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Chaharika Uppal

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“Do I lose it?” Meghnad asked the small crowd that forms his ragtag cadre, pointing to the red net chunni someone had hung around his neck during his rally the day before through Green Park’s residential block. The crowd consisted of some subscribers, students who follow his social media, former colleagues from his journalism days, and his managers who helped him through his candidature filing process. We settled on keeping the chunni; it made him stand out.

The researcher-turned-journalist-turned-Youtuber was affable and approachable, as he handed me his printed manifesto with the slogan Pen Chunno, Kaam Dekho scrawled across it; the pen nib being his symbol, which to everyone’s shock had not been chosen by any candidate or party before. We were handed pamphlets and pens to distribute –  instead of liquor bottles and wads of cash, symbolic of the critique of parties like AAP, who, according to the Indian Express, have spent more on welfare/freebies, than infrastructure, or education for that matter, in the past term. 

The stab of the manifesto was felt rather clearly as we walked from Green Park to Humayunpur; a microcosm of the capital’s civic shortcomings revealed itself—a space marked by the lack of proper waste management, the constant smell of smoke in the air, hanging wires, and the unregulated construction—issues that the city’s residents have grown hardened to, but still wish were addressed.

Malviya Nagar is a surprisingly small constituency, representing around 1.48 lakh voters, but it is home to a large number of migrants—students from around the country, workers from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, Afghan refugees, etc. “I like to call it the ground-floor constituency—only the ground floor residents are voters, and they are usually landlords who often deny their tenants residence certificates but the government doesn’t care as long as they have the rentees’ votes,” Meghnad said as we walked past a stretch of barren ground littered with BJP and AAP banners in Humayunpur, which is supposed to be a park. Opposite to it stood a brightly coloured mural on the wall of a small house. It had been painted by a group of migrant workers, whom we met. “Accha toh lagna chahiye, hum rehtey hain yahan,” they said, stopping their game of teen-patti to speak to us. 

Meghnad’s manifesto addresses and seeks to remedy the issues that are common to most neighbourhoods in South Delhi—revival of the shabbily maintained public parks for women, children, and the elderly (humara nukkads); strict preservation of safety given the murders in the past five years; composting, and creation of awareness about waste disposal. It is basic civic textbook stuff that seems impossible to implement. However, our YouTuber Neta was banking on his digital presence, approachability and optimism. The latter were undoubtedly infectious.

“This ‘vote-cutting’ narrative hurled against independents is unfair; it’s offensive to the voters—big parties aren’t entitled to their votes. Would they accuse Congress candidates of the same? After all, every candidate is equal in the eyes of the ECI; we go through the same processes, we’re meant to follow the same rules,” said Meghnad as we stood outside a small BJP booth in Humayunpur where he distributed flyers and chatted with Sanghatan members, many of whom lauded his commitment to running independently, some party volunteers even encouraging him to join them. 

“I have familial ties to the party [BJP], so I owe my vote to them, but if that wasn’t the case, I would’ve chosen an independent like Meghnad. Unka tareekha accha hai, har dukaan mein jaakar, sabse baat karna,” a BJP party volunteer claimed as we spoke to them outside the BJP vote station in Green Park’s Y Block Market, where they had come to rally support for Satish Upadhyay, the party’s candidate from the constituency. However, there remained a deep lack of faith in just how much support an independent could rally, despite the initial endearment.

Ravindar Kanwar, another BJP party worker from Delhi Cantt. constituency opined the same, “He’s a good guy, but it’s like comparing a paan ki dukaan to a mall; independents just do not have the same resources.” He was right. According to Election Commission guidelines, independent candidates’ spending on campaigning is capped at 40 lakh rupees, but parties are free to spend as they please. As other rally members and I quickly gathered, the sense of camaraderie was not all that deep. Kanwar later added that he was sure the BJP would win, but that shouldn’t discourage him [Meghnad]. They offered him tea, but maybe they didn’t think they were offering it to an opponent. 

When I later asked Meghnand what it would be that’d bring about his loss, if it does eventually come, he said, “It’s because social change is difficult, appeasement is easy.” One of his friends chimed in from the back, “It’s shocking that no one considered doing this before, running independently and also making the process transparent and accessible to other citizens. It is unfortunate that no one even considers looking beyond the party structure for representation.” 

His friend was referring to Meghnad’s Project Anda, a tongue-in-cheek reference to the possibility of getting zero votes but more so his Wikihow-esque series of videos and live streams on the process of filing a candidature, getting through the paperwork to secure a nomination and then actually running for MLA elections. “The government lacks the language to make this process accessible to people and so does the ECI. That’s what I want to use my platform for. I’ve already had a few people come up to me at rallies who’d like to stand as independents,” Meghnad responds when I ask him why he, a citizen, has to make a guide for other citizens on how to represent themselves. 

He further acknowledged how complicated the process of filing is, one which he was able to navigate given his prior experience in the realm of public policy. “I’m a content creator, this election is also for content, but my profession marries in very well public service, which may not be the same for other professions. But, at the end of the day, you really need to just be accessible.” 

Meghnad’s civic service journey has also reinstated his faith in EVM. “It seemed quite foolproof to me. I spoke to the engineers, tested out the machines. The ECI may have its flaws when it comes to upholding the moral code of conduct, but in my opinion, EVMs seem difficult to hack.”

Meghnad’s campaign isn’t just an electoral one, it is also one for content that’d make citizens aware of the underbelly of public representation—a crisscross of red tapism, overworked election and public officers, and a testament to India’s love affair with lengthy legalities. It is a plague which blights almost every government process in the country. However, as Meghand makes clear, it is not an untangleable mess. Referencing one of his older interviews with J&K’s current Chief Minister, Omar Abdullah, Mehghnad adds that he is truly a product of the fatigued and disillusioned public, thrust towards civic action to save his home from disarray. Useless politicians may spawn useful citizens

As Meghnad struggled to not zip past his own rally, it became clear—this man is no politician, but he is not afraid to lead. “If you hand a man a slipper every time he needs one, what will he learn? Politics needs to go beyond hand-outs, our leaders need to criticise their subjects while they admit subjection to the same, not just appease them.”  His aspect is ordinary, approachable and humble, a refreshing break from the usual strongman and paternalistic politics that bleeds through this country. Amidst the shrill Sheesh Mahal discourse and general voter malaise of the current election, Meghnad’s rally emanated a hope fleetingly tangible—India needs a politics without politicians.

Featured image: Yashasvi Singh Raghuvanshi 

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Almost all major international events begin with a process of hiding – greenery reinvigorated, slums covered with steel sheets, littered roads cleaned overnight. The displays of international might and prosperity are always accompanied with a subduing of political realities. Host cities, in the effort to establish themselves as global hubs, polish the good and conceal the bad. Failures of governance are rescinded to the dark. The game of global politics rears an ugly side during global events, one where the politicians are temporary magicians and their nations, another stage for spectacle. 

The Olympics have always been an ace spectacle, gilded with the exertion of soft power and budding nationalism. As the games began in Paris this week, political and bureaucratic machinery was mobilised, as it always is in such cases to make the city “presentable” – turning iconic French sites into a backdrop, la culture was there but it barely spoke, as the city was reduced to a ghost town. This is partially because it’s summer, but also because large swathes of the city have been armed and barricaded. So Parisians chose to flee the city while others – have been asked to leave.

Earlier this year, around 3000 students were asked to leave their subsidised student accommodation, provided by the Paris affiliate of CROUS, a public institution which manages affordable housing for university attendees. This was done to accommodate volunteers and public officers for the Olympics. In return, the displaced students, who’re often unable to move out of Paris for the summer due to financial constraints, were handed a 100 euros and two tickets to the Games – an imperfect compensation. Social collectives like Le Revers de la Medaille issued public letters to the Olympic Organising Committee regarding the displacement of refugees, squatting in Île-de-France, around the Olympic village. Behind its touristique sheen, Paris is known for high living prices and its mismanagement of refugee populations. While some may argue the Olympics jolted administration into civil action, there’s little consideration of the long- term.

Even after the Parisian mayor’s dip in the Seine and a hole of 1.4 billion dollar in the government’s pocket to make it swimmable – the iconic river still appears to be somewhat hazardous with positive tests for E.coli as late as the end of July. These infrastructural developments, usually done in haste and with power projection in mind – are far from effective sustainable strategies. Behind the race of gold medallions, there is a grave political reality which can be visually manipulated, but continues to speak after such events, which exacerbate more than heal.

Moreover, the city of the Paris Protocol has attempted to decrease emissions this time – aiming at about 1.5 metric tonnes, half of the London Olympics. While only two sporting venues have been constructed with bio-sourced materials and claim to use 100% renewable energy, methodologies remain unclear and lack monitoring. Organisers already were pressured to drop phrases like “carbon-neutral” by local activists, as they remain silent on the several fuel-guzzling planes that flew in tourists, athletes, and heads of state.

The 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics were held in Sochi barely having pre-existing sporting infrastructure. Villages in Krasnodar Krai became dumping grounds for construction waste; the ground-up construction displaced locals and cut off water supply while contaminating local streams. Local activists raised concerns, however the games continued as they usually do, turning out to be the most expensive Winter Olympics in history. While many would like to believe so – this isn’t solely a Putin problem. The most horrifying stories are from the 2016 Rio Summer Olympics, where parts of western Rio de Janeiro – particularly Vila Autódromo, a favela — was fully levelled to construct gyms and swimming pools. When they protested, the police responded brutally – for them the legacy of the Olympics was one which razed their village to the ground.

The Olympic memory remains duplicitous – the celebration of sportsmanship is built of the foundations of forced evictions, displacement and wastefulness. As the city of love is transformed into the city of sport for the Olympics, it’s easy to forget that behind the glitz and glam lies the human cost of hosting events of such magnitude, a cost citizens shouldn’t have to bear.

Read also: The Green Curtains of G20: Solution to All of ‘Bharat’s’ Woes

Featured Image Credits: Reuters 

Chaharika Uppal

[email protected] 

On 25 March, the day of the Hindu festival Holi, there were clashes between members of the ABVP and the Student Union of North Eastern Hill University or Nehu, in Shillong. The Vice-president of the Union, Easterson Sohtun, apparently sustained injuries, due to the confrontation with the ABVP members. 

Sohtun, who is currently pursuing his PhD in Hindi,  recounted the event, “We aren’t against the celebration of Holi, the campus is a very diverse place and has students from many different communities, however, we don’t support the communalization or politicization of festivals by outsiders who enter campus without permission” 

Sohtun, a member of the Khasi tribe,  claims that he saw some individuals on the campus, who weren’t students, gathering to celebrate. He also added that these were allegedly members of the local ABVP (Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad) state chapter. They were also joined by members of WOSY (World Organization of Student and Youth) who had put up banners and had organized the event. Upon asking the security guard to check the IDs of some of the ‘outsiders’ present, the group began to shout casteist slurs at him and that they could not be stopped from celebrating their religious holidays, according to Sohtun. He further adds that they began to physically assault him when he objected to their claims. 

However, members of ABVP’s Shillong unit have denied these claims, saying that the fight was started by members of NEHU’s Student Union who wanted to disrupt the programme. In a statement to the Meghalaya Monitor, the state joint secretary also added that members of the organization had been invited to attend the Holi event by WOSY, which is a non-political student platform active within the campus. 

After a protest over the incident by the student body on 27 March, the university administration officially confirmed that they  had not allowed WOSY to organize the Holi event under their banner, as the festival was usually celebrated by students and campus residents peacefully. Moreover, they added that they had not given the organizers any liberty to invite organizers to the campus for Holi. 

A Master’s student at the University, Sonal K.S., added that this was the first time such an event had taken place on campus. “Usually all festivals are celebrated as a community, but there was an objection to the entry of outsiders onto campus, and the putting up of banners which let certain groups take credit for the event. The Vice-president solely intervened because there were some outsiders on the premises”

Two FIRs have been filed in regards to the matter, and the university administration has constituted a committee to launch an inquiry into the matter, according to members of the Student Union.

 

Since the last two weeks, the Library staff at Kamala Nehru College has gone on strike, following other such incidents with non-teaching faculty across Delhi University. This protest however, revolves around the lack of institutionalization of the MACP scheme and the withholding of pay upgradation amongst library staff members. 

 

The University and College Library Employees Association began protesting two weeks ago, inside Kamala Nehru college, regarding the supposed  unfulfillment of certain employee benefits of their late colleague, Sushil Kumar, who was given the post of Library attendant at Kamala Nehru in December, 1997. Then, under the institution of the Modified Assured Career Progression Scheme or MACP scheme which came into force in 2007 and assured career progression and consequent financial upgrade, Kumar’s colleagues claim that he was entitled to promotion and a pay upgrade, considering he had completed 10 years of service. However, in 2011, Kumar was promoted to the post of Library Assistant, but once again, his colleague claimed that he was once again denied timely financial benefits attached to the promotion. 

 

Reportedly, in 2008, Sushil Kumar gave the college administration a presentation for his promotion to the position of Semi Professional Assistant or SPA, but apparently, he was not given the raise, after which he took this issue into the Delhi High Court. It is then claimed that the college, hurriedly, organized DPC(Department Personnel Committee) elections, in order to award him the post of JLIA or library assistant. It is alleged that, however, once being awarded this promotion,  Kumar was not given a specific date of joining nor did he receive pay fixation, between the period of 2011 to 2023. 

 

The members of the association claim that the administration is simply evading responsibility, by suggesting that Kumar himself did not take the role, which he was promoted to. Sushil Kumar also belongs to the SC/ST community. One of the people spearheading the protest, Sanjay, gave a statement saying, “ Agar karamchaari dukhi rahega toh phir students ko best services kaise de sakta hai?” (How’re we, as workers, supposed to provide services to students if we ourselves are unhappy?)

 

The issue of delayed payments, lack of promotions, upgradation and tenure seems to run deep, particularly across non-faculty staff in Delhi University, with even examination departments going on strike last month, at Kamala Nehru College. The workers believe that the alleged obstacles they face in their employment makes it harder for them to facilitate services for students. 

 

Kamala Nehru College’s administration has been emailed regarding the protests, in order to represent their side, however, we have not received a response yet. 

Image Credits – DU Beat

Chaharika Uppal

[email protected]