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On Friday, protests took place in the arts faculty led by the Student Federation of India (SFI) and another one staged by the students in Shaheed Bhagat Singh College responding to an alleged case of assault on a Dalit student by the college principal.

On the 18th of September 2024, protests were staged outside the office of Shaheed Bhagat Singh’s principal, Prof. Arun Kumar Attree. These protests, led by a Dalit student, were in response to an alleged incident of blatant casteism and assault on him by the principal. The Dalit student, Sumit, claims that Attree assaulted and hurled casteist slurs at him amidst an attempt for a forced confession for an incident that allegedly took place in September.

On 24 October 2024, several obscene videos were sent to students and teachers alike in the Hindi Department’s WhatsApp group. They were sent through the phone of one of Sumit’s classmates. On suspicion of hacking and frustration of negligence to these issues, the matter was brought to the principal through a letter sent in by Sumit and his classmates.

Recalling the incident at an AISA-led student-teacher convention on Tuesday, he alleges that such incidents were not news and had taken place numerous times before but were swept under the rug.

They took my phone and went through everything they could despite assuring us of our privacy prior. They even went through my chats with my sister and a whole lot of other things that I probably am not aware of.

Following the letter, an investigative committee was formed to look into the matter. They allegedly seized the phones of the suspect and, in Sumit’s case, went through his private photos and even through chats with his family. This was an obvious and absurd breach of one’s right to privacy as laid down in Article 21 of the Indian Constitution.

We’d get you arrested, taint your character certificate, and make sure your career goes nowhere from here on if you do not confess to having dispersed the videos. If you get away with all that, we still wouldn’t let you in without charging a hefty sum.

These were allegedly the things said to Sumit once he was called to the principal’s office, where, despite the committee admitting to having found nothing against him, Attree pressured and threatened Sumit to confess. He, alongside other professors, tried locking him in to physically assault him further. There were casteist slurs thrown at him and told how he “looked” like someone who would do such a heinous act. Sumit, as he alleges, was made to sit through all of this for 5 hours.

You could tell he is the culprit just by looking at his face.

This was allegedly remarked on by Mahesh Kumar Choudhary, a professor in the Hindi department at Shaheed Bhagat Singh College. Sumit, after the incident, was treated like a convict in college classrooms, and as he put it, it’s almost always people from the SC/ST communities who are singled out and discriminated against.

Disappointed and upset, Sumit and his friends went to file an FIR at Malviya Nagar police station on charges of breach of privacy. This is where the trial of disappointing events, allegedly takes pace. The police, after having heard his complaint, dismissed it initially.

You are no Ambani that your privacy would matter.

The Delhi Police, on several occasions, have dismissed such complaints or handled them poorly. Why should one’s economic or social standing be a determiner of a right to a dignified life? Dr. Rakesh Kumar, a professor at the college and also present at the student-teacher convention, alleges that FIRs aren’t registered against the principal owing to his familial ties to the higher-ranking officials in the Police Force.

Attree has denied any wrongdoing with a statement to Indo-Asian News Service (IANS) saying, “The student has been manipulated by a teacher, who is currently undergoing an inquiry related to false certifications. The student himself faced an inquiry after there were allegations that he had previously hacked people’s phones and sent obscene messages”.

Curiously, it is not the first time Attree has found himself in hot waters, as he infamously detained 1500 students last year on grounds of mandatory attendance criteria. Under his tenure, he has introduced what many view as “anti-democratic” measures into the campus space. He has barred students from hanging out in groups of 4 or more and has installed CCTV cameras everywhere, including the staff rooms, which is seen as an authoritative move in an attempt to curb any sort of opposition he may feel.

Nandita Narain, former President of the Delhi University Teacher’s Association (DUTA), condemned the incident and expressed her support by saying,

Such incidents of blatant authoritarianism are increasingly more common, as seen by recent incidents in Laxmibai College and Shaheed Bhagat Singh College. I hope strict action is taken against Attree for this crime against humanity. I also hope for greater representation of the SC/ST community in positions of power at the university level shortly as a means to combat this issue.

Read also: Students demanding concessional metro passes led by SFI-Delhi detained by Delhi Police

Featured Images credits: @sbscduofficial on X

Yash Raj

[email protected]

 

A budding writer in the field of popular fiction and a former DU-ite, Namrata is a Literature major from Hansraj whose books have won many hearts. She speaks about her recent release – White Horses, Dark Shadows to DU Beat. 

 

I thought it’d a good start to pick Namrata’s brain by asking her how she realised that writing was something she had a flair for, in both English and Hindi, 

 

“I was always an introvert who saw literature as an outlet. I frequently submitted poems and pieces in newspapers, and was part of editorial teams. For me, story-telling was a safe place, an alternate world which led me to pursue English Literature for  higher education.” 

 

When inquiring about her new release, White Horses Dark Shadows, she told me a bit about what inspired her and her portrayal of love in the film, 

 

“I was inspired by Rockstar songs – they symbolise everything timeless, a fairytale romance. This led me to use verse and poetry to shed light on characters, and their inner thoughts. Media can be extreme in its depiction of love and liberated women. Works like Tagore’s Chokher Bali or Jane Eyre’s writings always struck a chord with me – they portrayed women who didn’t portray women who needed saviours. At the same time, we need to be realistic with depictions of women, being independent doesn’t mean not wanting to be loved. ” 

 

Namrata’s recent book also takes a new look at the complexity and nuances of modern-day love, 

 

“In real life we reconcile. Love is not ideal, even Prince charming should be seen as flawless. The idea of Prince Charming is idealistic – we must see him with all aspects and not turn a blind eye, as a form of escapism. Love is being able to accept reality and make peace with it.” 

 

As I inquired more about the storyline especially regarding the depiction of certain relationships, she added, 

 

“The book showcases a journey of character as she grows. I use her time as a student to show contrast as she grows up, using college as a form of growth – how she changes, particularly to show how naive she is and her limited perspective of the world. It was a conscious decision to pick this period, I did relate to her experience. Author must have some authority even over fiction – to be related to is essential for the reader” 

 

“The depiction of the age gap relationship, it wasn’t strategic. It was just used to show how difficult it is to face reality, no matter what age. Love isn’t the version in our head, it collides with reality, we need to be able to reconcile. This is not a story of young love or immaturity as Milind, the older love interest, also acts immature.” 

 

The book ends with Heer, the protagonist, realising she has always been complete and didn’t need more love. She was fulfilled; she just needed a companion – marriage or partner isn’t a matter of completion. Self love is not external, but internal, was how Namrata described the conclusion of the novel to me. 

 

The recent conflict over the Madarsa Act, struck down on secular grounds, highlights rising
discrimination against Islamic Institutions in India. The SC ruling, though a relief, doesn’t discount the
growing hostility.

All governments affect education, but a totalitarian government disguised as a democracy does
that in the most detrimental way. It is easy to marginalize minority groups when the government
frames every unfavorable policy as a step towards equality, benefiting a majority that already
holds significant power. India has been no stranger to such circumstances. Over the past few
years, the Indian education curriculum has gone through several alterations. From the
infamously contentious New Education Policy 2020 to the controversial removal of chapters
Based on the Mughal empire from the Class 12th NCERT syllabus of history, the Indian education system has been victim to the very active saffron agenda. Another evidence for the
claim comes forward as we look into the recent case involving the Madarsa Act.

The Uttar Pradesh Board of Madarsa Education Act, 2004 (Madrasa Act) was introduced to
regulate madrasas, or traditional Islamic educational institutions, under the state’s supervision in
order to ensure the standardization of madarsa education and align it with the state’s
mainstream educational policies. It provided a legal framework where religious education was
being imparted alongside the curriculum designed by the NCERT. The act came into the
Allahabad High Court’s attention when a lawyer argued that the Act violated Constitutional
articles 14, 15, and 21 and claimed that Madarsas failed to deliver quality education compulsory.
up to class 8th. The Allahabad HC went ahead with the case, and the resultant verdict argued for
the striking down of the Act completely. The Allahabad HC argued that the Act violated the
principle of secularism, it violated the Right to Education (RTE) and was in conflict with the
University Grants Commission Act, 1956.

The Allahabad HC’s decision to invalidate the Madarsa Act on the grounds of secular principle
and Right to Education is troublesome when viewed against the selective enforcement of such
principles. Madarsas were placed under intense scrutiny under the argument that secularism
requires all educational institutions to conform to a uniform standard. However, similar
measures are rarely directed towards other religious educational institutions, such as Hindu
Gurukuls, or Christian Convent schools. These institutions also emphasize religious teachings,
and promote particular values, yet operate with little government supervision or pressure to
succumb to state-mandated curriculum. This discrimination highlights a problematic double
standard, where secularism and educational rights are invoked solely in order to regulate
Islamic educational institutions. This selective application of ‘secular’ oversight makes one
question about the true intent behind such rulings, as it suggests that traditional Islamic
Educational practices are somehow less aligned with national educational interests or public
good compared to those of other faiths. By focusing specifically on madarsas, it can be inferred
that the ruling implies that Islamic educational practices uniquely require reform, while similar
religiously affiliated schools are free to operate without government interference. This exposes the
selective pressures placed upon Muslim communities in India.

This differential treatment of religious institutions not only negates the secular ethos that the
The court aims to uphold but also brings into light a growing trend of Islamophobia within the Indian
socio-political landscape. By disproportionately subjecting madrasas to perusal, the judiciary
has subjected the broader population to believing that Islamic practices and institutions are
inherently suspect and perhaps even in conflict with Indian values. This selective regulation
feeds into the existing narrative that Muslim communities and their institutions are somehow at
odds with the nation’s aspirations, further marginalizing them in public spheres. The current
government’s nationalist and right-wing policies have already contributed to rising Islamophobic
sentiment, and the Allahabad HC’s seemingly one-sided ruling reinforces this hostile climate by
validating the suspicions and prejudices against the Muslim community. In a time where
Secularism is used selectively to pressure one religious group; true equality under law seems to
be a utopian goal.

The Supreme Court’s final decision to overturn the Allahabad HC’s ruling has been welcomed.
by the Muslim community, however, this doesn’t discount the lengthening traces of Islamophobia.
in the nation. One might argue that the judicial rulings, including those on the Madarsa
Act and operate independently of the legislative government in power, emphasizing the principle of
judicial autonomy. Nevertheless, it is crucial to recognize that the government has significant
influence over the broader social and cultural climate in which these legal decisions are
interpreted and received. The current rightist government of India increasingly casts minority
communities, especially Muslims, in a negative light. By promoting narratives that depict Islamic
practices as extremist and backward, the Allahabad HC has, directly or indirectly, nurtured a
social environment that is more tolerant of Islamophobic attitudes. This shift in public sentiment
can create an atmosphere where biased perspectives subtly creep into various institutions,
including the judiciary, making it challenging for minority communities to maintain their rights.
and identities without facing suspicion or prejudice.

Read Also: From Killing Ideas to Killing Intellectuals: The Institutional Murder of G.N. Saibaba

Featured Image Credits: Hindustan Times

Ashita Kedia
[email protected]

The student uproar at RGNUL Patiala on 22nd September requesting the VC’s resignation may come off as a small issue but it entails a bigger picture in hindsight. The multiple suicide cases at NLU-D recently and the alleged VC’s misbehavior at RGNUL Patiala showcases the deteriorating condition of law schools in India. If students do not feel safe on campus anymore, can we really call these premier universities “a home away from home”?

Picture this—a vibrant campus with air-conditioned hostel rooms, a law school with a rich-alumni base which is doing exceptionally well in the corporate world, and a law school which has had a legacy in participating in renowned competitions like ‘Vis Moot’. While this picture may appear as the dream destination for all the aspiring law students, we must remember Shakespeare’s admonition that “all that glitters is not gold”. In light of the recent events, Shakespeare’s thoughts are once again reinforced in the 21st century, where, on one side the students do not feel protected on campus anymore and on the other, ironically, cut offs keep on rising and a new batch of victims prepare relentlessly to enter into these institutions that have begun to wither, tainted by their poor administration.

While the uproar from the students has resulted in them going on a hunger strike, the disregard for accountability on the part of the higher authorities has been shameful. The following summarises chronologically the chain of events for the readers who are not au fait with the above-mentioned incident. As per the reports, recently the Vice Chancellor and another member of the senior personnel entered a girls hostel room without any previous intimation and made objectionable remarks. The Vice Chancellor denied all such allegations and stated that he had visited the hostel room with female staff, only to address overcrowding. ‘Violation of privacy,’ is a very basic legal concept which law students are typically taught in their first semester, but when the imparters of this education are not able to learn the concepts they themselves are supposed to profess, we are made aware of the quality of professors India is currently having in its premier institutions. While the intrusion in the hostel room is just one of the many incidents which have come to light, there is a larger picture behind it.

Kindly note that the following testimonials have been garnered through an anonymous report which the students of RGNUL have collectively drafted, accounting for all the events which have transpired in the university. The names of the students have not been revealed below for security and confidentiality reasons. 

1) Intrusion and Harassment in Student Rooms:

“I had just come back to my room after having a shower. I was still in my bathrobe when the VC knocked and barged into the room. He could see that I was in my bathrobe but still kept asking questions like “what are you studying, why are you using an iPad to study?””

2)  Lack of Support for Competitive Exams:

“Hume bas tumhari graduation se matlab hai(we are only concerned with your graduation)…we are not concerned with your other pursuits.”

-Dean, Academics

3)  Inappropriate Comments During Celebrations:

The VC, during Teacher’s day celebration – “Ye sab karane ki zarurat nahi hai, ye sab sirf ladkiyo ko chote kapde pehen kar ladko ke samne nachne ka bahana hai.(All of these celebrations are unnecessary. They are simply an excuse for the women to dance in revealing clothes in front of the men.)”

4) Unaddressed Safety Concerns in Hostels:

“The male workers worked around 20 days in the girls hostel without any female presence. They stared at girls passing through the corridor or even when they went to use the washroom. They peeked in others’ rooms through the balcony making many students uncomfortable. The guards’ warden, Deputy Registrar were all informed yet there was no action. Their reply was “kuch hoga toh formal complaint file kr dena.. hamare paas itne guards nhi hai ki unke piche piche ghume.(If something happens, register a formal complaint. We do not have that many guards for us to tail them everywhere they go.)””

“Those workers worked till 5 pm minimum and on days they were also spotted around 7:30 pm in the girls’ hostel and they were at all times without any female presence. They were using girls’ hostel washrooms and smoking in the premises. Whenever a girl came out of her room or they heard the door open they came out and went back to work only when the girl went inside her room.”

“Anything could have happened and the administration indirectly said they would react AFTER something happens via a formal complaint.”

“I was alone on my floor and I was told to be AWARE AND SAFE because they don’t have guards so they can’t do anything with labourers!”

5) Increased Academic Pressure and Restrictive Policies:

“On one of his recent tours to the library the VC asked the Dean Academics to increase the classes by 2 periods and have classes till 5 pm at least.”

“During last semester exams, VC visited the halls and complained about the application-based lengthy questions. He said “seedhe question do inko”(give them straightforward questions).”

“No critical thinking/application-based questions. We fear, in the absence of bare acts, the level of questions will drop in any case owing to a reduction of technical questions.”

All these anecdotes showcase one thing commonly, which is the abysmal state of administration working at RGNUL. As a non-NLU student myself, one of the biggest insecurities we face is the bias companies usually have in favour of NLU students, during placements or for internships. But if National Law Universities start adopting such an attitude, then what benefits are the students exactly deriving from these premier universities? This is a common fact for all that law itself, specially the 5-year integrated programs, are a bit costly as compared to other undergraduate programs. Even after this precondition, if students don’t feel safe on the campus anymore or sufficiently catered to, in terms of the rigorous academic training that the NLUs promise, where else are they supposed to go and study?

‘Staffing levels’ is a major concern these days for the universities at large. Infamously, universities do not prefer having a higher number of administrative staff as it would prevent them from cashing higher amounts of revenue from their existing students. This may happen in different forms; for example, previously, Delhi University has been in the limelight for its ad-hoc policy of keeping professors grossly underpaid alongside no job security, only to avoid staffing costs. RGNUL’s tale teaches us something else. From the above-mentioned anecdotes, we can infer that apparently the university does not have enough female staff to cater to the women’s hostel and it absolutely does not make any sense that after repetitive complaints by female students, who have stated how they have been treated by these workers, the constant starring, prolonged working of the labourers without supervision, still the university has not made any major amends.

Privacy is not just a need. It’s our fundamental right. Any violation of the right to privacy is not acceptable. Especially when girl students are resting in their private space, no one can enter their room. These issues remind us to pay attention towards students’ needs in universities more actively. Integrated law programs, being a rigorous course already, would require a higher amount of assistance from these universities and students should have the right to enjoy the same.

                                                                                 – Shubham Shukla (2nd yr law student)

RGNUL’s incidents do not only pertain to the boundaries of RGNUL; rather it’s a wake-up call for all other law students who are aspiring to get into these premier universities and then their dream jobs. As students of the legal community, it becomes our duty to question these universities when they fail to provide us with the most basic and important aspects of a law school such as networking opportunities or basic security in the hostel rooms. If our professors only start questioning the way we dress, or they are concerned with only our graduation, can we really call these universities a home away from home?

 

Read also: Legal education and the cost of dreams

 

Featured image credits: The Hindu

 

Samvardhan Tiwari

[email protected] 

Indian society holds one of the richest cultural heritage in the world. Its diverse cultures and traditions have often provided comfort and hope to people during challenging times, but visiting a temple is still a far-fetched dream for some marginalised groups. The queer community stands at the crossroads when tasked with defining their religion with the almighty. They either wander on the outskirts, hoping to get validated someday, or find peace through different channels by connecting themselves to a higher energy. 

The word, ‘religion,’ has been defined by many great scholars and saints through different interpretations. Many have termed it a medium of connecting to a greater power while others have often termed it a ‘way of living.’ People attempt to define the word ‘religion’ to cater to their needs and wants. I had the privilege of growing up under the city lights of New Delhi. The state offers to mingle with a diverse crowd, coming from different sects and henceforth I got to learn a lot about different cultures and traditions, as New Delhi’s diversity helped me mould my thoughts and opinions.  At the same time, I had the opportunity to explore and express my own emotional understanding of the word ‘religion.’ However, not everyone has the freedom to reflect on their feelings and beliefs about spirituality. One community that often faces significant barriers in this regard is the LGBTQIA+ community.

There are lakhs of people who go through this every day. These are not your conventional girls or boys, but rather people who did not fit into the society, as per the set standards by the society. The word, ‘Queer,’ technically means strange or odd, but the word has been taken too literally in the present era, and the orthodox mindset is to be blamed. Don’t worry, this is not your-friendly-neighbourhood-LGBTQIA-support-digest, rather today I want to talk about something else, queer people and their relationship with God. Almost all our religious scriptures come down to one conclusion, the path of spirituality, knowing your god and traditions helps oneself in obtaining self-actualization and relief from a world full of endless desires, but in a not-so-colorful world, it means something else for people, especially who didn’t fit into the right shapes and sizes of the Indian society. 

Picture this, a queer man is considered an outcast in his class full of ideal masculine men and shy and tender women, so he sits near the college garden alone when the rest of the batch is busy playing sports games or going out to clubbing. For him, his college garden is his haven as it provides him with a safe space, something that all worshippers look for when they seek shelter under their god, which is their strong belief system. While he had always feared asking the question, What exactly is god? Who is a god? What does he do? He is afraid that other people may not end up liking him if he asks this, or does he even have a right to ask such questions considering he is supposed to be an ideal man, who should love his ideal wife but on the contrary, he doesn’t understand why god or this supernatural energy wired him up into liking men, which is something he did not see much growing up. But he has a firm belief that a higher, supernatural form of energy exists, which is omnipresent and is always there to protect him when he is in trouble. 

We live in a society shaped by social conditioning, where, from the moment we are born, we are taught what is considered right and wrong. As we grow, this conditioning often prevents us from recognizing and accepting that differences can exist—and that they are valid. Festivals like Diwali, Eid, and Gurupurab provide opportunities for people to connect, celebrate, and find comfort in their beliefs and faith. However, members of the queer community are often excluded from these spaces of celebration and belonging. As a result, many queer individuals embark on a personal journey to define and connect with their own sense of spirituality and relationship with the divine.: –

I have been practicing a particular sect of Hinduism- the one that deals with Radha Krishna’s bhakti- for over twelve years of my life. The reason why I have always felt safe was because Vrindavan has been a very inviting place, especially for the queer folks. The beautiful thing about bhakti is that the binaries of the sexes get broken down because, at the end of the day, you’re just a maid-servant of Radharani: your sexed body, and your gendered self, both are reduced to a sort of femininity. We all need God, or some cosmic “thing” when we’re going through the most distressing times in our lives. I found my comfort in “Why am I like this” in this spiritual sense of being an eternal maid-servant, who has been assigned a particular body in this life. 

Unfortunately, even after being at peace with myself and my identity, I always knew that even though a particular sect of Hinduism is welcoming to me, the religion in general still does consider homosexuality to be sinful. This stands true about all religions. A deeper introspection and critical analysis helped me to realize that if there was God, they would not be unfair to anyone, let alone queer people. Identities don’t exist in a vacuum. 

                – Anonymous (A student from Kirori Mal College)

These journeys may become tedious for many who come from conservating families, but the colours of explorations remain the same: –

I come from a conservative, Muslim family, where a bisexual man is viewed from a lens of sin and wrongfulness. People often find it surprising that I offer my namaz daily, even being a bisexual man, and not practicing atheism. I firmly believe that my sexuality and religion exist separately, and my god doesn’t judge me based on my sexuality.

              – Anonymous (A student from Kirori Mal College)

I grew up in a Hindu-Sikh family, which was heavily involved in traditional practices like charity and idol worship. But my belief in this higher form of energy has evolved through ‘karma,’ that something good has happened to me because of my action

  – Saanvi Manchanda (Maitreyi College for Women)

Religion is one of the mediums through which individuals find a pathway to connect with their god. What exactly is a ‘god,’ is something that should be subjectively answered by different believers. While there is no harm in idol worship or following a particular deity but many queer people out there, stem their courage through nature or epics like Ramayana and Mahabharata, from which they can relate and learn stories about being righteous and courageous. Therefore, the answer to the question of how exactly ‘you’ identify your relationship with god, should solely rest upon ‘you.’ 

Read also: Miles to go before we sleep

Featured image: SCOUT Magazine

Samwardhan Tiwari

[email protected] 

 

Ratan Tata’s legacy, while celebrated as a philanthropist, is tainted by the exploitation and violence against indigenous communities. Despite a public image of philanthropy, the capitalist corporations and their practices reveal a deeper commitment to profit, often at the expense of local populations, reinforcing systemic inequalities.

The billionaire philanthropy, as claimed by most of the elites, is meant to change the world, but a close look at the philanthropic institutions that are growing at a faster pace in the current century showcases the disguise meant to maintain the world as it is. After the death of Ratan Naval Tata, the former chairman of the Tata Group and Tata Sons, on 9th October 2024, condolences flooded the internet, mourning the loss of the philanthropic industrial giant of India. Tributes from the corporate industry, business partners, and international associates were on the horizon; however, the massive outpouring of respect and a sense of personal loss from the working class of the country demonstrates the “naive optimism” of the public and their misled trust in the generosity of the elites.

Tata’s passing gives a good reason to explore the legacy that Ratan Tata inherited and advanced. The legacy of the Tata Group was built on the colonial exploitation of the masses. Nusserwanji Tata, father to Jamsetji Tata, a small merchant, started trading opium to China. Opium was India’s largest export for much of the 1800s—and the “backbone of the British imperial economy.” The opium trade heaped misery on China by shoving the addiction down their throats and forcing the farmers in Bihar to grow the profitless poppies. Millions died in the Bengal famine of 1770, as once productive agricultural land was forcibly converted to poppy production. While the Tatas did engage in the opium trade, they were not dominant players in this industry. They built their wealth by contracting with the British Army to supply troops during wars, notably the Anglo-Persian War of 1856–57. These contracts, linked to colonial military efforts, were profitable and positioned the Tatas within the imperial power structure. The Tata Iron and Steel Company was set up with the main job to supply the British military during World War I. As reward, the Tatas also received the land—which today is called Jamshedpur in honor of Jamsetji, which led to the displacement of Adivasi communities, who were often forcibly evicted from their lands.

 

The Land Acquisition Act of 1894 facilitated compulsory dispossession in favor of private companies if they served a ‘public purpose’. Over the years, Tisco was a landowner, landlord, and municipal authority in Jamshedpur, buying up entire villages, charging rents at a profit, and providing patchy services.”

Thus the local capitalists, the Tatas, profited by provisioning British campaigns as it expanded its exploitation and ransacked places like modern-day Ethiopia.

When Tatas were handed over the land for its mining operations in Noamundi and for the Jamshedpur township in 1907, the company removed Kusumgaj trees, vital to the Adivasi communities for livelihood and sustenance as they initially refused to work in the mines. Thus, in a desperate attempt for livelihood, Adivasis started working in the mines for Tatas. The forced employment generation that continues to be applauded poses a threat to the tribals and their financial security. Furthermore, in 2000, Tata Steel allegedly destroyed a crucial water spring in Agaria Tola, near its coal mines, the only water source for a local tribal community. This act disrupted the local community’s access to essential resources, worsening their displacement and undermining their way of life.

The Gua Massacre of September 1980 or the Kalinganagar Massacre of January 2006 are the glaring realities of state-sanctioned violence against tribals to protect and further the interests of the profiteering capitalist. The tribal villagers in Noamundi protested against the use of their lands for a Tata aerodrome. Tatas urged the state to take stringent actions against the tribal activism. The next day, state forces opened fire on unarmed tribals in Gua, killing eight, including those seeking medical treatment, to quell the growing tribal movement in Jharkhand.

In Kalinganagar, police opened fire on Adivasi villagers protesting Tata Steel’s construction on their ancestral lands. This crackdown occurred soon after the discussion between Tata Steel and Odisha’s Chief Minister, signaling an aim to secure land for a steel plant despite local opposition. The violence led to killing, and the dead bodies returned after the post-mortem were mutilated. Tata Steel called the incident unfortunate and still continued its plans for the plant at Kalinganagar, intensifying tensions over land rights and corporate expansion. In 2006, Tata Motors acquired 900 acres of land for their car manufacturing project in Singur, West Bengal, by forcibly taking the land from local farmers. The state, backed by Tata, deployed armed police to secure the project site, turning the area into a heavily policed zone to suppress the opposition.

Tata and the deep-seated desire to exploit the tribals do not limit to India only. In 1997, while many companies exited Myanmar to protest its military regime’s human rights abuses, Tata Motors continued business with the Myanmar Military Junta, supplying hardware and vehicles. Despite allegations of severe human rights violations, including forced labor and violence against tribal groups, Tata maintained ties with the regime. The Land Rover Defender, owned by Tata Motors, is the most operational patrol vehicle in the Israeli military, which, with its oppressive onslaught, has killed more than 43,000 Palestinians in Gaza since October 7, 2023.

The Tata Group also has a history of strong anti-labor policies and developed a reputation for union-busting, often through violent means. Since liberalization, Tata Steel’s workforce has sharply declined from 78,000 in 1994 to 38,000 by 2006. It’s alleged that the company’s voluntary retirement scheme pressured employees into leaving, with many reporting they were placed under emotional strain to accept the offer. Since Ratan Tata’s leadership began in 1991, aggressive downsizing has led to tragic incidents, including two contract workers who self-immolated in 2003 in protest of their illegal termination. Tata is also accused of violating the Contract Labor and Regulation Act by assigning contract workers the work of permanent staff as a tactic to reduce costs.

With the profound history of exploitation and oppression, Tata Group continues to maintain the spectacle of an altruistic corporation in India and globally. Apparently, Tata Trusts contribute 66% of the earnings made by the Tata firms under the holding company Tata Sons towards charitable causes. However, people tend to forget that these charitable acts serve as a path for tax deduction, as stated under Section 80G of the Indian Income Tax Act. It also acts as a public relations tool to obscure the fact that the capitalists are hoarding an unregulated amount of wealth. Interestingly, we as taxpayers also subsidize these donations in the form of lost tax revenue. Reduced tax revenue could mean that the government has less to allocate to public spending. In theory, this shortfall might be compensated by public funds through other forms of taxation or adjustments in budget allocations to maintain services and infrastructure.

 

“In reality, the amount [billionaires] donate is a fraction of what they would pay if their tax rates were in line with the working class. I think billionaires donate for various reasons, but it’s clear that giving away the equivalent of what’s in their couch cushions helps them avoid having to face steeper bills that would actually make a difference in solving systemic problems.”

Says Gravity Payments CEO, Dan Price

 

“If the rich do not take on this responsibility, they risk provoking the public into a political backlash against the economic system that allowed them to become so wealthy,”

says Matthew Bishop in his work Philanthrocapitalism: How the Rich Can Save the World.

The “benevolent” corporations and their executives, regardless of the personal “moral virtues” they may hold, act with minimal ethical consideration for the public by deploying enough resources that shape the public perception in their favor and sustain their class interest. It’s also astounding to note that in the meantime, their wealth grows by more than what they give. The philanthropic institutions present an altruistic image of the corporations while simultaneously manufacturing the public consent so as to shield the elites from public scrutiny and criticism. These institutions play as a public relations strategy to guise the hyper-profit-driven practices and maintain a deception of capitalist generosity. This helps the capitalist to thrive in their class, exploiting agendas, manipulating the social narratives, and obscure the broader reality behind the social welfare pursuits.

Read Also: Mohanchand to Mahatma: haunting ghosts of Gandhi

Featured Image Credits: Reuters

 

Reeba Khan

[email protected]

Chief Justice of India D.Y. Chandrachud, who retired on November 10, 2024, recently reflected on his legacy and the impact of his tenure; the tenure which has been irrevocably sad and painfully disappointing as one sees him lead with a weak stature. 

 

Justice D.Y. Chandrachud’s tenure has been a free fall coupled with multiple comebacks. However, the more radically the CJI tries to be a liberally impactful judge with his put-on image of constitutionalism, it only lands him the titular trope of being a classic big mouthed MUN kid—all talks, no show.

The Chief Justice of India D.Y. Chandrachud was appointed and has been serving since November 2022. It is to be recognized here that his appraisal came at a very astute timing. The nation was convalescing with the aftermath of COVID pandemic, the Agnipath scheme had divided the youth’s job security, rampant political arrests had been ensuing with most political prisoners languishing in jails without proper trials and pending verdicts, right-wing extremism and communal clashes had grown manifold, minority rights were under scrutiny, state governments continued being unstable with the arrests of ministers and fall of coalition governments, the UCC, Article 370, and the Citizenship Amendment Act faced an undecided legal fate. The CJI, however, leaves office with a new unblinded saree-clad lady justice and folded hands that ask for forgiveness in case he hurt anyone.

Any criticism of D.Y. Chandrachud comes mostly from the fact of his identifying with morally high, progressive ideas but failing to deliver on any affirmative action that would strengthen them further. It has become a pattern of deceit. Famously, during the Marriage Equality proceedings, the Chief Justice earned his bytes of fame across social media when he corrected the Solicitor General, Tushar Mehta, saying,There is no absolute concept of a man or an absolute concept of a woman at all. Biological definition is not what your genitals are. It’s far more complex; that’s the point.”  What came from the hearing was a judgment against the legalisation of same-sex marriages under the Special Marriage Act, 1954. 

The bench also unanimously decided that the right to marriage is not a fundamental right; this sounds contradictory to other guaranteed rights such as the rights to equality, dignity, and liberty. A review petition was later filed as the court’s decision has been criticized for violating fundamental rights, ignoring lived realities, undermining constitutional morality, and contradicting international human rights standards.

Interestingly, the more the CJI edges towards his retirement, the more he finds it imperative to testify for a clean character certificate from the public. He recently said, I have always granted bail from A to Z, from Arnab to Zubair.” The statement sadly comes at a time when the movement and agitation towards Professor G.N. Saibaba’s institutional death is at its peak. The ignorance extended towards political prisoners’ plight is apparent. D.Y. Chandrachud’s judgment on the Bhima Koregaon Arrests under the UAPA is reflective of the larger judicial sentiment harbored towards those wrongly persecuted by the state. The court, in its judgment, ruled over the arrests of five human rights activists under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) by the Maharashtra Police and allowed the investigation to continue. The police had accused the activists of involvement in the Bhima Koregaon violence and sedition. There are several human rights activists and student leaders who continue to be politically incarcerated and framed while legal and political freedom withers. 

Delhi University Professor Nandini Sundar, while addressing a crowd gathered for the memorial meet of Dr. G.N. Saibaba, said,

For a judge to say that he has given bail to some and not the others, sounds akin to a teacher saying I have failed some students but passed the others.”

There had also been large public concern and criticism of the CJI when he openly hosted the Prime Minister for a Ganesh Chaturthi event at his residence. The opposition and citizens raised concern in the matters of division of powers, arguing that it was a display of negation of judicial independence, propriety, and protocol. The CJI, however, dismissed the backlash as he considers there being “absolutely nothing wrong.” 

Furthermore, adding to the populist religious sentiment around the Ram Janmabhoomi case, the CJI is said to have prayed to the “lords” to guide him through the judgment. Such statements disintegrate the secular core of public institutions. The judiciary does not in any capacity have a religion, but what one sees during the tenure of CJI Chandrachud is various judges openly endorsing religion and politics, as we see former Justices Rohit Arya and Abhijit Gangopadhyay joining the BJP.

There have also been judgments from the now former CJI that have effectively been pro-citizens and have sought to ensure and maintain the rule of law, but in a broader observation of phenomena, the CJI has delivered less of the more expected from him. Justice D.Y. Chandrachud’s legacy is a curious case of accepting the unexpected.

 

Read Also: DU Collective comes together in solidarity and remembrance of Professor G.N. Saibaba.

 

Featured image credit: The Hindu

 

Bhavana Bhaskar

[email protected]

Despite receiving 60,000 signatures, SFI-Delhi’s campaign calling for concessional metro passes for students seems to have been ignored by central authorities. When the students took to the streets of Nirman Bhavan, peacefully protesting to showcase their demands, they were allegedly manhandled by the police and detained. 

On Tuesday, November 12th, the Students Federation of India (SFI)—Delhi led a demonstration demanding concessional metro passes for students, which the Delhi Police cut short. The Delhi Police detained over 30 students, “manhandled” several others, and stopped them from continuing the demonstration. Moreover, SFI was denied the ability to address what they claimed to be basic demands through a delegation. Sooraj, President of SFI-Delhi stated:

It’s clear how threatened the authorities are by students, as they are even blocking our demand for something as basic as a metro pass.

The Delhi Police, on the other hand, refuted these allegations. A senior police officer told the Times of India that the students were told not to march in the area since it was reserved for VIPs:

We also told them to march in the Jantar Mantar area, but they did not listen.

Anamika, Joint Secretary Candidate at SFI, DUSU remarked,

 It is a shame that while the Delhi Metro has been classified as the second-most expensive metro in the world, the government refuses to hear students, who are entitled to the city, just as much as all citizens.

The campaign started in 2022 with the DMRC slotting their demands for the fare fixation committee. The Delhi Transport Minister also met a delegation of SFI-Delhi in 2023 to further address this issue. Even now, despite having 60,000 signatures to their campaign, which eventually culminated in the protest, their demands were ignored.

Avijit, Vice President, JNUSU commented on this issue:

We are always willing to cooperate within reasonable limits. But this does not mean that the government cannot even allow us to send a delegation. Are they telling us that the voices of 60,000+ students mean nothing?

The allegedly “draconian” handling of these peaceful demonstrators is another strategy commonly employed by authoritarian, fascist regimes to stifle dissenting voices and deflect criticism, creating an illusion of a perfect governance system, the students further claimed.

 

Read Also: Over 30 teachers detained in Delhi during anti-NEP protest

 

Image Credits: SFI CEC via Instagram


Sakshi Singh

[email protected]

Reckoning with Sharda Sinha’s demise is accepting the loss of a cultural icon. We remember her as a tune to our memories and the soul of Bihari folk music. 

The “Kokila of Bihar” (Nightingale of Bihar) has rested, she passed away on November 5th at age 72 after succumbing to multiple myeloma. Sharda Sinha is synonymous with Chhath songs that extend beyond the geographical region of Bihar to states like Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh, and the diaspora communities. 

While an introduction to Sinha might begin with her mandatory Chhath songs, one eventually discovers the vast repertoire that her ripe, melodious voice covers.  From covering genres of wedding songs, work songs, lullabies, Bollywood folk fusion, and devotional songs, to keeping intact the essence of dialects and languages of Maithili, Bhojpuri and Magahi, Sharda Sinha kept a commitment to maintaining the sanctity of culture and folk songs. 

Regional identities often get neglected in the larger trend of fashionable pop music, and Bihar’s reputation for such an occurrence is infamously known. Degrading, double-meaning songs disallow any other representations to come to the fore. However, defying this trend, Sharda Sinha crafted a niche for herself and also allowed listeners to indulge in songs closer to home and hearts. 

Arpita Tiwari, a student living in Delhi shared,

“My playlists are full of Sharda Sinha’s collections. Being part of a later generation, I did not naturally connect to the language or the culture. But the celebration of Chhath introduced me to Sharda Sinha and it overwhelmed me; her voice is different—it feels familiar and closer. You say Chhath or Vivah (marriage) songs, I hear Sharda Sinha.”

 The image of Sharda forms in a quintessential way which is very important to memory. She is a big-eyed saree connoisseur, with a fierce red lip, paan-tainted teeth, and a big bold red bindi, all of which compliment her hoarse and mellow voice. This image fits perfectly the imagination of who you would think sings these songs that evoke deep emotions. She is the grandmother who contributes as an icon fashionably. Sinha drapes traditional Indian sarees that reflect the heritage and culture of Bihar. She often wore Tussar or Bhagalpuri silk along with Madhubani-printed sarees. Through these saree choices, Sharda Sinha honours the traditional textiles and artistry of Bihar, often combining them with regional jewellery for a complete, authentic look; she lived as an artist true to the culture and state embodying it to the extent of her personhood. 

The beauty of Sharda Sinha’s personal life is also immense. She passed away on the first day of the Chhath festival, nahai khai, which basically kickstarts the longer celebrations. In her final days, Sinha recorded a poignant rendition titled Dukhwa Mitayin Chhathi Maiya, which was released on November 4. This song touched many hearts, especially as she performed it from her hospital bed, symbolizing her enduring dedication to her art and her connection to the Chhath Puja. Additionally, her passing followed the recent loss of her husband, adding a layer of personal sorrow to her final days.

Sharda Sinha’s contribution to the Bihari folk music is profound and lasting. Her iconography as the ambassador of a culture would 

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Featured image credit: India Today

Bhavana Bhaskar 

[email protected]

Trump, a man who has been indicted 91 times, convicted more than 30 times, impeached twice, has multiple allegations of sexual assault, and is accused of inciting insurrection, is effectively one of the most powerful men in the world. While the outcome is the same as in 2016, the man is different this time around. His supporters, more radicalised, are expecting hardcore changes, and he intends to deliver them.

 

With the world’s eyes on them, over 140 million Americans went to the polls on the 5th of November, 2024. In a high-stakes race to elect the 47th President of the United States, the Republican Party was represented by the infamous Donald Trump for President and JD Vance as Vice President, while the Democratic Party’s ticket was Kamala Harris and Tim Walz as President and Vice President, respectively. 

 

The incumbent president, Joe Biden from the Democratic Party, initially ran for re-election, but widespread calls for a younger candidate, along with his poor performance at the June 2024 presidential debate, led to his withdrawal and Harris’ nomination a month later. Trump, the 45th President of the USA, who had lost to Biden in 2020, ran for re-election for a non-consecutive term along with his running mate Vance. 

 

What was at stake?

This was a critical election for many reasons and the main electoral issues according to the polls were the economy, immigration, democracy, abortion rights, foreign policy (particularly concerning Israel), and climate change.

 

Perhaps one of the key concerns of this election was abortion rights. This was the first presidential election that was held after the American Supreme Court’s controversial decision to overturn Roe v. Wade in 2022. This saw widespread polarisation within American society, with the right-leaning population supporting a complete ban on abortions in all cases and the left-leaning population protesting the attack on women’s bodily autonomy. 

 

Immigration and border control also were one of the most widely debated issues by the voters. While Trump’s administration and policy have always been anti-immigration, this campaign saw more overt and conspicuous rhetoric. While the Democrat narrative may have seemed comparatively subtle, at its core it was also opposed to immigration.

 

Voters cited the economy as their top issue across many polls. Harris proposed raising taxes on corporations and high-earners to fund services for the lower and middle classes and reduce the deficit, while Trump’s economic policies can be described as protectionist and Neo-mercantilist.

 

Another crucial issue this year was America’s foreign policy, particularly in regard to Israel and Russia. Following the Israeli offensive,  a wave of protests rocked the United States, particularly on its college campuses, urging the administration to withdraw support from Israel. Thus, Palestine formed a central focus for a lot of voters.

 

Harris aligned herself with Biden’s foreign policy on supporting Ukraine and while she condemned Israel’s invasion of Rafah, she maintained Israel’s ‘right to defend itself.’ Trump also declared complete support for Israel while maintaining an isolationist ‘America First’ foreign policy, vowing to impose tariffs on even trade partners. He promises to cut military spending on foreign affairs. 

 

Democratic and republican campaigning strategy

 

Harris framed her campaign as “a choice between freedom and chaos” and based it around the ideals of “freedom” and “the future”. She aligned many of her policies to Biden’s appearing as more moderate in a bid to appeal to the more moderate conservatives. Her campaign became tethered to Biden’s crumbling legacy. 

 

Her campaign maintained a more optimistic and joyful approach while they failed to connect with the voters. While her candidacy was historic owing to her being a woman of colour running for President, it failed to translate into votes as her appeal seemed more abstract than grounded in the realities of voters’ everyday lives. 

 

Trump, on the other hand, heavily focused on dark and apocalyptic rhetoric about the state of the country and predicting doom if he did not win, making numerous false and misleading statements, and harnessing the tactics of fear mongering, all in his attempt to “make America great again”.

 

In the online world, which has a huge impact on the voting patterns of younger voters, Trump was able to mobilise support, particularly from younger men. His appearance on the Joe Rogan podcast as well as frequent endorsements by Elon Musk, led to an increase in his already huge popularity within the ‘manosphere,’ or the side of the internet dominated by men, while democrats reveled in the brat summer and the ‘bratification’ of Kamala Harris.

 

However, one of the most striking elements of the republican strategy was their unprecedented precision in targeted digital advertising. They were able to successfully harness the power of data analytics, tailoring ads to specific voter demographics based on nuanced local issues and cultural divides, while the democratic campaign stuck with more traditional approaches. For instance, in Michigan the Jewish communities received ads raising doubts about Harris’s stance on Israel, while in Pennsylvania, Muslim voters were shown ads criticising Harris’s perceived reluctance to advocate for a ceasefire in the Israel-Palestine conflict, allowing Republicans to pander directly to voter anxieties on a microscopic level.

 

Democrats, on the other hand, took the route of advertising to voters who they identified as moderate Republicans, spending as much as a billion dollars in digital ads. However, this strategy backfired as they did not see an increase in republican votes and failed to use that revenue to secure their democratic voter base. 

 

Voting demographics

While the opinion polls showed a very close fight between both candidates, almost split to 50-50, the results showed a clear tilt toward the Republicans.

 

There was an apparent increase of support towards Trump from the Black community with 16% of Black voters voting for him as compared to 8% in 2020, while 91% of black voters had supported Biden and 83% voted for Harris. 

 

Democrats also lost ground among Latino voters, with 56 percent voting for Harris in 2024 compared to 63 percent for Biden in 2020. Trump’s support grew from 35 percent in 2020 to 42 percent in 2024. Interestingly, 24% of Black men and 9% of Black women voted for Trump, clearly hinting at a gender divide among voters. This was also reflected among white voters, with 60% of white men voting for Trump as compared to 53% of white women. Younger voters from 18-44 years preferred Harris while those above 45 preferred Trump. Thus, Trump emerged as the most popular among older white males.

 

Indian-Americans, too, broke away from Democrats this year. From 2020 to 2024, the percentage of Indian-Americans identifying as Democrats dropped from 56% to just 47%, while support for Trump surged from 22% to 31%. This shift is particularly pronounced among younger Indian-American men

 

Result

The preliminary result with about 95% of the votes counted shows a clear victory for Donald Trump. Trump also had a clear sweep in the seven swing states with Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin all flipping to Republican from Democratic.

 

Trump has gained 50.5% of the votes and 312 of the 538 electoral votes and Harris, 47.92% as per the latest counting. Republicans have won a bigger share of votes in every state in 2024 compared to 2020. They lead the popular vote by about 4 million. 

 

What lies ahead 

Following the declaration of Trump’s apparent victory, Black Americans across many states received a text message asking them to ‘report for slavery.’ On Twitter harassment towards women surged, with the phrase ‘your body, my choice’, referring to the ban on abortion, being used as a catchphrase by many men. People, not only in America but across the world, are concerned over what Trump’s victory could mean. 

 

Experts believe that a federal abortion ban seems unlikely. Instead, the Trump administration may seek to reinstate the Comstock Act, which bans anything related to abortion from being sent by mail—effectively banning abortion nationwide. 

 

Trump in his campaign has also promised the ‘largest deportation’ hinting at a shift in his focus from immigrants at the border to those within the country, ones who have lived in the States for years. Trump’s re-election is also concerning news on the Gaza front, for he has declared unequivocal support for Israel.

 

On the economic front, economists theorise a possible increase in prices for Americans as Trump may seek to import a 10% tariff on all foreign goods. This could also have ramifications for America’s trade partners, including India.

 

How votes are counted and how it benefited the Republican Party

The victor is declared not based on who has the most number of votes, instead, both candidates compete to win contests held across the 50 individual states. In the United States, each state has a certain number of electoral college votes, partly based on population. Thus, when people vote for the president, they’re not voting directly for the candidate. Instead, they’re choosing electors in their state who will then vote for the president. There are 538 total votes in the electoral votes and a candidate requires 270 of those to win.

 

Most states use a rule where the candidate who gets the most votes in that state wins all of its electoral votes. This means if Candidate A wins by just one vote in a big state like Florida, they get all of Florida’s electoral votes. Some states usually vote for the same party every time, so candidates don’t spend a lot of resources on campaigning there. They instead chose to focus on a few key states, the swing states, where either party could win.

 

Perhaps the most interesting thing about this system is that a candidate can get more total votes from people across the whole country, the popular vote, but still lose the election if they don’t get enough electoral votes. This happened in 2016 when Hillary Clinton had more total votes from people but Donald Trump got more electoral votes and won the presidency. As of 11th November, 2024, Trump has long crossed the 270 mark, making him the undeclared winner, while the votes are still being counted. 

 

Trump, a man who has been indicted 91 times, convicted more than 30 times, impeached twice, has multiple allegations of sexual assault, and is accused of inciting insurrection, is effectively one of the most powerful men in the world. While the outcome is the same as in 2016, the man is different this time around. His supporters, more radicalised, are expecting hardcore changes, and he intends to deliver them. 

 

Read also: US Elections and impact on India

 

Featured Image Credits: NPR

 

Disha Bharti

[email protected]