Tag

#Atishi

Browsing

A distortion of democracy? A betrayal of a social contract? A passive receipt of benefits or an active political participation towards a welfare state?

The language of democratic exercise often employs, not merely as its endorsers but also its practitioners, various sweet shop owners who incentivize capital-based campaigning. The Delhi state elections are a display of such a state of war, which has as its highlights, the various monetary biddings made over very selective and political demographics.

It is not unknown that the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), in its manifesto, has promised a sum of INR 2100 to women under the aegis of the ‘Mukhyamantri Mahila Samman Yojna’. The certainty of this scheme is contingent on the party securing a majority. However, a serious delirium of such schemes is the incompetent and biased nature of such claims. While it is true that a welfare state works for its marginalized citizens, the composition of Delhi and its voters demands serious scrutiny. The marginalized of the capital are an extremely heterogeneous group, and certainly, when a distinction is made in the category of women by the state, the exclusion of migrant and transgender women disallows any serious engagement towards actual welfare.

Nitara, a transgender woman and a student of Delhi University told DU Beat:  

There are about four to five thousand registered trans voters in Delhi, the official number of which I believe to be much higher. Women are promised INR 2100 in monetary assistance by AAP, following which the Congress and BJP have promised INR 2500. While it’s good they do it, why don’t trans women get similar aid? Don’t we deserve it? In fact, a trans woman is more vulnerable than a cis woman is. This is the bare minimum we can be provided with. We are not promised incentives because our numbers are low. Nobody wins elections with 2-3 thousand votes. Delhi Vidhan Sabha elections tell you that you’ll only be cared for if you are a big vote bank, else nobody is with you.”

Nitara’s statement underscores the transactional nature of electoral promises where welfare is not a matter of rights but of electoral arithmetic. The exclusion of transgender women from such schemes reveals the shallow inclusivity of political manifestos, which are tailored to appease large vote banks rather than address the systemic vulnerabilities of marginalized communities. This is not merely an oversight but a deliberate strategy to prioritize electoral gains over equitable welfare. The Delhi elections, in this regard, are a microcosm of a larger national trend where democracy is reduced to a marketplace of freebies, and voters are treated as consumers rather than citizens.

With the imposition of the Model Code of Conduct, a partial hiatus has been put to the mockery of democracy and development. However, desperate attempts to milk out this inconsistent idea have not stopped. AAP, for instance, has included a ‘Pujari-Granthi Samman Yojana’ for temple and gurudwara priests.  Arvind Kejriwal, the National Convener of AAP explained the scheme in a Economic Times report,

Pujaris and granthis are an important part of our society, but they are often a neglected section. For the first time in the country, we are introducing a scheme to support them, under which they will receive a monthly allowance of INR 18,000.”

This circles back to questioning the intentionality of such a culture of voting. Lest it be taken as a pitting of one religion against the other, it is a certain fact that other religious minorities such as the Muslims and Christians undergo neglect and invisibility at much deeper scales but any affirming reality escapes them during election season. The culture of freebies, while seemingly beneficial on the surface, is a hollowing democratic practice that undermines the very essence of governance. Political parties, in their bid to outdo each other, have turned welfare into a competitive sport where the highest bidder wins. For instance, in the 2021 Tamil Nadu elections, the DMK and AIADMK engaged in a bidding war, promising everything from free laptops to cash transfers, with little regard for the fiscal sustainability of such schemes. Moreover, the freebie culture perpetuates a dependency syndrome among voters, where electoral choices are driven by immediate monetary gains rather than informed deliberation on policies and governance. This undermines the democratic ideal of an engaged and informed citizenry, reducing elections to a transactional exchange of votes for cash or goods. 

The critique of freebie culture is not a dismissal of welfare schemes but a call for their rationalization and equitable implementation. Welfare measures must be designed to address structural inequalities and empower marginalized communities, rather than serve as tools for electoral manipulation. For instance, schemes like the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) have been lauded for their focus on creating sustainable livelihoods rather than doling out cash handouts. While the hollowing of democratic ideals is saddening, it is not very different from what we as participants are used to believing as development at all times. This makes one question if a democratic ideal is but a sweet shop economy?

Read Also: Yeh Kya Hua, Kaise Hua: Dissecting the Congress’ Lapsus Regnī 

Featured Image Credit: Sourav Rai for Indian Express

Bhavana Bhaskar

[email protected]

Arvind Kejriwal’s arrest and subsequent resignation were followed by claims of “wanting the court of the people to decide his return.” Atishi Marlena’s appointment as the Chief Minister poses a significant shift in the party dynamics. How will this potentially impact the 2025 Vidhan Sabha Elections in Delhi?

On March 21, 2024, Arvind Kejriwal was arrested due to his alleged involvement in corruption during the now-expired Delhi liquor excise policy. He was granted bail on 18th September 2024, after which he suddenly announced his resignation from the post of Delhi’s Chief Minister. Atishi was unanimously elected in his place. Known for her academic prowess, with a Rhodes Scholarship and degrees from Oxford University and St. Stephen’s College, Atishi’s rise to the post of Chief Minister is crucial since AAP has always balanced theatrics with governance. This strategy of emotionally appealing to the masses is a significant strategy that has helped it dominate Delhi’s diverse political landscape. 

Under Kejriwal’s leadership and even before, it heavily relied on grabbing attention through theatrics. From Kejriwal’s dharnas to his direct confrontations with the centre, he has helped solidify AAP’s identity as a party that serves the people. In the 2014 dharna outside the Rail Bhawan, for instance, he demanded control over the Delhi Police. He famously declared himself an “anarchist,” framing himself as the defender of the identity of the common man against the central authority—a saviour from the masses who will fight against the disruptive political status of the country. In 2019, his indefinite hunger strike demanding full statehood for Delhi further added to his political image. Such theatrical tactics have been a central strategy to keep the party relevant, and Atishi also seems to have adopted the same. 

Since the last few parliamentary elections, AAP has been known for its unique blend of populism and occasionally successful administrative situations. As a result, although Atishi is well-known for her contributions to policy and education from her time serving as an advisor to the Delhi Government, her rise to the position of Chief Minister is simply another move in the AAP’s political playbook and not a reflection of her ability. Even if Atishi deviates from the conventional political narrative thanks to her image as a serious policymaker, she will not be able to avoid the dramatic flair that the AAP loves. Additionally, all her attempts to “clean up politics” and combat corruption are frequently followed by symbolic actions, such as sobbing, passing out, and ferocious speeches, in an attempt to connect with the public on an emotional level.

Another recurring theme in AAP’s political playbook is the idea of reluctant leaders, people entering politics and leadership out of a sense of public duty rather than mere ambition. Atishi can also be framed into this very mould, and her intellectual prowess, paired with her people-pleasing performances, only adds to her public appeal. 

“It almost feels like the party is partaking in a TV show of their own, in the hopes of swaying people and distracting them from real, more relevant issues, and unfortunately, they seem to be succeeding.”

– A second-year student from Delhi University

As Delhi’s Water Minister, Atishi famously went on strike, demanding the BJP-ruled state of Haryana to release water. Consequently, she was hospitalised and, according to claims made by AAP officials, lost 2 kg of weight. A video message was posted on her official X account, where she declared that she would continue the fast no matter how much her body suffers, until the people of Delhi receive justice. Following Manish Sisodia’s arrest, Atishi broke down into tears, claiming that this arrest was a part of a larger political vendetta against her party. Moreover, in her very first speech as the Chief Minister, she emotionally declared that they only have to do one work now, which is to make Arvind Kejriwal the chief minister again. 

While her rise is indicative of AAP’s calculated use of populism to preserve its public appeal, given that Atishi’s focus very evidently seems to be bringing Kejriwal back to power, her term may be more about upholding the Kejriwal legacy than establishing her own. The February elections will determine whether Delhi’s voters continue to be swayed by these spectacles or choose to focus on more substantial points.

 

Read Also: Education, Not Religious Agitataion: AAP and BJP in the Delhi Elections

Sakshi Singh 

[email protected] 

Featured Image Credits: Telegraph India

In a clarion call of distress and solidarity, DUTA on Friday gathered professors against the governmental lapses that they allege have been affecting the livelihood of many.

On the 16th of February, professors from all over Delhi University gathered at the Delhi Vidhan Sabha to protest against the administrative inconsistencies plaguing various colleges. Alongside a call to suspend classes, the Dharna was organised by the Delhi University Teachers’ Association. Their official demands include the release of salaries and other dues as well as the withdrawal of Delhi Higher Education Minister Atishi’s letters to the central government. 

Atishi had earlier in December written to the Union Education Minister, pointing out the discrepancies in 12 colleges that are funded by the Delhi Government. The aforementioned colleges have been operating since the 1990s; reportedly, however, the issues at play today started emerging as a result of the advent of two different governments at the central and state levels around 5 years ago. 

In a conversation with DuBeat, Dr. Abha Dev Habib underlines the structural origin and nature of the problem of the withholding of grants in a centre-state conflict. She alleges that this has been leading to interference in the traditional procedural approach of the governing bodies of these colleges, which was earlier adopted to reduce bureaucratic red-tapism. 

“To punish salaried individuals for institutional lapses and to starve close to 2000 people is criminal,” she says. Of note, in addition, is the Vice-Chancellor’s response to the Minister’s letters, which makes no mention of addressing the state of the employees.

Earlier in 2022, DUTA President Professor Bhagi reported to ANI that the problem had persisted for quite some time and pointed to the existence of a deficit of 85 to 90 crores in the 12 colleges funded by the Delhi government. While ANI had already identified the potential of this snowballing into a confrontation between the AAP in the state and the BJP at the centre, Dr. Habib maintains that the brunt of such conflict cannot be taken out on employees. 

The solution endorsed involves the University Grants Commission (UGC) completely taking over the 12 colleges. 

Read Also : Inquiry to be Launched Against 12 DU Colleges Funded by the Delhi Government

Featured Image Credits : PTI

Deevya Deo

[email protected]