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Article 370 of the Constitution Revoked; Protests Continue

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In response to the abrogation of Article 35A and Article 370, the nation saw countrywide protests being organised by various organisations.

Student leaders, political figures, and dissenting students took to the streets of Mandi House  to make their way to Jantar Mantar to protest the abrogation of Article 35A and Article 370 which granted special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. The protest was supported by organisations including Communist Party of India, Communist Party of India (Marxist), Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), and All India Forward Bloc (AIFB).

The move has left people confused and shocked. People have been vocal about their dissent through social media. The varied reactions, some celebratory and some condemning it have made Delhi the hotbed of protests and celebration rallies this week.

“There’s a new way of misogyny in the air after the abrogation. There are memes and posts about men wanting to marry a Kashmiri woman. Does this mean they intend to kill all our boys? There has been excitement over the prospect of buying land. So, it was never about the people, was it? Only the land,” said a Kashmiri woman.”I’ve been here for 10 years. I went to university here, I got my first job here. I’ve never come out for a protest ever before but the latest news forced me out of my house. I need to be seen, I need to be heard.” added another Kashmiri woman on the conditions of anonymity.Amidst placards, posters, and media personnel running around to take interviews, a few protestors drew graffiti and wrote slogans on the road as leaders from the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Lenininst) spoke about the issue.

Shortly, a counter protest by unknown people began outside the barricades. They unfurled the national flag and waved it high while shouting slogans demanding ‘azaadi’ (freedom) from ‘anti-nationals’. Their display of hyper nationalism found itself in slogans praising the nation as the police and CRPF forces formed a tight, protective circle around them. The counter protesters also chanted aggressive slogans like “desh ke gaddaro ko, goli maaron saalon ko” (shoot all the traitors of the nation).

As the valley spends its third day without any communication channels, reports and rumours of protests, stone pelting, and death in the rehion leave the Kashmiri students in Delhi distressed.Students are yet to hear from their families back home. Reports of curfew and increased military presence has only added to their fears and worries.

The abrogation has left Ladakh as a Union Territory without its own legislature. Students from Ladakh spoke against the decision. Mohammad Ali, a student from Jawaharlal Nehru University said,“The MP proudly smiles and boasts his hapoiness on TV, he say the people of Ladakh are happy, but let me tell you that they aren’t. There have been protests because we don’t welcome this move. Bifurcating the state only puts us in a more vulnerable position. Ladakh’s ecology is in danger due to climate change and rising tourism. The abrogation of Article 370 and Article 35A will only damage the ecology further as outsiders will try to set up their companies. Tell me, how do you take such a major decision without asking the people? Is this what Indian democracy stands for?”

Many students chose to cover their faces at the protest or chose to not show up at all. Fear of being recognised and reported grips the Kashmiri diaspora in Delhi. “As a Kashmiri woman, my fears have only increased this year. First it was Pulwama, and now this.” The suddenness of the abrogation has left students torn between the legalities and the emotions it provokes. “It’s unconstitutional and undemocratic, that’s all I can say,” said a university student. “They’ll have to lift the curfew someday, and when they will, there will be bloodshed. I am terrified of that happening.”

Feature Image Credits: Noihrit Gogoi for DU Beat

 

Jaishree Kumar

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Beyond the Obvious of Delhi University Colleges

Where Violence Runs in Circles: India’s Obsession with Kashmir

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Our correspondent locates the recent Pulwana incident in the larger narrative of decades of violence, and explores the infatuation of the Indian State with Kashmir, a situation which has only brought bloodshed and loss to both the natives and the army- men.

Last year I was a volunteer teacher in Kashmir for four months. In a rare moment of leisure, I once asked the eight- grade their view on the political situation of Kashmir. Interestingly, self-governance was a unanimous demand. Fascinated, I tried looking for a reason. One of them quipped, “You’re from India. You won’t understand.”

More recently, a Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) constable, part of the convoy which was attacked in Pulwama, related, “There are many who are angry. No one can carry so much explosive in a car without some local support.”

This statement, which came a day after the nation lost 49 of army men- due to a suicide-bombing by a young man when a suicide bomber named Adil Ahmad Dar, a 20-year-old from Kakapora village in Pulwama, and that too the school kid, carried within their nuanced confines strains of everything that makes Kashmir’s dilemma one of the most blood-soaked power conflicts of modern times. The accession has been a reality of the Indian Sstate which the natives could never come at peace with, and the hostility from both the parties hasve never been subtle.

Blame the Maharaja Hari Singh’s indecisiveness or the failed United Nations mediation, the two nations of Pakistan and India have ever since independence found Kashmir as a fitting bone of contention. The extensive militarisation which forms the prime concern of the various governments of both the nations have since always independence found justification and support in the narrative of Kashmir. Pakistan has been justifying it’s right over the region on the basis of the religious and ethnic similarities, whereas India found it’s right to rule in the Maharaja’s signed accession document from when while he was fleeing the violence in Srinagar post-independence. , Tthe substantial Kashmiri-Pandit population, and over the peculiar idea that Kashmir was the crown of the Indian mainland, (in a literal sense) – these are all reasons for India’s claim over the land. Having hence divided the state purely on the ideas of relentless exploitation and oppression, and reducing the state to a shareable bounty, with India taking 43 % of the total landmass, Pakistan- the other 37 %, 7% and 20 % going to China, Kashmir has been reduced to graveyards and warzones, and the average Kashmiri, to the everyday victim.
The recent incident is not a new one in its nature. Jaish-e-Mohammed had previously engineered a similar attack on Badami Bagh Cantonment in 2000. The battle-cries from our politicians on live television that we hear today, were a reality back then too.  

Henceforth, one should be reminded here of the fact that whatever narrative the Hindu mainland tells itself, the majority of Kashmir does not want to be part of the Indian State.  Over the years, Kashmir has never let its hostility remain concealed. In one of the most fitting examples of violence begetting violence, the killing of soldiers and the later retaliation and killing of the common people and alleged militants, working both ways, has been a general history. For every Pulwama incident is the Sopore incident, where the men in uniform killed almost 55 people. Similarly, for every encounter of the young Kashmiri ultra-nationalists like Burhan Wani, is the Operation All Out which led to death tolls in hundreds.
The recent incident is not a new one in its nature. Jaish-e-Mohammed had previously engineered a similar attack on Badami Bagh Cantonment in 2000. The battle cries from our politicians on live television that we hear today, was a reality back then too.

So this time, let us hope that the diplomats and the politicians of the two nations rise over the petty politics, understand the value of human lives on both sides of the border, in the war-torn Kashmir which becomes the common victim, and sit together and put an end to this never-ending sequence of violence. Giving Kashmir the right to self-determination, as envisaged twelve years ago in Satindar Lambah- Tariq Aziz’s self-governing council formula could be one way, and there could be many others. But one thing is for sure, a war is not one of them.

Feature Image Credits: Al Jazeera
Nikhil Kumar
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The Educational Refugees of Kashmir

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As many in the country target a community in hatred, read the account of being marginalised and misunderstood in the country’s capital.

It is easy to protest when there are people to answer your slogans. While in Kashmir, I participated in some of the street protests. I protested when my friends got killed and blinded by the ‘non-lethal’ pellet guns. I knew the risks of participating in such gatherings; death, an injury, or a life full of misery. However, I had made peace with such possibilities under the belief that protesting was indispensable to a democracy. I had concluded that this equanimity was justified.

After shifting to Delhi four years ago, I found myself in a different situation. I came across people who knew little to nothing about the Kashmir conflict, and people who thought they knew everything. The latter was more difficult to deal with. Their primary source of knowledge about Kashmir was Bollywood movies and biased news media. I had two options- one, stay quiet and the other was to make them understand what the conflict is all about. I chose the latter.

As a Kashmiri studying in a premier Indian university, I have witnessed the cognitive dissonance of the supposedly intellectual lot of the country. Being a student of journalism, I cannot run away from these discussions. But it has been a daunting struggle to balance my safety and will to speak the truth. I can recall an event of my early days at college when a police officer was baffled to see Urdu on my Aadhar card. To quench his astonishing curiosity, I amicably mentioned that this is how Aadhar cards are in Kashmir. However, I had amplified his suspicion.“Kashmir se hai, phir toh acche se bag check karva” is what he said. Ignorance offers complete impunity to the perpetrators of intolerance.

Repeated shutdowns and curfews forced me to migrate. Delhi was not my first choice. However, I couldn’t get my passport on time because of the ‘thorough’ and slow verification process that only Kashmiris undergo. The conflict followed me to Delhi. I realised that no matter how quiet or non-opinionated I become, I will be attacked for who I am. My survival is a protest in itself. I and various Kashmiri students like me are the educational refugees who have made a decision to leave their homes for an education. Many Kashmiri students, in the past, have been charged with sedition for unjustified reasons. As Kashmiris, our each move is scrutinised, and each action is seen as for or against the state. We brave numerous odds to get an education but then it is our comrades back home who face the worst.

The recent attack in Pulwama unleashed the bigoted ‘reactionary violence’ on our community. A wave of suspensions and xenophobic attacks against Kashmiri students followed. Kashmiris like me who live in various Indian states for a decent education are being attacked on the pretext of supporting the militants in Kashmir. There have been repeated calls for violence against Kashmiris on social media and no action has been taken against the culprits. As a student who has been bearing the brunt of this conflict and the hate that it accompanies, I want peace more than anyone else does but this ‘blood for blood’ attitude will always result in more violence. We must not let this hate consume more blood.

In the end, we are just normal students with our own dreams to achieve. But we cannot afford to let our guard down at a time when our identity and our rights are being trampled upon. A life of normalcy is a distant dream for us but hope for a better future is what keeps us going.

“Hope is a weapon. Survival is victory.” –Dunkirk

Feature Image Courtesy: Kashmir Reader

Maknoon Wani

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Travel

Why You Should Visit Kashmir This Summer

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A lot has been said about Kashmir’s beauty and hospitality through the cinema, literature, the media, etc. Here’s adding more to that pool, while also coming up with pragmatic reasons why you should visit the valley that has not lost its charm all these years.

Before going on any further, click on this link and see for yourself what Kashmir has to offer to a tourist: Aerial View of Gulmarg

Being a Kashmiri, and writing about Kashmir, it becomes impossible to not bring the conflict perspective into the narrative. In all honesty, if you are worried about shutdowns or curfews, I won’t blame you. Although slight, there are chances that you might witness a brief spell of disorder, but I can guarantee, you won’t be affected by it. The narrative that is propagated in this case is that the Kashmiris are extremely hospitable – it stands in all tests of verity for me, yes. But I also understand that this may not necessarily be enough substance for assurance. What we also need to understand is that tourism is the main industry of the valley, and the people won’t harm their ‘customers’ as opposed to the vague term ‘guests’.

The Dal Lake
The Dal Lake

• Trigger warnings and suggestions:

1. If an exceeding amount of military presence daunts you, don’t visit.

2. If you need uninterrupted internet, make sure you make arrangements beforehand.

3. Kashmir is mostly a dry region, so if alcohol is important to you, it might be just a little difficult to find.

• Reasons why you should visit:

1. The geography of Kashmir allows it limitless royalties for being a top tourist destination. It is almost like a bowl surrounded by the most majestic of mountains; you feel disconnected from the rest of the world.

 

2. The food of Kashmir can be compared to the likes of Persian, Afghan, and Mughal cuisines. Although primarily non-vegetarian, there are options for vegetarian food as well. Besides these, drinks like kahwa and noon-chai (salted tea) are some things you must try.

 

3. The history of houseboats dates back to British times. Because of the infamous article, non-inhabitants could not buy land in the valley. As a solution to it, the British decided to live on the water, in these uniquely styled boats – which came to be known, quite simply, as houseboats. The interior is a beautiful amalgamation of Kashmiri and British decor. The ones at Dal Lake are the most famous. Perhaps the best thing about houseboats is that every morning there will be vendors on small boats or shikaras, selling everything from fresh produce to flowers to imitation Kashmiri shawls.

 

4. Kashmir is a great shopping destination, with souvenirs like the Kashmiri Shawls, carpets, saffron, honey, papier mâché, wood-carved decoration pieces, among many others.

 

5. I have mentioned this before, but the people of Kashmir are extremely hospitable.

 

6. The weather of Kashmir is a pleasant 20 degree these days, less than half of that of the capital. This should be enough reason to make you visit.

 

7. Kashmiri slopes are world famous from their powder snow and skiing, a summer alternative for that is water-skiing. Many companies provide the service at Dal Lake, and it is a safe, guided and extremely fun experience.

 

8. We all know of the cultural and religious diversity that exists or existed in Kashmir. This gives a rich architectural history to the place, and the valley is littered with shrines of various gods, goddesses, monks, and saints.

 

Pather Masjid - A Shrine in Kashmir's Downtown area.
Pather Masjid – A Shrine in Kashmir’s Downtown area.


• How to get to Kashmir:

  1. Either a short 1 hour 25 – 1 hour 45-minute trip, depending on the airline, will get you to the valley. Although many hotels or guesthouses are not where the airport is, the city centre is just a 15-20 minutes’ drive away. Srinagar airport is an army airport, therefore make sure not to take any pictures there, in addition to this, you might also be asked to lower the window sheets. This is all security protocol, and you need not panic. This mode will gain you a plethora of Instagram-worthy pictures of flying over the snow-capped mountains, much above the clouds. The skies are cleaner, bluer, and better.
    Airport Authority Contact Number: 0194-2303311
  2. The train to the valley only goes till Banihal, after which you have to take a cab, or a bus – both of which are fairly cheap. The best part about this journey is that right after you cross the Jawahar Tunnel, which is a 2.5 km long tunnel, the entire scenery will change! It will feel almost as if the tunnel teleported you to a different, beautiful land. The journey after this will be your quintessential Old Bollywood Romance setting. The bus or cab will drop you at the Tourist Reception Centre, which is in the heart of Srinagar, and 2 minutes from the Dal Lake.

    View-from-airplane-1
    View From the Airplane.
  • Places to visit:

Pahalgam, Gulmarg, Sonmarg, Dal Lake, and the Mughal Gardens are all some places you have to check off of your list. But besides these, here are some off-beat places you could visit:

  1. Doodhpathri: A rather new tourist spot, this place is quickly gaining more attraction, and for good reason. Doodhpathri is a specimen of what a Kashmiri vacation spot should look like, minus the crowd. In Pahalgam and Sonmarg, you can still spot more than a few other groups of tourists. Doodhpahri is comparatively quieter and more solemn. (Don’t miss on Pahalgam and other famous places, though. They are famous for a reason!)
  2. Downtown: The Kashmiri downtown is absolute heaven for photographers, historians, or generally anyone who is interested in the culture of a place. The locals are the most polite and helpful people, and will readily serve you noon-chai if you ask them (or even if you don’t). Make sure to visit the rose water vendors, the spice vendors, the houses, if you are allowed, and just sit on the banks of the river Jehlum. Downtown is also famous for all the shrines that were mentioned earlier.

    Dargah of Khanqah-e-Moula in Downtown, Srinagar.
    Dargah of Khanqah-e-Moula in Downtown, Srinagar.
  3. Shankaracharya is a hill located in Gupkar, and a short hike to the top gives you a view spanning the Dal Lake, the main city, and the adjacent mountains. There is the temple, as the namesake, at the top of the hill.
  4. Kishtwar is a place famous for its ruby and sapphire mines. Another attraction is the natural hot spring, Tatta Pani. With numerous health benefits, there is hardly a reason why you wouldn’t take a dip.
  5. Dachigam National Park has numerous species of birds and wildlife animals, but the most majestic of these is that Kashmiri Stag, or Hangul as it is locally called. Make sure you say hello to the Hangul before you return.
    Dachigan National Park Contact Number: 0194-2462327
  6. If you are feeling particularly fancy, do visit the Khyber Resort, Gulmarg, even if just for a lunch. This 5-star has the most picturesque landscapes and the most beautiful of views.
Khyber Spa Resort tucked in the hills of Gulmarg.
Khyber Spa Resort tucked in the hills of Gulmarg.

Link to Khyber Resort’s website: Here

 

Important Contacts: 
Director Tourism, Kashmir: 0194-2502279
Tourist Reception Centre, Srinagar: 9596098882
J&K Tourism Helpline Number: 1-800-103-1070
J&K Tourism Official Website: Here
Police District Headquarter, Srinagar 0194-2455047

 

Kashmir exists above and beyond its conflict. If you are thinking of taking a trip to the valley – you must go now!

 

Feature Image Credits: Pinterest

Maumil Mehraj

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Beyond the Obvious of Delhi University Colleges

Glorifying the Grit: Kashmir in Popular Imagination

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Read how romanticising the nuanced conflict of Kashmir negates the trauma of its ground-reality.

There is a thing about pedestals- they act as an ideal way of distancing oneself from the responsibility of the reality. If one puts anything at a pedestal by glorifying it, and the sentiment acquires a ripple effect, then the glorified entity remains a far-away dream in popular imagination, because it is now an ideal one can seldom aspire to reach, or to change. In the mindset of countless individuals around the globe, the Kashmir Valley is on such a pedestal.

When we think of the ongoing conflict in Kashmir as twenty-first century young adults, not directly involved in its reality, it is almost always through a lens of Bollywood’s aesthetic frames. There is no denying the natural endowment of the Valley when it comes to its aesthetics, but this imagination often serves as a method to deny the human endowment of war and trauma in its past, present, and foreseeable future.

The mainstream media does not help change anything for us. Mainstream news outlets that reach the masses away from the site of conflict are often restricted by their own reasons- commercial, political, and populist- to present a Kashmir wronged by ‘the other’ (Pakistan, terrorists, violent militants) to us. What is activated in the Valley from the Indian end is either not revealed entirely, or is looked at as a retaliation on provocation. Movies exploit this narrative, supplying the masses often with an image of a tragically beautiful Kashmir Valley in violation by the enemy, while India is a saviour filled with good people and their great intentions. The narrative is of a damsel in distress.

As citizens of a time where the political scenario is largely based on turmoil and maligning the ‘other’, we take in the popular narratives and romanticise the tragedy further in our imagination. From the kind of literature we, as non-Kashmiris, read from and about the Valley, to the kind of films that are released about it, the utter grit of the conflict is almost always negated. Poetry and art are the media for numerous children of war to accept conflict as a part of their identity, and the richness of their verses and portrayals is often our entire worldview of a region in war with itself, and with the occupiers. The authority with which we then perpetrate the nuances of the issue on social media, and in our circles, reeks of a diaspora authority- distant, different, and sometimes indifferent to reality.

The Washington Post referred to 2018 as “the deadliest year in a decade in Kashmir” with over 400 reported deaths. In November 2018, a 20-month-old baby became the youngest victim of stone-pelting and lost her eyesight. Kashmir Valley is a region where violent conflicts can be listed by months. The grit of the violence is not a sonnet of beautiful sadness, but it is as real as a time-bomb that keeps ticking and killing at once. Samah Jabr, chair of the mental health unit at the Palestinian Ministry of Health, and many experts state that post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a western concept as American soldiers return to normalcy after war, but the war never ends for those who are born in and then die in conflict-zones. For them, she explains, the fear of bombardment is not imaginary but justified; there’s no ‘post-trauma’.

We need to stop beautifying the horror in our imagination, and our expression, by becoming more than a distant onlooker. Films like Inshallah Football, No Fathers in Kashmir et al receive adult certification from CBFC, because of the authenticity of their conflict-portrayal. The least we can do as privileged citizens is seeking news, criticising cinema, and analysing our own understanding of the conflict in all its violent, political, traumatising manifestations, instead of remembering it merely as the land where pain breeds beauty for the outsider’s pleasure.

Feature Image Credits: NewsGram

Anushree Joshi

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DUB Speak

The Educational Refugees of Kashmir

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As many in the country target a community in hatred, read the account of being marginalised and misunderstood in the country’s capital.

It is easy to protest when there are people to answer your slogans. While in Kashmir, I participated in some of the street protests. I protested when my friends got killed and blinded by the ‘non-lethal’ pellet guns. I knew the risks of participating in such gatherings; death, an injury, or a life full of misery. However, I had made peace with such possibilities under the belief that protesting was indispensable to a democracy. I had concluded that this equanimity was justified.

After shifting to Delhi four years ago, I found myself in a different situation. I came across people who knew little to nothing about the Kashmir conflict, and people who thought they knew everything. The latter was more difficult to deal with. Their primary source of knowledge about Kashmir was Bollywood movies and biased news media. I had two options- one, stay quiet and the other was to make them understand what the conflict is all about. I chose the latter.

As a Kashmiri studying in a premier Indian university, I have witnessed the cognitive dissonance of the supposedly intellectual lot of the country. Being a student of journalism, I cannot run away from these discussions. But it has been a daunting struggle to balance my safety and will to speak the truth. I can recall an event of my early days at college when a police officer was baffled to see Urdu on my Aadhar card. To quench his astonishing curiosity, I amicably mentioned that this is how Aadhar cards are in Kashmir. However, I had amplified his suspicion. “Kashmir se hai, phir toh acche se bag check karva” is what he said. Ignorance offers complete impunity to the perpetrators of intolerance.

Repeated shutdowns and curfews forced me to migrate. Delhi was not my first choice. However, I couldn’t get my passport on time because of the ‘thorough’ and slow verification process that only Kashmiris undergo. The conflict followed me to Delhi. I realised that no matter how quiet or non-opinionated I become, I will be attacked for who I am. My survival is a protest in itself. I and various Kashmiri students like me are the educational refugees who have made a decision to leave their homes for an education. Many Kashmiri students, in the past, have been charged with sedition for unjustified reasons. As Kashmiris, our each move is scrutinised, and each action is seen as for or against the state. We brave numerous odds to get an education but then it is our comrades back home who face the worst.

The recent attack in Pulwama unleashed the bigoted ‘reactionary violence’ on our community. A wave of suspensions and xenophobic attacks against Kashmiri students followed. Kashmiris like me who live in various Indian states for a decent education are being attacked on the pretext of supporting the militants in Kashmir. There have been repeated calls for violence against Kashmiris on social media and no action has been taken against the culprits. As a student who has been bearing the brunt of this conflict and the hate that it accompanies, I want peace more than anyone else does but this ‘blood for blood’ attitude will always result in more violence. We must not let this hate consume more blood.

In the end, we are just normal students with our own dreams to achieve. But we cannot afford to let our guard down at a time when our identity and our rights are being trampled upon. A life of normalcy is a distant dream for us but hope for a better future is what keeps us going.

“Hope is a weapon. Survival is victory.” –Dunkirk

Feature Image Courtesy: Kashmir Reader

Maknoon Wani

[email protected]

 

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auburn umbrella

Auburn Umbrella: How to Incorporate a Pheran in Your Wardrobe

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Plausibly, the first question that would come to most people’s mind would be, ‘what exactly is a pheran?’ It is a long cloak-like tunic that is traditionally worn in Kashmir, in keeping with the spirit of winter and the subsequent provision of warmth.

These tunics are normally knee-length and worn by both men and women, however, the ones for women often have more handiwork, particularly around the neck, the cuffs, and the hemline. Traditionally, these garments are made of wool or tweed, but are now even stitched from cotton for warmer months. There is also a luxurious variant which had gold or silver embroidery (tilla) on it, and works especially well for the darker hours in the day.

However, warmth is not the only purpose it serves. Pherans have come up as a trendy, modernised version of their erstwhile self, and could be styled in multiple ways depending on the occasion. They could be especially useful for DU students in these winter months, because they are both stylish, and practical.

How to style it:

  1. Worn with jeans: A simple pheran in colours like navy blue, black or brown would go wonderfully with a pair of jeans. If it is getting too cold, a sweater could be worn inside it.
  2. With boots: Brighter colours like deep reds, or whites could be worn with woolen leggings over moto or ankle boots. The outfit looks very put-together and chic.
  3. Styled with scarves: Scarves, especially bulkier ones, are great accessories for pherans. Experiment with colours which are outrageously contrasting with your pheran.
  4. Hooded pherans: A close western substitute would be the hooded cape worn by Little Red Riding Hood. Hooded pherans might be difficult to find in Delhi, but, that by no means, should stop you from going to your tailors and asking for a custom-made pheran.

Where to shop:

  1. Dilli haat: Dilli Haat has a good collection of pherans, with locals from Kashmir selling them. However, be sure to bargain with them.
  2. Connaught Place: There are more than a few stores in CP which deal in Kashmiri Handicrafts, and have, among other things, Kashmiri pherans in stock this winter.
  3. Online: Websites like kashmirkit.com have an abundant selection of pherans to choose from. Besides, there are third-party websites which also stock these garments.

Although some of these tend to be a little on the pricier side, but a pheran is a just investment, and will stay good as new for years.

 

Image credits: Mamanushka blog

Maumil Mehraj

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Your Beat

Leaves of Chinar: Snow capped stains – 2016

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A silence of grief echoes at the tip of the country and there is no one listening. You’re meant to fear speaking out, would you still say something? While Kashmir’s visual tranquillity may survive, the hearts in the mountains grow weak and hopeless.
Devastating waves have continued to test The Valley for as long as we can remember. In times where the land you worshipped starts to crack on foreign orders, you either succumb or rebel. The outcry on 8th July ’16 of over 3 lakh people moaned a rebel, almost every mosque in Kashmir prayed for this terrorist’s departed soul. We have only seen heroes being moaned so where did Burhan Wani invite this devotion from. Wani was not shy of the authorities and the only way he felt fear could be battled was with fear. Hizbul Mujahideen, the militant group that Wani was a part of is the load less travelled but travelled at that for many Kashmiris. If the effort is worth it, only time will tell but the initiative to stand tall and demand to live life the way you pictured it is what really has been setting a standard for the locals. Is this the direction Kashmiris are looking to now?
The fight for freedom is often a thin line between terrorism and heroism. Wani’s case was best described as desperation. Extremism, in a suppressed climate like that of Kashmir’s, is part and parcel to larger checks and balances. The killing of a militant set yet another cloud of curfew in all of Kashmir.

As Kashmir entered the 66th Day of confinement, the dangerous silence on some streets is eerie. While on some others, voices of the hopeful masses refuse to die in protest. Is this Kashmir’s second intifada as the Political Commentator Prem Shankar Jha describes?
Resentment is fresh in the air for many like one young Fatima. She is depressed by these dreary days and curfewed nights, everytime she comes back to Kashmir, a piece of its soul has broken away. There are still a hundred pellets embedded in skulls.
Fatima describes the alternative that was introduced to these pellets, some toxic PAVA shells which will be introduced to numb the crowds along with red chillies. It’s a battle to risk losing your senses or your life and that’s why entrapment is all they can resort to with absolutely no contact to the outside burrows even with all communication lines being cut as felt convenient.
2 kms before the Srinagar Airport there is a sign that reads “Any trespasser will be shot”, its propaganda now, so deeply rooted that it doesn’t startle Fatima anymore. Her son is used to erratic education; he’s seen brutality and no longer allows any hope to get ignited of an undisturbed childhood, out there in his playground, its cricket with guns.
This Bandh has killed around 80 in Kashmir, most in Anantnag, Kulgam and Shopian. PM Modi had sent his trustee Rajnath for Mehbooba Mufti’s solace, “To apply balm on the wounds of the people of J&K, the entire leadership of the country should come forward” but the balm coming out of our bureaucratic backlog is too little too late.

Fatima prays that come November, as the leaves of chinar have fallen, snow has started to descend and the branches are lilac with frost, the blood of our people will be covered but she knows that the pain will remain.

Featured image credits: blogs.tribune.com.pk

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Baani Kashyap.

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Top Picks

Kashmir’s tug of war: Leaves of Chinar

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1947- Kashmir’s tug of war

The valley in the north is scenic and poetic and our illusion of Kashmir is sometimes a culmination of televised fiction and reality, but what Kashmir is today is a series of reflections of its historical affiliations, aspirations and allied decisions. The contemporary scenario conjures a need to trace this distressing journey of the favoured daughter caught in the centre of the ugliest divorce in history.

This trajectory begins as 1947 set a liberating and ominous undertone in the air, inviting a tumble of astounding events to Maharaja Hari Singh’s doorsteps. The Maharaja was one of the three rulers that still had a claw over their thrones-the other two being the Nawab of Junagadh and the Nizam of Hyderabad. The sullen king had his days cut out for him as the Indian Army, breathing that same air, would come marching into the Maharaja’s durbar giving him just enough time to make a quiet exit to Pakistan.

Just like many of us who crave the fresh breeze of the Valley, Mohammed Ali Jinnah planned a holiday to Kashmir. As for him, a state with over three quarters of the population being Muslim was destined to come and fall right into his lap. However, the Maharaja’s vision of Kashmir did not involve sitting on a tight rope while India and Pakistan tugged from both sides. He envisioned a Kashmir that thrived on its beauty, free from diplomatic headaches, giving Kashmiris their full right to bask in the abyssal depths of their velvet clad serenity surrounded by pride in their bounties.

The Maharaja’s rejection of Pakistan brought the craze of forbidden fruit in Jinnah’s eyes and hence awoke the volatile Pathan Tribesmen of the north-west frontier with the objective to tip the Maharaja over into annexation. Kashmiri intentions were never to be their own but instead to be engulfed in revisions and manipulations like over protective parents making your decisions for you.

The destructive tribesmen took eager revenge for the blind eye that the Maharaja had turned to the dilemma of accession which led to the Maharaja’s beseech to India as he saw himself being pushed into a circle of manipulations where neither side would let Kashmir retain its integrity.

Nehru’s role is one solely driven by emotions, some over simplifications and some bewilderment. In retrospect, his is a role that must be looked at more deeply on a separate page. On the 24th of October, Nehru attached special accession terms for Kashmir, an extension symbolising destiny’s turn in the Valley for many years to come.

As the leaves of Chinar brought contrast to despair turning from summer lime to spots of mauve, amber, yellow and blood red, a jubilant Menon poured himself a stiff drink on the evening of 26th October. “We have Kashmir. The bastard signed the act of accession. And now that we’ve got it, we’ll never let it go,” he proudly stated.

“A quarter of a century later, Kashmir’s disputed possession would remain the principal subject of discord between India and Pakistan, the one seemingly insurmountable barrier to their reconciliation,” a prediction by Larry Collins and Dominique Lapierre in 1976.

1947-Kashmir’s tug of war is the first part in a series of articles titled ‘Leaves of Chinar.’

Image credits: http://blogs.tribune.com.pk/date/2012/10/page/4/

Baani Kashyap

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The Left and the Right: Two extreme binaries, one common goal

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Tripura, under a CPI(M) chief minister, Shri Manik Sarkar worked in cooperation with Prime Minister Narendra Modi in May 2015, to completely repeal the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. This Article focuses on how two extreme binaries came together to resolve such a huge issue in the state, especially when this intellectual war between the Left and the Right is in continuum.

The North East has often been under reported in the news, throughout the mainland. The racism exerted by the media to reluctantly cover states with a majoritarian ethnic minority population, has enabled the mainland to disassociate itself from the issues of the North East. To integrate the North East into national policies, the NDA Government has specifically focused on implementing a development agenda at all levels of government. From integration drives by student unions much like DUSU to university level programmes like Gyanodaya have facilitated a discussion between the students.

Tripura, one of the gems of the North East has a State Government under the leadership of a left front chief minister, namely, Manik Sarkar. However through cooperation with the Home Minister at the centre, under the leadership of the Prime Minister backed by a BJP led NDA Government, AFSPA was repealed in May 2015. AFSPA, by law, can only be repealed if the Governor agrees to it. And in the case of Tripura, Manik Sarkar closely worked with the intelligence agencies to ensure that militancy was less, and provided a consolidated report to the Governor, who after consulting with the Prime Minister, repealed the controversial act from the state (from one police station to another, gradually).

After repealing the act, Prime Minister Modi, reportedly asked for a report on how Tripura repealed AFSPA from the Chief Minister, Manik Sarkar, who obliged. It is important to state that even political adversaries, who have extremely contrary views came together to relieve the people of Tripura from such a harsh law. 

Let us now take a closer look at AFSPA –

AFSPA has been one of the most controversial policies adopted by the central governments (across party lines) throughout the history of Independent India. With insurgencies fostered by remorse amongst the ethnic minorities, backward classes and people demanding a monopoly for a particular religion, the archaic act of parliament has often led to the protection of the Indian mainland at the cost of rampant human rights violations carried out by a number of army and paramilitary personnel. Although the number of jawans responsible for such acts is minuscule as compared to the full force deployed, the fact remains that the data for the number of prosecutions against the armed forces have also been shocking.

Jammu and Kashmir has been a hotbed, much like Manipur where women have come out in the open to oppose the law, claiming they had been raped and their husbands had been shot dead despite being innocent.
An RTI query made to the Ministry of Defence, Government of India had revealed that only one army man has been prosecuted in Jammu and Kashmir during a tenure of 22 years, against the 44 cases that were received for sanction of prosecution from 1990 to 2011. This meant sanction was not granted in almost 98 per cent of recommended cases (97.73 per cent). In all the cases of rights abuses the controversial AFSPA was invoked to shield the accused. 

This is a major tradeoff that needs to be dealt with. The security agencies need to work in a coalition with the government to ensure that the militancy reduces in these sectors, and only then can such a law be repealed.

If the centre and the states could come together, and gradually repeal the act from one district to another, in states like Jammu and Kashmir, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, and Assam, then we could soon see tremendous reduction in ‘seditious’ activities in these states. It is clearly important for the media to cover these issues extensively. It is also the responsibility of the Left and the Right to come together and work for the betterment of the society through constructive policies and not destructive ones.

Image Credits: www.nelive.in

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Ishaan Sengupta

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