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This analysis compares recent student-led uprisings in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal, highlighting how disillusioned youth challenged corruption, repression, and economic crises, emerging as catalysts for political change across South Asia.

South Asia has been facing unprecedented political instability in recent years. The commonality stems from an observation that these movements or uprisings are unorganised in nature and lack any cohesive organisational support or leadership. This establishes the ground for comparison between these countries besides being from the same region and being postcolonial countries. The role of students in movements has been crucial in various uprisings which have led to transitions of governments throughout the pages of history.

The July Uprising of 2024 in Bangladesh showcased the deeper dissatisfaction of students in terms of the lack of civil liberties, political freedom and robust social security for the majority, which was often overlooked due to the economic and technological progress of the nation. However, as the country’s economy thrived, the government appeared to believe this gave it free rein to suppress civil rights and freedoms, sideline opposition parties, and govern without regard for the nation’s laws or international democratic standards. This led to the creation of political outfits like Ganatantrik Chhatra Sangsad, or Democratic Student Council. Every revolution has an incident which serves as an immediate trigger to a larger uprising; in this case, it was the quota system in jobs giving 30% reservation to the families of freedom fighters that fought for the liberation of Bangladesh from Pakistan in 1971. The manner in which the government at the top, run by Sheikh Hasina, reacted made the situation even worse, which led to the killing of various student protesters, including Abu Salem, who was the lead coordinator of “Students Against Discrimination”.

Skyrocketing fuel costs, rapid depreciation of the rupee, and massive power outages had caused deep disgruntlement among Sri Lankans, especially the younger generation. When the nationwide power cuts reached more than 10 hours a day in late March, mass protests broke out in a number of regions in Sri Lanka, where demonstrators urged for the resignation of the country’s president, Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Sri Lanka’s Inter University Students’ Federation (IUSF) made an important contribution to the people’s struggle throughout the country. IUSF has around 70 affiliated student unions – about 95% of university student unions in the country, including those at all major universities. Youth and students, including the IUSF, played a similar key role in 2015 to defeat Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s elder brother, former president Mahinda Rajapaksa, upending the ‘unshakeable’ Rajapaksa regime during elections that year.

The most recent, widespread protests in Nepal, which are quite literally being termed as Gen Z protests, highlight the young and mostly university-going students as the pioneers of the uprising. The banning of social media apps like Instagram, YouTube,etc, triggered the same; however, it would be a grossly incorrect observation to term it as the key reason for the protest. The youth of Nepal see how their country has suffered from around 2 decades of corruption since the country transitioned from being a monarchy to a democracy and the power rotations between 3 leaders who have allegations of serious corruption cases over them, with their family and children openly enjoying luxurious lifestyles. On the other hand, average youth are suffering with a lack of employment, due to which they have to migrate for better opportunities, and on top of that, the unjust taxing rate is at 39%. 

The students have a bolder voice because their dreams are still fresh and dear to them, and the ability to see hope as the silver lining amidst all the chaos gives them the unique ability to unite their peers and form an effective movement which straightforwardly communicates the grievances that they have and how they would no longer be tolerated. 

Caption- Advocacy of students against injustice. 

Divyanshi Dusad

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Protests against the freedom fighter quota, having been sparked since the High Court judgement which declared the annulment of the 30 per cent quota illegal earlier this month, escalated on Sunday night. The government has declared a nation-wide curfew, the internet has been cut-off and the casualties stand at 105 currently. Professors at several universities across Bangladesh, mobilising the student protest groups, have called for fresh protests. 

 

Up until 2018, the quotas maintained by the Bangladeshi government for its civil service jobs included the infamous freedom fighter quota, standing at 30 per cent. This quota reserved the seats of civil service posts for the children and grandchildren of the freedom fighters of the nation. Coupled with the other quotas, only 46 per cent of the jobs were left that could be contested on the basis of merit. In 2018, protests against the quotas rose and were subsequently quelled promptly by the government, which later decided to scrap all quotas, except the quota reserving seats for the freedom fighters’ posterity. A verdict regarding this was passed on July 7 by the High Court which declared the move as illegal. 

In Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s address on July 14 to the protesting students, she has been recorded saying, “Why are the freedom fighters so resented by them? If the grandchildren of freedom fighters do not get jobs, do they encourage the razakars to get them? This is what I ask the nation.” The term razakar, a pejorative euphemism denoting conspirators against the nation during the Bangladeshi Liberation Movement of 1971, struck a grisly chord with the students who interpreted her address as an oblique comparison of the student protestors with razakars. They organised rallies, chanting “Tumi ke, ami ke, razakar, razakar” (Who are you, who am I, razakar, razakar), allegedly mocking the PM’s address. 

The Bangladesh Chhatra League (Bangladesh Student League), the youth wing of the ruling party, alongside the police, attacked the protestors on July 5,  leading to a bloodbath in public and private universities across the country. The government has announced its decision to deploy military forces, to curb the protests. No communication has been received from the ground on account of the nation-wide internet shut down. 105 people have died in midst of the protests and over 2500 have been injured so far. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the primary opposition party, has joined hands with the protestors and claims to support their cause. On Friday, the police launched tear gas on the BNP protesters and arrested the party leader, Ruhul Kabir Rizvi. The Indian Railways has cancelled trains to Bangladesh. Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson,  Randhir Jaiswal claims that around 15,000 Indians including 8,500 students, are residing there. He further reports that they are all safe. Of the aforestated number, 450 students have been evacuated so far and returned via Agartala. Imtiaz Ahmed, former professor of Dhaka University’s political science department opines, “Hasina should have called for conference with the students instead of unleashing her trigger-happy police if she wanted to handle the situation better.”

As the country continues to grapple with intense protests and student casualties keep mounting, a burgeoning consensus against Hasina’s government condemns her methods – for being “autocratic”. “The public, alongside the cumulative effect of Hasina’s four-term anti-incumbency, also resents her autocratic way of handling dissent,” remarks former Bangladeshi diplomat and president of Bangladesh Enterprise Institute, Humayun Kabir.

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Featured Image Credits : Cubangla Instagram Page

Aayudh Pramanik 

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Shikhar Pathak

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