various student and teacher organisations including All India Students’ Association (AISA), Students’ Federation of India (SFI), Collective, and Democratic Teachers’ Front (DTF) were also present, among others. 

Among the first speakers, who were scheduled to speak in the First Session, Mrigank delivered his speech on ‘NEP 2020: Background and Purpose’. He is the Senior Vice President, IFTU, National Executive Member, AIFRTE, and Convenor, People for Science (Delhi). Through his speech, he stressed on how the policy is a ‘complete corporatization of education’. He stated that the entire document reflects a budget cut of the government and further claimed that this policy would give birth to a population of ‘zombies’ who would not have a mind of their own. 

Following this, Professor. Surjeet Majumdar, who is a Professor of Economics at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) and a former secretary of JNUTA, spoke on the subject, ‘Killing several birds with one stone: Higher Education in NEP 2020’. Professor Majumdar asserted that neither there is an increase in the public expenditure on education nor there is an increase in Gross Domestic Product (GDP). With his speech, the first session culminated for a short break of a few minutes.


Beginning the next session was Professor Minati Panda, who is a professor at Zakir Husain Centre for Education Studies, JNU. She made her speech on ‘The Question of Language and epistemic justice in Higher Education in NEP 2020’. The Professor found the policy to be a ‘verbose document’. She stressed the subject of multilingualism, claiming that when someone goes around the first few pages of the policy, they ought to find it in contradiction to the realistic experiences. 

Multilingual education is going to end the concept of multilingualism in the future.Professor Minati Panda


Continuing this flow, the next speaker was Joga Singh. He is a former Professor of Linguistics at Punjabi University, Patiala, Punjab. He took upon the subject ‘Bankrupt Language Proposals in NEP 2020’. He strongly voiced his thoughts on the language section of the policy. He stated that the policy says that students will have to study three languages ‘wherever possible’. Stressing on the latter part, he claimed that the phrase ‘wherever possible’ here simply means ‘nowhere possible’. To support his notion, he asserted that people get jobs only with knowledge of English and a majority of parents prefer sending their children to an ‘English-medium school’. 

Privatisation and Commercialisation stands on english and the entire policy talks about them so english is nowhere to go.-Joga Singh


The next speaker was Professor Madhu Prasad. She is a former Professor of Philosophy at Zakir Husain College, University of Delhi (DU), Spokesperson, and Presidium member, AIFRTE. She spoke about ‘NEP 2020 and digitalisation of education’ and she found it to be unfortunate that when the pandemic hit, the government rushed to shut down schools and colleges, even before malls and parks were closed. She believes that the government had already planned this NEP and hence used the period of the pandemic to give it a further push. 

Digitalisation is talked about as a technique but instead it is a process through which one makes knowledge a merchandise.-Professor Madhu Prasad


The session was resumed with Dr. Shamsul Islam, a former professor from Delhi University. Following him, Dr. Maya John, who teaches history at Jesus and Mary College, Delhi University, spoke on the ‘Rhetorics and realities of higher education in NEP 2020: a critique of UGCF from the margins’. 

When the constitution was being drafted and Right to Education was removed from the Fundamental Rights and put into the Directive Principles of State Policy, why was it not questioned?-Dr. Maya John

She talked about how this policy was a “part and product of the international milieu”, something that will help in the creation of labour with multiple skills, aiding only “the global elitist needs”. She also brought out the contradictions that exist in the NEP 2020 and focusing on how the guarantee of education from 6 to 14 years of age is not enough, demanded:

Nothing short of education from KG to PG— public funded education from KG to PG.


Representing Jamia Millia Islamia, Dr. Shikha Kapur, went on to talk about how education is moving towards centralisation and towards capitalism, and questioned the UGC’s step aiming towards uniformity through NEP.

But when the country is diverse… where will uniformity come from in this diversity?” -Dr. Shikha Kapur

She went on to talk about how the education policy has led to the quantification of education, with social sciences and languages also being marked on the basis of MCQs, and how CUET will block the pathway of education for many groups, including first-generation learners.


Dr. Shikha Kapur was followed by Prof. Nandita Narain, Professor at St. Stephen’s college, DU, and former president, DUTA and FEDCUTA, who spoke on the ‘Degradation of quality through restructuring of academic courses (FYUP, UGF, ABC, CUET) and governance (fragmentation, corporatisation, privatisation, and exclusion)’. She talked about the condition of education during the years of lockdown and how this step towards digitalisation will again push us back into the same dark tunnel. 

Speaking against the CUET, she brought attention to how this will only aid institutions in earning more money and also spoke in disfavour of the recent CUET crash course organised by Ramanujan College.

This [NEP 2020] is a privatisation blueprint’” -Prof. Nandita Narain


Dr. Abha Dev Habib, who teaches Physics at Miranda House, DU; Secretary, DTF; former treasurer, DUTA; and former member of the executive council, DU, spoke on ‘CUCET, FYUP, and UGF: Illusion of choices’. Comparing NEP to a packet of chips, she says “Jiske pass jitna paisa hai, valise hi chips ka packet kharidega, aur kitne log hain jo wahan tak pahunch bhi nhi payenge”.

She brought attention to the fact that when students opt for the multiple exit option, exiting after three years, they will still be considered drop-outs under the FYUP. She went on to call the students to fight against the NEP 2020.

Agar Modi Sarkar ko kisi ne lalkara hai toh woh students hain ” -Dr. Abha Dev Habib


Representing Ambedkar University, Dr. Shivani Nag, spoke on the ‘fallacy of gender inclusion in NEP’ and the contradictions with the NEP 2020.

3 saal ki degree kafi nahi hai, 4th saal chahiye par 1 saal ke baad students chhod sakte hain [talking about the multiple exit options].” -Dr. Shivani Nag


Jagmohan Singh, Chairperson, AIFRTE; General Secretary, AFDR, Punjab; and Director, Shaheed Bhagat Singh Creativity Centre, Ludhiana, talked about ‘How NEP is contrary to the legacy of the freedom struggle: Need for students’ and youth’s movements.

If centralisation is happening from top, then only an effort by people from below can contradict it.” -Jagmohan Singh


In a press statement released by AIFRTE on 28th May 2022, the event was concluded with a call for active mobilisation against NEP. 

While these grave and burning issues surround the current policy, the progressive and pro-democratic forces of the country resolve to fight for equal, free, and quality education for all. We demand immediate annulment of the National Education Policy 2020. The BJP-RSS’s agenda for communalisation, de-academisation and privatization of education must be fought by mobilizing students, teachers, parents, and communities. AIFRTE unequivocally demands revocation of this irrational course structure. Else, students, teachers and parents will go on resisting this programme without any compromise.-press statement, AIFRTE.


Read also “Insult, Injury & Illness: DU’s Offline Exams

Feature Image: DU Beat Archives


Ankita Baidya

[email protected]

Manasvi Kadian

[email protected]

NEP 2020 is envisioned towards creating an inclusive education to all by bridging the abiding spaces in the society. Yet, it seems to just be a façade of progression. The policy is ought to introduce the much needed practicality into the mainstream education but what is the correct way to go about it? Is it going to be an actual consideration of voices of all the stakeholders or will it be a theoretical approach to a ‘practical solution’?

The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 has a vision towards transforming the Indian education system into a global knowledge superpower. It lays down the veracious purpose of the education system, to develop virtuous human beings having rational and critical ability, empathy and solicitude, creativity and the power to go beyond but what is the cost to implement this? Will this be uniform for each child living under the same sky or a question of ‘subjectivity’ would arise?

NEP address to the practical knowledge and skills like carpentry etc but see now the things is that our government schools do not even have quality teachers how can you equip them all in such a small time frame, so first government should be focusing on ground development rather than looking on to the entire nations prosperity.

-Malvika Choudhary, Delhi School of Journalism

The irony of this policy is such that it is a step towards changing the theoretical approach into practicality but the policy itself sounds too theoretical than pragmatic. While observing the NEP 2021, inclusivity is a major factor of the entire policy. Yet, there are provisions that might look like encompassing all the sections of the society. However, in the actuality of this realm, it is only pushing the way towards widening the gaps of disparity. It is as if a kid falls down, gets hurt on the knee and starts wailing; rather than using a bandage to heal the wound, they are being given licorice in pursuit of ceasing the tears. The question is not about if these provisions are good or bad but about the “tomorrow” that the nation is trying to build.

The problem in NEP is that it scarcely mentions of affirmative action in the form of reservation for the socially oppressed anywhere in the document moreover it also talks about financial autonomy for the government which will lead to rise in fees and so more exclusion of the students.

-Aman, Ramjas College, member of Students’ Federation of India (SFI)

The NEP emphasizes on the sitch of inclusivity and universal education. However, granting the status of autonomy is only going to widen the gaps. Autonomous colleges and universities can introduce independent rules and regulations and curtail the transparent admission processes which guarantee the seats to the marginalised sections. Further, they can enjoy the liberty of introducing expensive self-financed courses. This step does not speak inclusion, instead, is screaming omission.

The National Education Policy (NEP), 2020 is a policy aimed at commercialization, privatization, centralisation and saffronisation of the education system in the country. In the garb of granting ‘autonomy’ to educational institutions, the NEP gives unbridled power to the institutions to implement fee hikes as per their will. It turns education from a responsibility of the state and a social service, into a profit making enterprise. This will further lead to education being inaccessible and a debt trap for the coming generations and the present.

-Prabudh Singh, graduate from Zakir Hussain Evening College, member of SFI

Adding to this, the policy emphasizes on the need to set up a ‘Gender-Inclusion fund’. On the surface it seems to be bringing an end to the unjust practices against the girls and transgender but as a matter of fact what is in it for them? Will it bring solace to the wronged genders or will it welcome even more adversities than it is already present?

This fund will be set- up to provide equitable quality education to the transgender students and girls, especially belonging to the socio-economically disadvantaged groups. However, this step would require the transgender students to come out and identify themselves in the public eye. We are living in a progressive country but not progressive enough to even provide security to this section through penal laws. From a classroom to the roadside tea stall, slurs are normalized against trans people then how are we supposed to believe that a fund is going to solve these deep-rooted problems? Are we supposed to turn a blind eye towards the underlying issues and focus on the surface?

A trans student dressed up as a boy for every single day until he finished his final school examination and secured a seat in a foreign land. It was then that he recognized himself as she/her. It took her nearly twelve to fourteen years to come out in the public eye since she has the sense of security of leaving the country so how are we supposed to accept the fact that by introducing a fund, by providing bicycles, provisions of sanitation and quality education, the long-lived stigma will come to an end? Is this enough to turn the thorns into roses when the country finds it normal to laugh them out?

Certain aspects of the NEP might have long term detrimental effects, after lapsing the short-lived happiness. It is a good decision but not a thoughtful one. The gender inclusivity fund is a good start per say, but at some point these students will be exposed to the vulnerability that our society hides. A system has to be incorporated that would not throw these students under the bus and would provide them from basic needs to quality education.

-Sanya Gupta, a student of Kamala Nehru College

Furthermore, the policy talks about introducing similar inclusion funds for other marginalised sections. These funds are in the talks for their holistic wellbeing in addition to equitable and quality education. These steps look good on paper but are they a promise to a long-term happiness or just a fantasy of seventh heaven? Not to mention, how are we supposed to address the issue of ‘roti, kapda aur makaan’ on the pile of discriminatory laughter and societal stigma. On top of all these, the perplexing situation arises about the source of the funds, given that we live in a country with quite a number of marginalised groups. Even if they are introduced, how is the question of transparency in terms of usage of the funds is going to be answered? These funds seem to be a wolf in a sheep’s skin. From exposing to a greater vulnerability to a possibility of widening the societal gap, this policy needs to be rethought from the perspective of the wronged ones.

The NEP-2020 is set to be implemented completely by 2030. Given that India has the second largest population in the entire world, not only is it a strenuous task but also mapping the various tangibles for over 250 million students, next ten years seem to be quite a less number.

NEP 2020 is very promising in theory, but its implementation is way difficult, especially in a country like India which ranks second in population. Surely, there’s a long way ahead for the Indian education system to grow and develop under the NEP, 2020. There is a need to shift from mugging up facts and figures to encourage creativity and practical experiences.

-A Professor of University of Delhi in conversation with DU Beat

Besides a problematic implementation, it needs to account for all the tangibles that come along with it. The most quintessential stakeholders of this policy, the students, believe that the demerits of the policy might overpower the actual vision which in turn could lead to a massive failure if not addressed. Nevertheless, this policy might be the much needed change to one the largest education systems of the world but which lines are we ready to blur in order to achieve the top rank?

Featured Image Credits: itstimetomeditate.org 

Ankita Baidya

[email protected]

The Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) issued a press release Monday. The release outlines its plans for the country’s 75th anniversary of independence, as well as its own 75th anniversary in 2022-23. Education sector related issues and the formation of committees to aid in the implementation of the NEP were also discussed.

In a press release dated 9th August 2021, student organisation Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) announced its plan to hoist the National Flag at 1,28,335 locations across the country on 15th August 2021- India’s Independence Day. They have also planned to work on internships, Tiranga marches, social media campaigns, short films on forgotten warriors, and so on.

Sidharth Yadav, the National Media Convenor of ABVP, said “We plan to engage the entire young community with the celebration. In Delhi, we are hoisting at 647 bastis. A big number of students from DU have volunteered and the experience they are getting while visiting these bastis is already heart-warming. I am sure that we will be successful in taking the celebration to the last man in the line and also develop a perspective amongst University students.”
Bharat Sharma, ABVP’s Delhi Media Convenor, added “until now, flag hoisting has largely been a government ritual. We intend on taking it to the masses.”

Furthermore, the organisation has decided to form a committee in each state. This committee would make recommendations to the governments, administrations, and universities for ensuring timely implementation of the National Education Policy.

The organisation is also celebrating its 75th anniversary in 2022-23. In light of the celebration, the ABVP has decided to take on large-scale campaigns. A one-day National Executive Council meeting was held on August 1, 2021, in Bhopal via a virtual and physical medium. In this meeting, the organisation passed two resolutions and an appeal.

The first resolution referred to the problems in the education sector during the Covid-19 period. They have also demanded a solution from the Central and State Governments. The second resolution discussed the country’s current situation and called for action. The council has decided to expand the ‘Parishad Ki Paathshala’ activity nationwide. They have also decided to establish the ‘Ritumati’ campaign for women’s health and empowerment as an amplitude across the country.

Read also: ABVP Meets G. Krishnan Reddy; Talks on Increase of NSDs & Tribal Upliftment

Feature Image Credits: Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad

Sandhini Goyal
[email protected]

On 14th November, Students’ Union and Teachers’ Association from all central Universities in Delhi marched from Barakhamba Road to Jantar Mantar, and stood in solidarity with students from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) to protest against the New Education Policy (NEP).

14th November observed a central march at Jantar Mantar against the NEP. Student Political groups from Delhi like All India Students’ Association (AISA), CYSS, Krantikari Yuva Sangathan (KYS), National Students’ Union of India (NSUI), Jawaharlal Nehru University Students’ Union (JNUSU), and Students’ Federation of India (SFI) came together to protest against the NEP, and the fee hike in JNU. The protest was led by Federation of Central University Teachers Associations (FEDCUTA) which incorporates the Delhi University Teachers’ Association (DUTA), Jawaharlal Nehru University Teachers’ Association (JNUTA) and Jamia Millia Islamia’s Teacher Association (JMITA )under it. Students showed up at the protest in large numbers with banners, masks to combat the Delhi pollution, and immense grit and determination.

NEP has paved way for Privatisation of education. It has also resulted in the constant fee hikes observed by the Universities. Under NEP, a new mechanism of Higher Education Funding Authority (HEFA) will be established to not give grants but to lend loans. DUTA also fought for permanent absorption of the Ad-hocs to have stability in colleges.

Damini Kain, Presidential Candidate from AISA, said “Public Education is a fundamental right for all. But what the new education policy is doing is, its just making education exclusive. It is deliberately excluding people that come from marginalised communities, lower caste backgrounds and other minorities. NEP is breaking the core fabric of education. It will change the entire dynamic of lending and granting into loans. And the burden of repayment of those loans will lie on the common student.”

The March witnessed many keynote speakers to apprise the students about the consequences of this policy.

Doraisamy Raja, General Secretary, Communist party of India appreciated the students and teachers of JNU to protest against the tremendous hike. He shed light on the importance of education and the threat to its integrity. He also criticised the one language ideology of the current Government.

The common demand that each JNU student and teacher had was to meet with their Vice chancellor and roll back of the fee hike. More than 40% of the students studying at JNU are below poverty line and cannot afford the new fee structure.

Aishe Ghosh, President, JNUSU, said, “All these charges that weren’t existing before like utility charges of electricity, water, food, WIFI will be paid by students even after giving a hostel fees. We’ve come here with a motive to spread this protest to every college and university ad education is for all. All we would like is for our Vice Chancellor to have a discussion with us rather than appearing on Republic TV.”

After all speaker sessions, the March began, led by Federation of Central University Teachers Associations (FEDCUTA), followed by various student organisations. The Teacher-Student-Karamchari unity was an important focus of theMarch.

Slogans like “NEP down down”, “Privatisation se azadi”, “Modi govt Haye-Haye” were chanted. Posters with “Godi Media” talking about the fake media portrayal of press were also displayed, and the banners of Teacher associations of various colleges were also seen.

Among all of these issues, the students from School of Open Learning also came to bring to light the struggles they had face being trapped in the sudden imposition of Choice Based Credit System.

A SOL student, who wished to remain anonymous, told DU Beat, “We’re fighting against the autonomy of education, yet, correspondence where most of the students from lower background study is often ignored. We have exams in December, yet we haven’t been given any books or material. And the material given is so substandard it cannot be used. And the worse, even DUTA has completely ignored us.”

Feature Image Credit : Noihrit Gogoi for DU beat

Chhavi Bahmba

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The progressive National Education Policy (NEP) was in headlines recently when an old controversy reappeared in its document.

‘Balkanisation’ is a geo-political term used to explain the fragmentation of a large sovereign territory into smaller units due to social, political or cultural differences. The optimal examples of countries that surrendered themselves to this phenomenon are Yugoslavia and USSR. There are other failed attempts of segregation where states could not attain sovereignty because of compromise or suppression. Among others, the Indian state of Tamil Nadu is an astute example. The unflattering and relentless opposition of Tamilians towards the Hindi language has an 80-year-old history. It has led to violent protests, polarization and demand for a separate nation at different epochs of 20th century.

The current draft of the NEP is progressive in many ways. Orchestrated by noted scientist K. Kasturirangan, it promises to revitalize the ailing education system of India. Among other reforms, it changes the focus group for imparting education from 6-14 to 3-18 years. It also brings accreditation system in schools and envisions that by 2035, the gross enrolment ratio in schools will increase to 50% compared to the current 25%. But these amendments did not grab the eyeballs as much as a paragraph in the policy to implement the Three Language Formula did.

The Formula first appeared in the NEP in 1968. The clause suggests that along with Hindi and English, any Modern Indian Language be taught to students in Hindi-speaking states and the regional language be taught in non-Hindi speaking state. The formula resurrected the long-running resistance against Hindi imposition in South Indian states, especially Tamil Nadu. Tamilians, in order to conserve their identity and culture, have been protesting against compulsory Hindi education since 1937. Leaders like Periyar, who formed the Dravidar Kazhagam, initiated this anti-Hindi agitation when the then Indian National Congress government made teaching of Hindi compulsory in schools of Madras Presidency. The anti-Hindi sentiment has given genesis to the idea of Dravida Nadu, a hypothetical sovereign country comprising the non-Hindi speaking states of Southern India. E.V Ramasamy (Periyar) and C.N Annadurai, who were the initial proponents of Dravida Nadu, made an attempt to Balkanise India as they feared the hegemony of Hindi would repress their native languages.

But the fear is not inappropriate either. One of the most controversial subjects in the Constitutional Assembly debate was the selection of India’s official language. Noted historian Ramachandra Guha writes that when R.Dhulekar, a member of the house from United Provinces stood up to move an amendment, he started speaking in Hindustani. When the chairman reminded him that many people do not know the language, he replied, “People who do not know Hindustani have no right to stay in India.” The amount of chauvinism reflected in his majoritarian perspective makes it evident why our dear ones in the South are sceptical about compulsory Hindi education.

Following backlash from political parties in Tamil Nadu and Kerala, the government officially amended a portion of the NEP. In the new draft, students will have the choice of changing any language they want to. The war of language has been very sensitive and controversial in India. It has fabricated the politics of Tamil Nadu in such a drastic way that the implicit advocate of Hindi imposition, the Congress party has never come back to power after 1967 following the anti-Hindi agitation of that year.

The ship of Unity in diversity sails only when there’s unity without uniformity and diversity without fragmentation. Imposing uniformity by enclosing a country like India will bring consequences that we don’t need or deserve.


Feature Image credits: NCERT


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