Tag

belonging

Browsing

We are slowly becoming children of fragmented intermediaries, the political nature of our feeling of “belonging” consequently revolutionising against the self. What is then the fate of the culturally displaced? 

To be so brave as to consider yourself to “belong to a city” is to rely on a notion whose existence oscillates between a spectrum of aggressive spiritual sentiment and almost complete non-existence. 

 

Cultural identities, after all, are themselves functions of constantly reforming institutions, in addition to the very unit of time. I do not generally endorse that the self be subject to the atrocities of socio-cultural servility, except in the case of “belonging”, which both demands it and, quite often, penetrates into the individual that asks for it . 

 

There have been times when I longed for any answer to the preliminary question that enquires after the place affiliated with the self, to a personal or ancestral memory of the lives that led up to ours. The tangibility of this feeling is, unfortunately, unavailable to those who have been taught to live on the margins of cultural plurality, suspended on a line that indulges in its normative nature and constantly tears us away from it at the same time.

 

I talk of such a paradox because there is no doubt that it is a widely experienced one; the very characteristic of life is such that it craves connection aggressively, and the reality of experiencing it is that it is almost never fulfilled. 

 

Delhi, as an example, may be considered as a refuge for many such seekers of connection. It rescues the ones stuck in the limbo of cultural overwhelm, or the lack thereof, and offers a new schema to which a sense of belonging can be associated. The subjectivity of this rarely derived relationship must not be forgotten, for there are any number of objects or places or people—your family, an old journal—that can act as its source.

 

We “belong to a city” the same way that lions and tigers identify their territories. The land we exist on is a stolen geographical unit which becomes “home” when we recognise the value of the experiences contained within it. 

 

For the perpetually displaced- culturally, linguistically, geographically, metaphysically- “to belong” is contingent upon a performative assimilation into localities, the ability to ignore the dissonance between inherited memory and the manner of present existence. This liminal experience is therefore, the phenomenological reality that inhabits multiple symbolic universes, without a complete citizenship in any. The cultural limbo that is thus born is not neutral, it’s a perpetual psychic effort to translate our own fragmented identities calibrated to a contextual actuality. 

 

The fear, in my opinion, is not that we may never exit this cultural limbo, but that the epistemic space to narrate ourselves without distortion is ultimately taken away. We ask, in this context, whether we—the ones who have lived with such disjunction—possess legibility in our complexity.

We call the act of belonging “political” because it is never a static achievement. For most, it is a demand to be seen in their own nuanced sense, as a legitimate node in the social fabric, complete with the complexity that is born of fragmentation.

Perhaps the solution is that the goal must shift from “belonging to a city” or to tangible entities, to something more achievable in the larger sense of multiplicity. The conventional relation is thus a gesture of yearning for solidarity—a radical act of hospitality that simultaneously indicates an exclusion of the culturally displaced.

We must, as a species, “belong”. The question remains what we decide to aim this relationship toward. The recognition of this fact is perhaps the ultimate liberator of those stuck in this ill-fated limbo.

Read Also: On Belonging

Image Source: Excerpt from “‘Are You American?’: The Question I Couldn’t Answer,” by Rumi Hara

Manya Marwah

[email protected] 

We are nothing but a collection of anecdotes that crack through the grand historical narratives and subtly place our existence and our identity as a memoir of our lived realities.

 

Festivals reaffirm a sense of belonging, of threading oneself to a community larger than the self. Anthropologist Victor Turner considers these festivals as anti-structures, that exist out of the regular structure of the society—a time out of time— and the social roles we perform. He believes that when people step out of their ordinary roles, enter the “betwixt and between,” a fleeting sense of oneness, blurring the boundaries and hierarchies, binds the people together. Festivals, thus become the communitas, where we shed ourselves of the ordinary and become a collective.   

 

Festivals with a touch of spectacle exist in Kashmir as well. Eid, Navroz, Urs gatherings, and all that makes up the communitas. But as I traverse through the conditionality of what and how festivals ought to be, I am reminded of the ordinary. I could talk about festivals and rituals that make up the communitas but the liminality of the ordinary that binds me to my homeland overpowers my sense. What am I if not the speck of ordinary rituals that cloud my memories, that arouse my sense of belonging? Of being one of the many souls that carries the grief and peace of the land I will forever hold close?

 

The warmth of festivities can never harbour the warmth that emanates from the rituals that are consciously and unconsciously performed during Chillai Kalan. The harshest part of winters in Kashmir consists of three months which is divided into three periods: Chillai Kalan, Chillai Khurd, and Chillai Bache. Chillai Kalan is the 40-day period of harsh winter that begins from December 21st and ends on January 31st. This period is marked by a collective ritual of Kangers, Pherans and hot cups of Nun Chai. Kanger (earthen pot) softens the winters, as it glows with warmth and keeps the chill at bay. After the 40-days of Chillai Kalan, Chillai Khurd (small cold) takes command. Although shorter than Chillai Kalan, it lingers as if winter can not loosen its hold all at once. It is followed by Chillai Bacche (baby cold), which signals the onset of spring and the numbness of harsh winters melting down. The winter period, more than a season, becomes a festival of forbearance, memory, and patience. The unconscious habit of tugging off the sleeve of the pheran, to hold the kanger inside, is a ritual which continues through generations without ever being taught. Memory, thus, does not limit itself to the individual, it is sustained collectively as an archive of remembrance. And these fragmented anecdotes, that are invisibilised under the spectacle of grand festivals, is what we are made of.

 

Pierre Bourdieu, a French Sociologist, talks about Habitus, in his theory of practice. This is what I link to the rituals that consciously or subconsciously become a part of us and our dispositions. For him, habitus is a “system of continuous and transferable dispositions”. These dispositions are the individual’s positions and tendencies in ways that he thinks, acts, feels, and which are internalised through socialisation. Dispositions are the non-conscious principles that direct practice and even the reactions of individuals. According to him, the dispositions that we acquire during childhood, become our primary habitus and thus last longer and are decisive. This thus means that our bodies unconsciously carry our history, culture and identity. The body becomes the archive of history threading back memories that can never be erased. We become the sites of memory. The ordinary that we live becomes the steward of belonging. Our existence in the ordinary, conscious and unconscious becomes a deliberate attempt to hold on to each other. 

 

Thus, holding on and carrying these rituals is in no way a passive act. Our collective memory ensures the continuity of collectivities. These memories that we carry through shared rituals and festivals of some sought, might be a recollection of the past but it also a reconstruction of the present. And perhaps, that is the greatest festival of all, one that goes beyond the shimmer of extravagance. It tethers us back to the land that faces the oppression of being rewritten, of erasure. We are just people, a collection of fragments, stitched into the ordinary of everyday life as we find ourselves. 

 

“To be, or not to be, that is the question” and we choose to be. 

 

Image Credits: Reeba for DU Beat

Reeba Khan

[email protected] 

 

 

 

“No sugar in my chai, please; there is a sweetness to knowing that all empires crumble,” says Ather Zia, a Kashmiri author and professor of anthropology. A palatable sweetness does not settle well on tongues that are accustomed to the salty richness of memory and the uncompromising identity too familiar with the land it belongs to.

While the shimmering pot of boiling Nun-chai sits on the stove, my father leaves in the early hours of dawn to buy some freshly baked Tchot (Kashmiri bread) from the kandur (baker) in the neighbourhood. The savoury warmth, not immediately apparent from its delicate pink colour, relieves the subtle chill of the fading winter. There is something personal about the savoury taste of nun-chai that refuses to be easier to swallow. With every sip, the taste settles somewhere between comfort and awakening. An awakening of the deeply personal connection to the history that has been whispered through the sips of these cups of nun-chai. Served at every occasion, from weddings to funerals, it holds too much of Kashmir. With a little less milk, or a little too much of tyoth (boiled nun-chai sans milk), it tastes bitter. Or maybe it is meant to have a hint of bitterness—not for the fainthearted.

The nightly Sufi gatherings in Kashmir used to be accompanied by the brewing samovar (copper kettle) of nun chai. But with the insurgency and routine of crackdowns and encounters, such occasions became rare in Kashmir. The tumultuous period of the 1990s was also marked by the inability to perform even the simplest acts, like buying tchot from the neighbourhood baker. Purchasing more bread than usual could raise suspicion, an implication of aiding militants. Under the constant threat of raids and invasions, even drinking tea has become an act of resistance.

The tea leaves used in nun-chai don’t grow in Kashmir. The origin of nun-chai in Kashmir can be traced back to Yarkand, in Turkestan, where the Atkan chai is made with salt, milk, and butter. It is also believed that the 14th-century Sufi saint popularly known as Shah-e-Hamdan brought the nun-chai to Kashmir. The Atkan Chai is quite similar to the one made in the Ladakh region, Gur Gur Chai. Even with contested origins, nun chai has been indigenous to Kashmir and a part of the Kashmiri culture predating the tea culture in India that became famous with British colonialism.

Kashmir’s cultural and linguistic identity, as it exists today, has profound ties to Persia and Central Asia. However, within the South Asian and Western academic discourses, conventional Kashmiri studies have been approached from the position of a more skewed narrative of the bilateral dispute between India and Pakistan. This framing has discernibly positioned the Kashmiri movement for self-determination as a proxy war, an interstate conflict between India and Pakistan, rather than a struggle rooted in Kashmiri history, identity, and agency. The dominant modes of knowledge production on Kashmir adopt a very state-centric geopolitical narrative that seeks to make sense of the region from a statist perspective—whether it be India’s, Pakistan’s, China’s, or the United States’. By confining Kashmiri history and culture to South Asia, there is a blatant erasure of other geographies—such as Central Asia and Persia—that have been cardinal to Kashmir’s cultural, linguistic, and aesthetic legacies. Despite its deep-rooted historical and cultural connections, Kashmiri culture, including its culinary habits, has been too restricted to the South Asian context, while Kashmiris themselves draw meaningful parallels with Central Asian heritage.

The erasure of Kashmir’s distinct identity has also been assisted by the commercialisation and rebranding of its important cultural symbols like Pheran, Pashmina, and nun-chai. The Kashmiris that migrated to Punjab and Pakistan during the 18th century took with them their cultural traditions, including nun-chai. Significantly, the preparation of nun-chai within these regions was altered to cater to a sweeter palate, making it unrecognisable to Kashmiris who know that the essence of Nun Chai lies in its saltiness. Thus emerged the name Sheer Chai, or pink tea. Sheer Chai is what has gained prominence in the Indian subcontinent, but only by stripping the historical and political weight carried by it.

This might not seem significant at first glance, as culinary practices naturally adapt to regional tastes. However, when regions are as politically charged as Kashmir, where every cultural and traditional element becomes a symbol of an identity under threat, these critical narratives become essential. The rebranding of nun chai is not just about tea; it is about the gradual omission of Kashmiri culture and the selective commodification of its culture in a way that estranges it from its history and people.

Image Credits: Youtube

Reeba Khan
[email protected]