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In conversation with a Nepali student, we explore how the youth are navigating political turmoil from afar, its effects, and what the future holds for a generation looking beyond their borders.

In an age of instant global connection, news from back home is never far away. For international students, political developments in their native country continue to shape their perspective, even from thousands of miles away. We spoke with Siddhant Pant, a Nepali student pursuing International Relations at Noida International University to understand their unique viewpoint on how the ongoing political and social movements in Nepal affect the life of the students. 

Correspondent: When protests or political movements happen in Nepal, do you usually follow them closely from India?

Siddhant: Yes, I follow them closely because half my family lives there, making it essential to stay updated.

 

C: Have you or your friends ever taken part in any protests or student movements back in Nepal? Do you feel protests are a good way for young people to express their views, or should there be other ways?

S: Being raised in India in a Nepali family, I used to visit Nepal frequently to meet my grandmother during the summers, but I don’t recall participating in any political protests.

 

C: How do political strikes, protests, or shutdowns in Nepal affect students’ daily lives, like school, exams, or travel?

S: Political strikes usually result in stalling. No buses, no public transport, or sometimes otherworldly traffic. God forbid if there is a protest on exam day. You’ll probably never arrive on time.

 

C: Did the condition in Nepal play any role in your decision to come to India for higher studies?

S: The current situation didn’t affect me or my studies. My father is a Nepali immigrant who arrived here in the late 1990s and settled in the area. My schooling happened in Jaipur and Udaipur, and I’m currently in Noida, studying International Relations.

 

C: Do political decisions in Nepal (like elections or protests) affect your education or career plans in any way?

S: This is not the case for me, but for my counterparts in Nepal, it does. Many Nepalese aspire to study in foreign lands. These were countries like India for decades, but due to rising tension and political decisions, the youth are actively looking at China as an alternative.

 

C: Do you feel young people in Nepal get enough support and opportunities, or do you think going abroad is a better option?

S: Nepal provides limited opportunities. Many villages are being abandoned, and youth increasingly seek opportunities abroad, much like India did years ago and still does now.

 

C: Would you encourage more Nepali students to come study in India? Why or why not?

S: I believe that India, if it continues to adopt free market values even more, could be an excellent place to study, especially for Nepalese youth. India is almost similar to Nepal, but still so different. India can offer what I call “the true human experience”—meeting new people who live close but still speak entirely different languages, the local culinary heritage of different regions etc. This isn’t quite possible in countries like China, Japan, or Korea, the top destination for Nepalese students.

 

C: Is there anything else you’d like to point out or share?

S: Many believed that Nepal’s turmoil was the result of a coup orchestrated by foreign powers. But the students have shown that when the government chains liberty, arms rise against tyranny. 

Picture Caption: GenZs started a protest in Nepal hoping for better conditions for them but what about the ones living afar?

 

Picture Credits: CNN

Juhi Bansal

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This analysis compares recent student-led uprisings in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal, highlighting how disillusioned youth challenged corruption, repression, and economic crises, emerging as catalysts for political change across South Asia.

South Asia has been facing unprecedented political instability in recent years. The commonality stems from an observation that these movements or uprisings are unorganised in nature and lack any cohesive organisational support or leadership. This establishes the ground for comparison between these countries besides being from the same region and being postcolonial countries. The role of students in movements has been crucial in various uprisings which have led to transitions of governments throughout the pages of history.

The July Uprising of 2024 in Bangladesh showcased the deeper dissatisfaction of students in terms of the lack of civil liberties, political freedom and robust social security for the majority, which was often overlooked due to the economic and technological progress of the nation. However, as the country’s economy thrived, the government appeared to believe this gave it free rein to suppress civil rights and freedoms, sideline opposition parties, and govern without regard for the nation’s laws or international democratic standards. This led to the creation of political outfits like Ganatantrik Chhatra Sangsad, or Democratic Student Council. Every revolution has an incident which serves as an immediate trigger to a larger uprising; in this case, it was the quota system in jobs giving 30% reservation to the families of freedom fighters that fought for the liberation of Bangladesh from Pakistan in 1971. The manner in which the government at the top, run by Sheikh Hasina, reacted made the situation even worse, which led to the killing of various student protesters, including Abu Salem, who was the lead coordinator of “Students Against Discrimination”.

Skyrocketing fuel costs, rapid depreciation of the rupee, and massive power outages had caused deep disgruntlement among Sri Lankans, especially the younger generation. When the nationwide power cuts reached more than 10 hours a day in late March, mass protests broke out in a number of regions in Sri Lanka, where demonstrators urged for the resignation of the country’s president, Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Sri Lanka’s Inter University Students’ Federation (IUSF) made an important contribution to the people’s struggle throughout the country. IUSF has around 70 affiliated student unions – about 95% of university student unions in the country, including those at all major universities. Youth and students, including the IUSF, played a similar key role in 2015 to defeat Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s elder brother, former president Mahinda Rajapaksa, upending the ‘unshakeable’ Rajapaksa regime during elections that year.

The most recent, widespread protests in Nepal, which are quite literally being termed as Gen Z protests, highlight the young and mostly university-going students as the pioneers of the uprising. The banning of social media apps like Instagram, YouTube,etc, triggered the same; however, it would be a grossly incorrect observation to term it as the key reason for the protest. The youth of Nepal see how their country has suffered from around 2 decades of corruption since the country transitioned from being a monarchy to a democracy and the power rotations between 3 leaders who have allegations of serious corruption cases over them, with their family and children openly enjoying luxurious lifestyles. On the other hand, average youth are suffering with a lack of employment, due to which they have to migrate for better opportunities, and on top of that, the unjust taxing rate is at 39%. 

The students have a bolder voice because their dreams are still fresh and dear to them, and the ability to see hope as the silver lining amidst all the chaos gives them the unique ability to unite their peers and form an effective movement which straightforwardly communicates the grievances that they have and how they would no longer be tolerated. 

Caption- Advocacy of students against injustice. 

Divyanshi Dusad

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It is on observing the turmoil in Nepal that one thanks the architects of the Indian constitution for their foresight and meticulous thought. The transition from an absolute monarchy, to a nominal one, and eventually to a democracy has not been a smooth ride for Nepal, with blood being shed along the way. Nepal’s 7th constitution in 67 years was promulgated by President Ram Baran Yadav on 20th September amidst much dissent.

 Cause for dissent

The constitution of a country lays down the principles on the basis of which the nation is governed, spells out the rights and duties of its people and the safeguards against them. In a country with vast and varied diversities amongst its people, the constitution must provide for the coexistence of all pluralities. Though the constitution of Nepal celebrates the country’s transition to a secular, democratic republic from a Hindu monarchy, certain sections of the society have been alienated. Madhesis (those living in the Terai region bordering India) and Janjatis (the indigenous, tribal people) are protesting against what they claim is the arbitrary demarcation of provinces within the new federal system that divides the country into seven provinces. The Madhesis and Janjatis have also predominantly acquired citizenship through naturalization, which disqualifies them from holding positions of the head of state, head of government and constitutional bodies. Only citizens by descent are permitted to hold such posts and this is considered to be discriminatory.

What is India’s take on the new Constitution?

 India sees the new constitution as being unrepresentative of large sections of the population, that is, Madhesis and Janjatis. Besides, the violent protests of these groups have led to chaos along the open border that India shares with Nepal. This instability is a cause for concern on both sides of the border. However, Nepal’s retort is that their constitution is more considerate of minorities than India’s, since it guarantees 33 percent reservation for women.

 Nepal must look inwards and make amendments suitable to that of a regionally diverse, nascent democracy that is arising in domestic and global circumstances. Ones that are drastically different from that of the rise of the Indian democracy. Nepal is a sovereign nation, but where India’s interests and stability are threatened, India must make a point.

 The shelf life of a constitution that a large proportion of the population does not agree with can be questioned. A nation ceases to be a democracy if its people do not identify with its constitution. Imposing it by force destroys the very spirit of a democratic republic. Will Nepal see the creation of a third Constituent Assembly in 67 years?

 

Image credits: www.decchanchronicle.com

Abhinaya Harigovind

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