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“I am Indian. Then why is the government sending me into Exile?’, ‘Can the world’s largest democracy endure another five years of Modi Government’? A writer puts forth two questions for the world, but perhaps one is the answer to another question itself. 

“A citizen’s right to liberty is sacrosanct and non-negotiable. It is a fundamental right granted under the Constitution and can’t be infringed upon by the state,” as declared by the Supreme Court of India in the Prashant Kanojia case, who was allegedly detained by the UP Police for making remarks against the State’s Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. 

The aforementioned lines were stated by Justice(s) Indira Banerjee and Ajay Rastogi bench and certainly provides a sacred safeguard to the citizens and their rights, as guaranteed by the Constitution of India against the state that may attempt to vandalise the freedom of expression and establish a ‘fascist’ regime in the country. But perhaps the Government has paved a way for itself to pursue its objectives of a rashtra, suited to their ideas and philosophies by revoking the very status of this ‘citizenship’ itself and abstaining the people of being one in the first place. The National Citizenship (Amendment) Bill is anyway extremely kind towards a specific section of the society, the disavowal of riter Aatish Ali Taseer’s Indian Nationality is more than an extension of the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill. 

Raised in the national capital by his Sikh mother and acclaimed journalist Tavleen Singh, Taseer rose to prominence with his debut Novel, “Stranger to History: A Son’s Journey Through Islamic Lands” which can be seen as an introspective review of his status as a Muslim. He may even be recalled as the person who hosted Sir Salman Rushdie, when he returned to India after a long exile, but he will mostly be remembered as the author of TIME magazine’s May 2019 cover story that referred to Prime Minister Modi as ‘India’s Divider in Chief’, ahead of the 2019 General Elections. 

Following the release of the story, the entire social media was set ablaze, with responses from both the sides taking stark turns. The Modi Supporters started raising the issue of Taseer’s parenthood, especially with regard to his father who was a Pakistani politician; given our contempt for the country and Aatish’s identity, the claims were preferred by many and was furthered by ensuring that Taseer bewails his acts. But rather Taseer was empowered more than ever challenging the fanatic frenzy. 

According to Taseer, he received a letter from the Home Ministry, Government of India, stating that they are reviewing his Overseas Citizenship of India status in September this year. To this, he duly responded by resisting against the claims made by the Government of India within 24 hours. But it was only on November 7, when the government actually abolished Taseer’s citizenship leaving him in certain ‘exile’. 

What is interesting here is that all these years Taseer has lived in this country without ever being questioned about his citizenship. Although the recent developments in the country have reviewed the idea of nationalism, something of this kind is really concerning and hints towards a state that perhaps cannot accommodate dissent in anyway. 

While the government says that its revoking of Taseer’s status is solely because he did hide the fact that his father was a Pakistani, the father who is being referred here is assassinated Pakistan Governor Salman Taseer, who was nowhere in Aatish’s early life, and is a relation which further receded away because of their distinct nationalities. 

While the government seemed adamant in their stance, Taseer has now been joined by more than 260 writers, journalists and artists, including Margaret Atwood, Orhan Pamuk, Salman Rushdie, Chimamanda Adichie, Perumal Murugan and Amitav Ghosh, who have written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi for reviewing its decision to repeal writer Aatish Taseer’s Overseas Citizenship of India (OCI) and allow an uninterrupted travel for him in India. This has brought the Government in a screened position, and the revocation will now have larger implications in the academic domain with the status of people of such political sagacity under question. The story has now garnered worldwide support and coverage and hence the Government needs to be extremely meticulous in its decision for the best of Taseer. 

Feature Image Credits: Aatish Taseer via Instagram

Faizan Salik

[email protected]

 

In July, 2019, the Allahabad University replaced the 96-year-old Student Union with a Student Council. Running on the same track, in October 2018, the Odisha Government notified that the Students’ Union polls will not be held in five major universities and 35 colleges due to violence . On June 7, 2017, the West Bengal government issued an order that replaced the term student union by student council . Although the Lyngdoh guidelines are mandatory for all colleges and universities and its first clause says that elections must be held in the institutes, but many universities like the Banaras Hindu University and Osmania University do not have a student body and elections have not been held since long. Out of the total 789 universities, only 50 or 60 universities are properly conducting student election . The mandatory elections norm continues to be violated by several
universities across the country.
However, student elections will take place this year in Maharashtra’s 11 state universities and affiliated colleges more than a quarter century after they were banned in 1993 by the then Congress government of M Sudhakar Rao Naik. The decks have been cleared for holding the student union
elections in Bihar universities after a gap of almost three decades in August ,2012.
The states and universities authorities take all the decision arbitrarily on the serious issue of students politics .The authority gives two grounds – first violence and second violation of Lyngdoh Committee. There are violence and hooliganism in the Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha Elections as well. If Election Commission can conduct free and fair election in Baster and Kashmir then why
authorities are failing to conduct it in campuses.
So on the ground of violence, administration can’t deny electoral right. Actually, student politics need to be systemized with the law and order . Even, Indian parliament has failed to address and readdress student election problem. In spite of the fact that most of the famous and established
leaders come from student politics.
Presently, student election is being regulated in India by the judicial order not by any executive or legislative order . After the Supreme Court in University of Kerala v. Council, Principal’s Colleges, Kerala & Ors., (2006) 8 SCC 304, (referred to as “University of Kerala 1”) case , Lyngdoh Committee
was formed in 2006 by the HRD ministry to suggest reforms in the student union elections at the college/university levels. It was argued that these were becoming places of political tensions escalating into violent encounters between students. Under the leadership of J.M. Lyngdoh, it submitted its report to the Supreme Court of India on May 26, 2006. The Supreme Court on
September 22nd of the same year issued an order directing the college/university to follow and implement the committee’s recommendations. Lyngdoh Committee aimed at making elections cleaner, non-violent, and curbing the use of money and muscle power in the elections. In the
committee ,there were . Mr. J.M.Lyngdoh, Retd. Chief Election Commissioner (Chairman), Dr. Zoya Hassan, Professor Pratap Bhanu Mehta and Dr.Daya Nand Dongaonkar (Secretary General of the
Association of Indian Universities). Justice Markandey Katju and Ashok Kumar Ganguly held the order of Lyngdoh committee report as legislative order.
Lyngdoh Committee aimed at making elections cleaner, non-violent, and curbing the use of money and muscle power in the elections but it has failed on all fronts. There is a long list of recommendations, which are flouted in every elections, like the Committee explains that (6.6.1) the maximum permitted expenditure per candidate shall be ?5000, clause 6.7.5: No candidate shall be
permitted to make use of printed posters, printed pamphlets and 6.7.9: clause says that during the election period the candidates may hold processions and/or public meetings, provided that they do not, in any manner, disturb classes and other academic and co-curricular activities of the
college/university. Lyngdoh prohibited political parties from contest election and said that only
independent candidates can contest. The Lyngdoh also confused student council and student union.
Sections 6.1.2 and 6.2.1 of the Lyngdoh committee reports that only universities with a small
campus and fewer students, like JNU and Hyderabad University, should be allowed to form their
student unions via direct elections. The Allahabad university administration’s scrapped the Union
into council on this basis. The model Student Union differ from student counselling on fundamental
structures. Various positions of this council including President and Treasurer will not be elected by
students but nominated by the head of that specific institute. The Class Representatives will vote
and choose it’s General Secretary instead of direct elections. Basically, this body would be stripped
of its political voice or ability to reconcile under a banner to raise demands of the students. It would
be limited to organize cultural events and other such activities.
In reality Lyngdoh has failed and students politics needs major intervention by the Parliament.
Students politics needs a valuable legislation to scrap the Lyngdoh like National Student Union Act.
Instead an idea of one nation one election should be implemented in all the university. Election Commission of India should conduct elections instead of the university authority.
In reality, students politics is not only important for students but it is in national interest. Without the strong students politics Indian democracy can not run energetically. The democracy needs aware citizens , movement , intuitional awareness and those who can resists for their right .The students politics has all these character.
The youth is largest stake holder in Indian politics .The largest identity has its own challenges .

Without the integration of youth, Indian democracy can’t survive .The Indian parliament is one of the oldest parliament(in terms average age of parliamentarians) in a young country like India. The present day politics has excludes youth from politics as they think it to be highly nepotistic and filled
with unnecessary money-muscle power. This can be corrected through student politics . It is one of the easiest way through which a marginalised can become a leader. The philosopher likes of Plato as well as contemporary thinkers including American philosopher Martha Nussbaum have emphasised the need for political consciousness among the youth, which student politics create. Nussbaum has
written in her work, Cultivating Humanity: A Classical Defense of Reform in Liberal Education, “It would be catastrophic to become a nation of technically competent people who have lost the ability
to think critically, to examine themselves, and to respect the humanity and diversity of others .”
The Indian youth have the capacities to take democracy in their hands .He has capacity to
revolutionise the people like international students movement . The Vietnam War Protests – 1966-1969 , Anti-Apartheid – 1976 and Tiananmen Square Protest – 1989 ,these three student protests that changed history of the world. Even, Indian student movements have had some successful movements like, indian freedom struggle ,1977 Sampoorn kranti JP movement and 2011 Anti
corruption movement .
In the first week and second week of September,2019 ,Asia’s biggest Students Union election would be happening in the Jawahar Lal Nehru University and University of Delhi. Let’s celebrate youth democracy and demand to regulate the law of National students union election and open the door
of youth into politics .
Raja Choudhary
(Former DUSU Presidential candidate and student of Faculty of Law , University Of Delhi . He is also the author of a book titled ‘Ayodhya’)

The history and importance of protests and political expression in the University of Delhi (DU) after Vivekananda College released a notice warning students against taking part in political rallies becomes more significant.

DU is known for having an active and politically engaged student body, with protests, marches, and parades for various issues being an integral part of college life. Being a part of DU means being a part of a student body comprising people from all parts of the country, all sections of the society, and ideologies across the whole spectrum. In the varsity, students actively use responsible and peaceful forms of dissent to get one’s voice heard and bring student issues to the forefront. However, this freedom is slowly coming under attack due to certain groups of people trying to enforce their ideologies and stifle others who go against them. Recently, with Vivekananda College issuing a notice warning students against taking parts in political rallies and promising a disciplinary action for those who disobey, this suppression of voice has become more apparent and real.

Aahil sheikh, a first-year student of B.A (Honors) Political Science from Kirori Mal College, when asked for his opinion on Vivekananda College’s decision, stated “The current decision of Vivekananda College to ban political activities on campus takes away the autonomy of college students which completely goes against the right to protest. I believe that the Constitution has given everyone, including college students the right to mobilize and try to get something they believe in, so I am completely against the decision taken by Vivekananda College.”

On the importance of youth activism at college, Manvendra Krishna , another first-year student from Kirori Mal College said “Since the youth is the future of the country and college is the final stepping stone for students before they enter the real world, the exposure to politics at the college level is important because it produces educated student leaders and empowers the students to question the system, and provides them a medium to voice their opinions on the policies that impact them and fight the oppressors by making them aware of their rights as well as that of others and bring about a positive difference in the world.” Krishna quoted an example of Joshua Wong, who at a tender age of 14 was the face of the umbrella revolution: a pro-democracy movement that barricaded itself in downtown Hong Kong to emphasize that there are many such Joshua Wongs in the world but they according to him don’t get enough opportunities to speak. He also added that “This snatching away of student voices is aversive to the fundamentals that bind a democracy. Thus, I believe in advocating for a system that fosters the growth of many such young and educated student leaders so that the system becomes more responsible and accountable.”

College students are of the age and maturity to know how to show dissent and protest responsibly. They should be allowed to voice their opinions on campus since that is the fastest way to reach the eyes and ears of the administration. Democracy is constantly changing and evolving and students can and play an integral role in keeping the administration and the government in check.

Feature Image Credits: Noihrit for DU Beat

Prabhanu Kumar Das

 [email protected]

The University of Delhi (DU) can be a social laboratory to understand how democratic processes work. But sustaining this laboratory needs effort.

 You could have been in any other university in India or even abroad – some arguably better, and some worse than DU.

But now that you have ended up here, just like thousands of others from all corners of the country, you have a chance of understanding how democracy and dissent work. That is not to say that this is something exclusive to DU – indeed, it might not even be the best in equipping you with this understanding – but, this is one highlight of this university.

If you choose to, you can allow yourself to be bombarded by a multitude of varying, often conflicting ideologies and thoughts. The sheer magnitude and diversity of people who study in this University is enough of an indicator of how many different kinds of ideas can flourish in and out of its walls. If you don’t choose to live under a rock, this will invariably challenge many beliefs and biases, predilections and prejudices, opinions and outlooks that you might have. Even though soaking in so many conflicting ideas becomes difficult at first, this kind of internal dissent is absolutely necessary for those who wish to have clearer and truer perspectives about issues and who wish to refine their understandings and solidify their arguments.

This “internal dissent” is a much longer, drawn-out process and is just one part of the whole picture though. The other part is the live physical manifestations of dissent that are not rare in the University by any account. You will see students, teachers and others protesting about issues and problems, the impacts of which on people would have probably never occurred to you before.

When various student organisations came together to support the contractual sanitation workers of the university, who, after years of their job, faced the risk of termination and loss of livelihood, it told you how routine official tasks like a change of contract from one company to another can have human costs. When students and teachers protested against the 13 point roster system of teachers’ appointments or against privatisation, it spoke of a struggle to ensure representation and the presence of diversity on our campuses. When sides clashed over the Virgin Tree pooja controversy at Hindu College, it exemplified not only ideological differences but also how conflicting parties act out those differences in politics. This is by no means an exhaustive list.

The University can be a social laboratory to understand how democratic processes work, but sustaining this laboratory needs effort. It’s disheartening to see very few people showing up to many such protests. Many come and attend classes and go back, without fostering this democratic engagement. Many issues slide by. Unresponsive authorities sometimes make protests ineffective.

In this context, it becomes the prerogative of students to make sure a culture of democratic discussion, questioning and peaceful dissent is fostered and sustained. The most crucial step that authorities take to keep themselves safe is suppression of dissent. Orwell’s 1984 comes to mind.

Thankfully, we are not in Oceania and can hence dissent against the wrongdoings to keep the authorities in check. Question what you are taught and not taught; question the authorities; question ideologues and ideologies. Question the protests, and question the media as well.

 

Feature Image credits: Prateek Pankaj for DU Beat

 

Prateek Pankaj

[email protected]

 

 

 

 

 

In today’s political climate which oozes with ideological clashes, university spaces with their long history of activism play an indispensable role in debate and discussion. For the last two years, students have dominated the headlines in national media, be it the JNU row of February 2016, the Rohit Vemula suicide, the Gurmehar Kaur statement, or the Ramjas row. The public discourse was shaped around these incidents and in the process raised many plausible questions pertaining to nationalism, dissent, beef politics, student activism, and freedom of expression. Another phenomenon which accelerated following these developments was the advent of trolls, who spewed venom in the profiles, posts, and inboxes of anyone who dared to disagree.

Recently, Simran Keshwani, an LSR graduate and unapologetically outspoken woman – exactly the kind that the trolls despise – became their latest target.

 

How it started

A few days ago, Simran wrote an article titled “India’s Moment of Slaughter” for newsd.in, which was later picked up by popular youth-based online portal Youth Ki Awaaz (YKA). The piece published on YKA was the same, except the heading was edited to: “In The Name Of Cow: How Many Should Be Killed For Us To Break Our Silence?”

This change in the title is perhaps what arrested the attention of trolls. While talking to DU Beat, Simran propounded that, “Due to the eponymous “cow” in the title, a lot of ire was directed at me by people who I doubt read the piece in its entirety.”

A simple look at the comments section will reveal that her contention makes sense. Her article was a well-researched piece, full of references made from the works of Edward Soja, Charles Mackay, and Michel Foucault. It also included observations of incidents such as the recent Dadri lynching and the age-old the Mahad Satyagraha. In Arundhati Roy’s lexicon, the article joined the dots (of caste system, patriarchy, majoritarianism) and the shape of the beast (violent mentality) emerged.

While one would have appreciated genuine critique or counter arguments, Simran was (as any other opinionated woman) targeted on her sexuality, accused of being promiscuous, and threatened with violence in a bid to deter her from further expressing opinions. The crassness of ad hominem attacks is enough to inhibit and subsequently forced anyone into self-censorship.

However, Simran asserts that, “If you take them (trolls) lying down and give in to their tactics of fear mongering, they win. But stand up and face them, and they give up. I haven’t changed any privacy  settings. In fact, I’ve just started using my Twitter to notify the Delhi Commission for Women on the recent development. I am inclined to fight this till the end. Social media mobsters have to stop, and it is high time we showed them their place.

By the very definition, an Internet troll deliberately posts comments that are directly designed to disrupt the conversation. The comments range from plain abuses to unfounded allegations and whataboutery. Where were you when Hindus were killed?” – Simran wrote a Facebook post about the West Bengal riots. Why don’t you talk about Islamic terrorism?” – Simran wrote a mainstream book studying the effects of the Islamic State on the Middle Eastern psyche. Simply put, trolls offend for the sake of it. They don’t care about learning and unlearning.

whataboutery

If you ever come across profiles that start off with some semblance of logic, only to fall in this vicious rut of rhetoric, you should engage.  Simran advocates that, “Good discussion opens doors for logic to take precedence, and in most cases, if you can’t convince them immediately, you will still make a heavy dent in the way they think. That stays on, and that is what discourse is for.”

 

Checking the privilege of protest

History is witness to our most extraordinary and inspiring social changes coming from resistance movements led by Dalits, tribals, and women. However, these people are also the ones who pay a higher price for dissent and are more vulnerable than their Brahmin, urban-educated, male counterparts. For instance, influential outlets like the comedy groups All India Bakchod and East India Comedy have very well taken brutally sarcastic takes on politics and gotten away with it. At the same time, the artists of Kabir Kala Manch, an anti-caste musical troupe, were hounded for the same.

People have been, and continue to be, arrested for something as trivial as liking a Facebook post or sharing a funny meme taking a dig at politicians. Most of these cases, except for gaining a spot in a newspaper, don’t attract attention. The people who are often arrested and subsequently jailed lack both legal and social support. However, in Simran’s case or Gurmeher’s case, and before that Amit Trivedi’s case, there was solidarity from the liberal quarters of society.

In one way or another, by coming from metropolitan cities and having an informed social circle, these people were, and are still, empowered. Despite the dangers, they know they can access legal aid. Their privilege protects them from arbitrary incarcerations and lynching. Which is why it becomes more necessary for people like Simran to use their position, power, and reach to play the role of an ally. Not to be the voice of the voiceless, but to be able to pass the microphone. This is something that she clearly understands – “Why do we need spokespersons for the “voiceless”? The voiceless can very well tell their own stories.”

 

“It was the best of times, it was the worst of times….”

Despite the desperate advancing attacks of the troll army, Simran is optimistic. “There’s been a lot of love coming in from various parts of the country. A Catholic priest from Bombay messaged me saying he’s been praying for me, as did many others. If there’s vitriol coming my way, there’s also tons of support. The doors on dissent are closing, fast. But on the brighter side, there are lots of people speaking up at this moment. We are the resistance, and it is this resistance that disturbs despotism and shakes its very core,” she said when asked about what strengthens her.

Looks like the “Starbucks latte sipping feminists” are here to irk up some sentimentalities by writing their articles, claiming spaces, and by simply existing. So, dear trolls – beware and good luck!

 

Feature Image Credits: Simran Keshwani

Niharika Dabral
[email protected]

As third years, are we saying goodbye to our years as undergraduate students in Delhi University or are we saying goodbye to the University as we knew it? 

Shubham Kaushik ([email protected])

It’s that time of the year when another batch of undergraduate students from the University of Delhi are getting ready to bid their colleges goodbye. Farewell gatherings are being prepared for with as much gusto as various entrance exams. While it’s natural for third year students to worry about their future and be nostalgic about their time in the University, it is also important in the current scenario to worry about the university we’re leaving behind.

Recent events suggest that Delhi University is no longer the space it used to be a few years ago. Whether this change was in the making for a while or was caused by a few specific events is debatable but it has manifested itself in events occurring around us for the past few months. The subtle nationwide suppression of dissent and revolt against the authoritarian regimes in educational spaces reached the University in its most recognisable form with what transpired in Ramjas College a month ago. The University, which was known for the freedom it gave to students to explore their beliefs and critically analyse the dominant rhetoric, turned into a violent space where students and teachers were targeted and assaulted for doing what shouldn’t just be acceptable but also encouraged in a university space – standing up for freedom, demanding their right to dissent and challenging what years of social conditioning made them believe. When safe spaces meant for exploration and exchanges of ideas are ravaged by forces that aim to homogenise them, it doesn’t bode well for the society at large. This world wasn’t meant for the establishment of one system followed by the majority population with the others coerced to follow suit, and past attempts to do so have always resulted in bloodshed and eventual revolutions that did what had to be done anyway – put the system in motion again and allowed conflicting stances to clash and coexist.

As we’re getting ready to say goodbye to our days as undergraduate students in Delhi University, we must make sure we aren’t also saying goodbye to the university space as we knew it. Spare a thought for seminars being disrupted even as other seminars ‘nationalising’ teaching are organised. Spare a thought for the thousands of students who still look towards DU to mould their future and their beliefs, and who will then go on to mould our society. Spare a thought for the future of Delhi University.

 

Image Credits: The Wire

The old-school theories on saffronisation, nationalism and Tiranga have to be given up as future calls for newer and revised visions for the nation.

Be it before or after independence, India has always had perpetual conflicts on the integration of the people who differ socially, politically and also economically. People brood over the fact that untouchability should be abolished from the society without realising that one economically backward person automatically becomes vulnerable to acts equivalent to untouchability. The conception that political security over economic security is more important in a country, has what been a degrading agent among the masses of India. ‘Masses of India’ has been particularly used because they are the ones who choose their representatives in this democratic nation who comprise of people wishing for economic development after political constancy.

All year round, the conflicts and battles are enshrouded, but as the time for elections approach, upheaval of protests, marches and rallies take place creating mass hysteria, calling for supporters. And now, colleges have become proxy battlefields for the political parties where students are used as pawns to wage wars for their leaders. So basically, it is a battle between these elephants and expectedly, the students are the ones to always get trampled upon. Student politics should mainly focus on their rights but instead, they are manipulated by politicians of all parties to fight the fights of their political masters. While becoming a part of a student body one is immediately confined to the messy system where they are forced to adopt an identity that may not be comfortable to live with. After that, the identity or rather, the label will guide their actions and ideology. Most students want to stay away from politics but they are sucked into politics whether they like it or not when they are disturbed by all the agitations around them but they are absolutely powerless. The politically active students have ‘Power’. The silent majority of students who just want to focus on their education and career are hijacked by the political minority who call the shots. Unlike the education institutions in the world where hooliganism in the institutional premises can lead to rustication, in India if you indulge in violence on the goading of your political masters, you know they will save you when you are in trouble. This, in effect, gives a free licence to indulge in violence. Thus, we have far more cases of vandalism, deaths and general indiscipline. People are thankful for the years they spent as students but when political parties come into the picture, it just generates a kind of uncomfortable discourse in the life of an Indian student. Like an offline version of the news hour debates, the student political leaders try to justify their vandalism, and their parties leading to one confrontation after another, non-stop, accusing each other of the issues going around. College heads are scared to act owing to political interference. Professors are wary of doing anything radically different and will take the beaten path. Agitations overshadow studies. Man hours are lost as a result of umpteen strikes, debates and confrontations.

Our educational institutions have become extremely inefficient owing to the type of student politics that is practised. This is a dark side of the appreciated Indian education system, which is indeed shameful. The call of the hour is to bar the interference of politics into the education system. The educated youth can make its own decisions that can be the perfect blend of social, political and economic benefits for the future. Instead of making the students their pawns to wins elections, new set of nationalist ideas could be injected among the Indian youth that totally vary from Saffronisation, Ban on Beef, Tiranga and of course the never ending wars and strikes. Let not unstable politics overshadow our economic backwardness. Let the nation move forth to economic stability and intellectual prosperity.

Image credits: indianyouth.net

politics

Radhika Boruah

[email protected]