First introduced in the 1960s, the Three-Language Formula was introduced as a part of India’s national education policy to promote national integration and multilingual competence.
Aiming to foster linguistic harmony and facilitate easy communication across state borders, the Three-Language-Formula and its execution did not match the rule’s implementation. It asked students to learn three languages—their native tongue, English and offered the choice between Hindi and Sanskrit. Many critiqued it for being another example of the disguised imposition of languages like Hindi and Sanskrit.
In 2020, the formula was revitalised with the aim of providing multilingual instruction in primary schools. In the National Education Policy (NEP) of 2020, the student’s mother tongue was stated to be kept as the medium of instruction up until Grade 5, although the recommendation for it extended to Grade 8 and beyond. Despite stating that no language will be imposed on the student body, a ‘three-language formula,’ with a combination of English and two native Indian tongues is to be taught.
“Research clearly shows that children pick up languages extremely quickly between the ages of 2 and 8, and multilingualism has great benefit to young students with a focus on learning their mother tongue in early years…and with skills developed for reading and writing in other languages in Grade 3 and beyond,” the policy document explained. Despite the lack of obvious issues on the surface, many believe that NEP 2020 lays down the groundwork for the imposition of languages like Hindi and Sanskrit in ways that are difficult to detect but easier to find once one looks deeper into the mechanism of enforcement.
By stating that implementation is entirely a matter of subjectivity dependent on states, schools and institutions, NEP 2020’s policy on language bypasses the possible situations in languages like Hindi, and Sanskrit can take priority for educators as they see fit. In addition to this, the failure to acknowledge that learning to read and write requires deliberate effort from not just the children but the adults teaching those children as well, puts undue pressure on school teachers who are stretched thin working in schools that are short-staffed.
The official policy document made informal comparisons to other languages in an effort to assert, as it stated, “the importance, relevance, and beauty of the classical languages and literature of India [which] also cannot be overlooked.”
It added, “Sanskrit, while also an important modern language mentioned in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India, possesses a classical literature that is greater in volume than that of Latin and Greek put together.” It went on to highlight the, “vast treasures of mathematics, philosophy, grammar, music, politics, medicine, architecture, metallurgy, drama, poetry, storytelling, and more (known as ‘Sanskrit Knowledge Systems’).”
The policy document was critiqued by many for emphasising Sanskrit over other languages in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution, while simultaneously emphasising the language’s ‘classical literature’ over everyday usability and the number of speakers.
This formula was met with widespread criticism by many who believe that Sanskrit is being allotted undue institutional support, despite being spoken by only about twenty-five thousand individuals in the country. The central government spent more than ₹2532.59 crore on the promotion of Sanskrit between 2014-15 and 2024-25, seventeen times the combined spending of ₹147.56 crore on the other five classical Indian languages: Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Malayalam and Odia. This information was obtained by Hindustan Times through a Right to Information (RTI) application and from public records.
The policy’s vision is “to instil among the learners a deep-rooted pride in being Indian, not only in thought, but also in spirit, intellect and deeds, as well as to develop knowledge, skill, and values, and dispositions that support responsible commitment to human rights, sustainable development and living, and global wellbeing, thereby truly a global citizen.” It does not account for enriching students with the knowledge of languages that are most relevant to the globalised chain of command, instead relying heavily on the nostalgic reproduction of a forgotten past, and righting the wrongs of an inexistent history.
Read Also: The Epistemic Project of the Nation: Decolonisation, Hindutva, and the Question of Knowledge
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Aastha Singh
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